It is agreed by all who have written concerning the events of this

period, that if Veri had had more ambition than integrity he might

without any impediment have become prince of the city; for the unfeeling

treatment which, whether right or wrong, had been inflicted upon the

trades and their friends, had so excited the minds of men to vengeance,

that all they required was some one to be their leader. Nor were there

wanting those who could inform him of the state of public feeling; for

Antonio de' Medici with whom he had for some time been upon terms of

most intimate friendship, endeavored to persuade him to undertake the

government of the republic. To this Veri replied: "Thy menaces when thou

wert my enemy, never alarmed me; nor shall thy counsel, now when thou

art my friend, do me any harm." Then, turning toward the multitude,

he bade them be of good cheer; for he would be their defender, if they

would allow themselves to be advised by him. He then went, accompanied

by a great number of citizens, to the piazza, and proceeded directly to

the audience chamber of the Signory, whom he addressed to this effect:

That he could not regret having lived so as to gain the love of the

Florentines; but he was sorry they had formed an opinion of him which

his past life had not warranted; for never having done anything that

could be construed as either factious or ambitious, he could not imagine

how it had happened, that they should think him willing to stir up

strife as a discontented person, or usurp the government of his country

like an ambitious one. He therefore begged that the infatuation of the

multitude might not injure him in their estimation; for, to the utmost

of his power, their authority should be restored. He then recommended

them to use good fortune with moderation; for it would be much better to

enjoy an imperfect victory with safety to the city, than a complete

one at her ruin. The Signory applauded Veri's conduct; begged he would

endeavor to prevent recourse to arms, and promised that what he and

the other citizens might deem most advisable should be done. Veri then

returned to the piazza, where the people who had followed him were

joined by those led by Donato and Rinaldo, and informed the united

companies that he had found the Signory most kindly disposed toward

them; that many things had been taken into consideration, which

the shortness of time, and the absence of the magistrates, rendered

incapable of being finished. He therefore begged they would lay down

their arms and obey the Signory; assuring them that humility would

prevail rather than pride, entreaties rather than threats; and if

they would take his advice, their privileges and security would remain

unimpaired. He thus induced them to return peaceably to their homes.

The disturbance having subsided, the Signory armed the piazza,

enrolled 2,000 of the most trusty citizens, who were divided equally

by Gonfalons, and ordered to be in readiness to give their assistance

whenever required; and they forbade the use of arms to all who were

not thus enrolled. Having adopted these precautionary measures, they

banished and put to death many of those members of the trades who had

shown the greatest audacity in the late riots; and to invest the office

of Gonfalonier of Justice with more authoritative majesty, they ordered

that no one should be eligible to it, under forty-five years of age.

Many other provisions for the defense of the state were made, which

appeared intolerable to those against whom they were directed, and were

odious even to the friends of the Signory themselves, for they could not

believe a government to be either good or secure, which needed so much

violence for its defense, a violence excessively offensive, not only to

those of the Alberti who remained in the city, and to the Medici, who

felt themselves injured by these proceedings, but also to many others.

The first who attempted resistance was Donato, the son of Jacopo

Acciajuoli, who thought of great authority, and the superior rather than

the equal of Maso degli Albizzi (who on account of the events which took

place while he was Gonfalonier of Justice, was almost at the head of the

republic), could not enjoy repose amid such general discontent, or,

like many others, convert social evils to his own private advantage,

and therefore resolved to attempt the restoration of the exiles to their

country, or at least their offices to the admonished. He went from one

to another, disseminating his views, showing that the people would not

be satisfied, or the ferment of parties subside, without the changes

he proposed; and declared that if he were in the Signory, he would soon

carry them into effect. In human affairs, delay causes tedium, and haste

danger. To avoid what was tedious, Donato Acciajuoli resolved to attempt

what involved danger. Michele Acciajuoli his relative, and Niccolo

Ricoveri his friend, were of the Signory. This seemed to Donato a

conjuncture of circumstances too favorable to be lost, and he requested

they would propose a law to the councils, which would include the

restoration of the citizens. They, at his entreaty, spoke about the

matter to their associates, who replied, that it was improper to attempt

any innovation in which the advantage was doubtful and the danger

certain. Upon this, Donato, having in vain tried all other means he

could think of, excited with anger, gave them to understand that since

they would not allow the city to be governed with peaceful measures,

he would try what could be done with arms. These words gave so great

offense, that being communicated to the heads of the government, Donato

was summoned, and having appeared, the truth was proven by those to whom

he had intrusted the message, and he was banished to Barletta. Alamanno

and Antonio de' Medici were also banished, and all those of that

family, who were descended from Alamanno, with many who, although of

the inferior artificers, possessed influence with the plebeians. These

events took place two years after the reform of government effected by

Maso degli Albizzi.

At this time many discontented citizens were at home, and others

banished in the adjoining states. Of the latter there lived at Bologna

Picchio Cavicciulli, Tommaso de' Ricci, Antonio de' Medici, Benedetto

degli Spini, Antonio Girolami, Cristofano di Carlone, and two others

of the lowest order, all bold young men, and resolved upon returning to

their country at any hazard. These were secretly told by Piggiello and

Baroccio Cavicciulli, who, being admonished, lived in Florence, that

if they came to the city they should be concealed in their house; from

which they might afterward issue, slay Maso degli Albizzi, and call

the people to arms, who, full of discontent, would willingly arise,

particularly as they would be supported by the Ricci, Adimari, Medici,

Manelli, and many other families. Excited with these hopes, on the

fourth of August, 1397, they came to Florence, and having entered

unobserved according to their arrangement, they sent one of their party

to watch Maso, designing with his death to raise the people. Maso was

observed to leave his house and proceed to that of an apothecary, near

the church of San Pietro Maggiore, which he entered. The man who went

to watch him ran to give information to the other conspirators, who took

their arms and hastened to the house of the apothecary, but found

that Maso had gone. However, undaunted with the failure of their first

attempt, they proceeded to the Old Market, where they slew one of the

adverse party, and with loud cries of "people, arms, liberty, and death

to the tyrants," directed their course toward the New Market, and at the

end of the Calimala slew another. Pursuing their course with the same

cries, and finding no one join them in arms, they stopped at the Loggia

Nighittosa, where, from an elevated situation, being surrounded with

a great multitude, assembled to look on rather than assist them, they

exhorted the men to take arms and deliver themselves from the slavery

which weighed so heavily upon them; declaring that the complaints of the

discontented in the city, rather than their own grievances, had induced

them to attempt their deliverance. They had heard that many prayed to

God for an opportunity of avenging themselves, and vowed they would

use it whenever they found anyone to conduct them; but now, when the

favorable circumstances occurred, and they found those who were ready to

lead them, they stared at each other like men stupefied, and would wait

till those who were endeavoring to recover for them their liberty

were slain, and their own chains more strongly riveted upon them; they

wondered that those who were wont to take arms upon slight occasions,

remained unmoved under the pressure of so many and so great evils; and

that they could willingly suffer such numbers of their fellow-citizens

to be banished, so many admonished, when it was in their power to

restore the banished to their country, and the admonished to the honors

of the state. These words, although full of truth, produced no effect

upon those to whom they were addressed; for they were either restrained

by their fears, or, on account of the two murders which had been

committed, disgusted with the parties. Thus the movers of the tumult,

finding that neither words or deeds had force sufficient to stir anyone,

saw, when too late, how dangerous a thing it is to attempt to set a

people free who are resolved to be slaves; and, despairing of success,

they withdrew to the temple of Santa Reparata, where, not to save their

lives, but to defer the moment of their deaths, they shut themselves up.

Upon the first rumor of the affair, the Signory being in fear, armed and

secured the palace; but when the facts of the case were understood,

the parties known, and whither they had betaken themselves, their fears

subsided, and they sent the Capitano with a sufficient body of armed

men to secure them. The gates of the temple were forced without much

trouble; part of the conspirators were slain defending themselves;

the remainder were made prisoners and examined, but none were found

implicated in the affair except Baroccio and Piggiello Cavicciulli, who

were put to death with them.

Shortly after this event, another occurred of greater importance. The

Florentines were, as we have before remarked, at war with the duke of

Milan, who, finding that with merely open force he could not overcome

them, had recourse to secret practices, and with the assistance of the

exiles of whom Lombardy was full, he formed a plot to which many in the

city were accessory. It was resolved by the conspirators that most of

the emigrants, capable of bearing arms, should set out from the places

nearest Florence, enter the city by the river Arno, and with their

friends hasten to the residences of the chiefs of the government; and

having slain them, reform the republic according to their own will. Of

the conspirators within the city, was one of the Ricci named Samminiato;

and as it often happens in treacherous practices, few are insufficient

to effect the purpose of the plot, and among many secrecy cannot be

preserved, so while Samminiato was in quest of associates, he found an

accuser. He confided the affair to Salvestro Cavicciulli, whose wrongs

and those of his friends were thought sufficient to make him faithful;

but he, more influenced by immediate fear than the hope of future

vengeance, discovered the whole affair to the Signory, who, having

caused Samminiato to be taken, compelled him to tell all the particulars

of the matter. However, none of the conspirators were taken, except

Tommaso Davizi, who, coming from Bologna, and unaware of what had

occurred at Florence, was seized immediately upon his arrival. All the

others had fled immediately upon the apprehension of Samminiato.

Samminiato and Tommaso having been punished according to their deserts,

a Balia was formed of many citizens, which sought the delinquents, and

took measures for the security of the state. They declared six of the

family of the Ricci rebels; also, six of the Alberti; two of the Medici;

three of the Scali; two of the Strozzi; Bindo Altoviti, Bernado Adimari,

and many others of inferior quality. They admonished all the family

of the Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici for ten years, except a few

individuals. Among the Alberti, not admonished, was Antonio, who was

thought to be quiet and peaceable. It happened, however, before all

suspicion of the conspiracy had ceased, a monk was taken who had been

observed during its progress to pass frequently between Bologna and

Florence. He confessed that he had often carried letters to Antonio,

who was immediately seized, and, though he denied all knowledge of the

matter from the first, the monk's accusation prevailed, and he was fined

in a considerable sum of money, and banished a distance of three hundred

miles from Florence. That the Alberti might not constantly place the

city in jeopardy, every member of the family was banished whose age

exceeded fifteen years.

These events took place in the year 1400, and two years afterward, died

Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, whose death as we have said above, put

an end to the war, which had then continued twelve years. At this time,

the government having gained greater strength, and being without

enemies external or internal, undertook the conquest of Pisa, and having

gloriously completed it, the peace of the city remained undisturbed

from 1400 to 1433, except that in 1412, the Alberti, having crossed the

boundary they were forbidden to pass, a Balia was formed which with new

provisions fortified the state and punished the offenders with heavy

fines. During this period also, the Florentines made war with Ladislaus,

king of Naples, who finding himself in great danger ceded to them the

city of Cortona of which he was master; but soon afterward, recovering

his power, he renewed the war, which became far more disastrous to the

Florentines than before; and had it not, in 1414, been terminated by his

death, as that of Lombardy had been by the death of the duke of Milan,

he, like the duke, would have brought Florence into great danger of

losing her liberty. Nor was the war with the king concluded with less

good fortune than the former; for when he had taken Rome, Sienna, the

whole of La Marca and Romagna, and had only Florence itself to vanquish,

he died. Thus death has always been more favorable to the Florentines

than any other friend, and more potent to save them than their own

valor. From the time of the king's decease, peace was preserved both at

home and abroad for eight years, at the end of which, with the wars of

Filippo, duke of Milan, the spirit of faction again broke out, and was

only appeased by the ruin of that government which continued from 1381

to 1434, had conducted with great glory so many enterprises; acquired

Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona, Leghorn, and Monte Pulciano; and would have

accomplished more if the citizens had lived in unity, and had not

revived former factions; as in the following book will be particularly

shown.

BOOK IV

CHAPTER I

License and Slavery peculiar defects in republican

governments--Application of this reflection to the state of

Florence--Giovanni di Bicci di' Medici re-establishes the authority of

his family--Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan, endeavors to make amicable

arrangements with the Florentines--Their jealousy of him--Precautionary

measures against him--War declared--The Florentines are routed by the

ducal forces.

Republican governments, more especially those imperfectly organized,

frequently change their rulers and the form of their institutions; not

by the influence of liberty or subjection, as many suppose, but by

that of slavery and license; for with the nobility or the people, the

ministers respectively of slavery or licentiousness, only the name of

liberty is in any estimation, neither of them choosing to be subject

either to magistrates or laws. When, however, a good, wise, and powerful

citizen appears (which is but seldom), who establishes ordinances

capable of appeasing or restraining these contending dispositions, so as

to prevent them from doing mischief, then the government may be called

free, and its institutions firm and secure; for having good laws for its

basis, and good regulations for carrying them into effect, it needs

not, like others, the virtue of one man for its maintenance. With such

excellent laws and institutions, many of those ancient republics, which

were of long duration, were endowed. But these advantages are, and

always have been, denied to those which frequently change from tyranny

to license, or the reverse; because, from the powerful enemies which

each condition creates itself, they neither have, nor can possess any

stability; for tyranny cannot please the good, and license is offensive

to the wise: the former may easily be productive of mischief, while the

latter can scarcely be beneficial; in the former, the insolent have too

much authority, and in the latter, the foolish; so that each requires

for their welfare the virtue and the good fortune of some individual who

may be removed by death, or become unserviceable by misfortune.

Hence, it appears, that the government which commenced in Florence at

the death of Giorgio Scali, in 1381, was first sustained by the talents

of Maso degli Albizzi, and then by those of Niccolo da Uzzano. The city

remained tranquil from 1414 to 1422; for King Ladislaus was dead, and

Lombardy divided into several parts; so that there was nothing either

internal or external to occasion uneasiness. Next to Niccolo da Uzzano

in authority, were Bartolomeo Valori, Neroni di Nigi, Rinaldo degli

Albizzi, Neri di Gino, and Lapo Niccolini. The factions that arose from

the quarrels of the Albizzi and the Ricci, and which were afterward so

unhappily revived by Salvestro de' Medici, were never extinguished; for

though the party most favored by the rabble only continued three

years, and in 1381 was put down, still, as it comprehended the greatest

numerical proportion, it was never entirely extinct, though the frequent

Balias and persecutions of its leaders from 1381 to 1400, reduced it

almost to nothing. The first families that suffered in this way were the

Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici, which were frequently deprived both

of men and money; and if any of them remained in the city, they were

deprived of the honors of government. These oft-repeated acts of

oppression humiliated the faction, and almost annihilated it. Still,

many retained the remembrance of the injuries they had received, and

a desire of vengeance remained pent in their bosoms, ungratified and

unquenched. Those nobles of the people, or new nobility, who peaceably

governed the city, committed two errors, which eventually caused the

ruin of their party; the first was, that by long continuance in power

they became insolent; the second, that the envy they entertained toward

each other, and their uninterrupted possession of power, destroyed that

vigilance over those who might injure them, which they ought to have

exercised. Thus daily renewing the hatred of a mass of the people by

their sinister proceedings, and either negligent of the threatened

dangers, because rendered fearless by prosperity, or encouraging them

through mutual envy, they gave an opportunity to the family of the

Medici to recover their influence. The first to do so was Giovanni di

Bicci de' Medici, who having become one of the richest men, and being of

a humane and benevolent disposition, obtained the supreme magistracy

by the consent of those in power. This circumstance gave so much

gratification to the mass of the people (the multitude thinking they had

now found a defender), that not without occasion the judicious of the

party observed it with jealousy, for they perceived all the former

feelings of the city revived. Niccolo da Uzzano did not fail to acquaint

the other citizens with the matter, explaining to them how dangerous it

was to aggrandize one who possessed so much influence; that it was easy

to remedy an evil at its commencement, but exceedingly difficult after

having allowed it to gather strength; and that Giovanni possessed

several qualities far surpassing those of Salvestro. The associates of

Niccolo were uninfluenced by his remarks; for they were jealous of his

reputation, and desired to exalt some person, by means of whom he might

be humbled.

This was the state of Florence, in which opposing feelings began to

be observable, when Filippo Visconti, second son of Giovanni Galeazzo,

having, by the death of his brother, become master of all Lombardy, and

thinking he might undertake almost anything, greatly desired to recover

Genoa, which enjoyed freedom under the Dogiate of Tommaso da Campo

Fregoso. He did not think it advisable to attempt this, or any other

enterprise, till he had renewed amicable relations with the Florentines,

and made his good understanding with them known; but with the aid of

their reputation he trusted he should attain his wishes. He therefore

sent ambassadors to Florence to signify his desires. Many citizens were

opposed to his design, but did not wish to interrupt the peace with

Milan, which had now continued for many years. They were fully aware of

the advantages he would derive from a war with Genoa, and the little use

it would be to Florence. Many others were inclined to accede to it, but

would set a limit to his proceedings, which, if he were to exceed, all

would perceive his base design, and thus they might, when the treaty was

broken, more justifiably make war against him. The question having been

strongly debated, an amicable arrangement was at length effected, by

which Filippo engaged not to interfere with anything on the Florentine

side of the rivers Magra and Panaro.

Soon after the treaty was concluded, the duke took possession of

Brescia, and shortly afterward of Genoa, contrary to the expectation

of those who had advocated peace; for they thought Brescia would be

defended by the Venetians, and Genoa would be able to defend herself.

And as in the treaty which Filippo made with the Doge of Genoa, he had

acquired Serezana and other places situated on this side the Magra, upon

condition that, if he wished to alienate them, they should be given to

the Genoese, it was quite palpable that he had broken the treaty; and he

had, besides, entered into another treaty with the legate of Bologna,

in opposition to his engagement respecting the Panaro. These things

disturbed the minds of the citizens, and made them, apprehensive of new

troubles, consider the means to be adopted for their defense.

The dissatisfaction of the Florentines coming to the knowledge of

Filippo, he, either to justify himself, or to become acquainted with

their prevailing feelings, or to lull them to repose, sent ambassadors

to the city, to intimate that he was greatly surprised at the suspicions

they entertained, and offered to revoke whatever he had done that could

be thought a ground of jealousy. This embassy produced no other

effect than that of dividing the citizens; one party, that in greatest

reputation, judged it best to arm, and prepare to frustrate the enemy's

designs; and if he were to remain quiet, it would not be necessary to go

to war with him, but an endeavor might be made to preserve peace. Many

others, whether envious of those in power, or fearing a rupture with the

duke, considered it unadvisable so lightly to entertain suspicions of

an ally, and thought his proceedings need not have excited so much

distrust; that appointing the ten and hiring forces was in itself a

manifest declaration of war, which, if undertaken against so great a

prince, would bring certain ruin upon the city without the hope of any

advantage; for possession could never be retained of the conquests that

might be made, because Romagna lay between, and the vicinity of the

church ought to prevent any attempt against Romagna itself. However the

views of those who were in favor of war prevailed, the Council of Ten

were appointed, forces were hired, and new taxes levied, which, as they

were more burdensome upon the lower than the upper ranks, filled the

city with complaints, and all condemned the ambition and avarice of the

great, declaring that, to gratify themselves and oppress the people,

they would go to war without any justifiable motive.

They had not yet come to an open rupture with the duke, but everything

tended to excite suspicion; for Filippo had, at the request of the

legate of Bologna (who was in fear of Antonio Bentivogli, an emigrant

of Bologna at Castel Bolognese), sent forces to that city, which,

being close upon the Florentine territory, filled the citizens with

apprehension; but what gave every one greater alarm, and offered

sufficient occasion for the declaration of war, was the expedition made

by the duke against Furli. Giorgio Ordelaffi was lord of Furli, who

dying, left Tibaldo, his son, under the guardianship of Filippo. The

boy's mother, suspicious of his guardian, sent him to Lodovico Alidossi,

her father, who was lord of Imola, but she was compelled by the people

of Furli to obey the will of her deceased husband, to withdraw him from

the natural guardian, and place him in the hands of the duke. Upon

this Filippo, the better to conceal his purpose, caused the Marquis of

Ferrara to send Guido Torello as his agent, with forces, to seize the

government of Furli, and thus the territory fell into the duke's hands.

When this was known at Florence, together with the arrival of forces at

Bologna, the arguments in favor of war were greatly strengthened, but

there were still many opposed to it, and among the rest Giovanni de'

Medici, who publicly endeavored to show, that even if the ill designs of

the duke were perfectly manifest, it would still be better to wait and

let him commence the attack, than to assail him; for in the former case

they would be justified in the view of the princes of Italy as well as

in their own; but if they were to strike the first blow at the duke,

public opinion would be as favorable to him as to themselves; and

besides, they could not so confidently demand assistance as assailants,

as they might do if assailed; and that men always defend themselves more

vigorously when they attack others. The advocates of war considered it

improper to await the enemy in their houses, and better to go and seek

him; that fortune is always more favorable to assailants than to such

as merely act on the defensive, and that it is less injurious, even when

attended with greater immediate expense, to make war at another's door

than at our own. These views prevailed, and it was resolved that the ten

should provide all the means in their power for rescuing Furli from the

hands of the duke.

Filippo, finding the Florentines resolved to occupy the places he had

undertaken to defend, postponed all personal considerations, and sent

Agnolo della Pergola with a strong force against Imola, that Ludovico,

having to provide for the defense of his own possessions, might be

unable to protect the interests of his grandson. Agnolo approached Imola

while the forces of the Florentines were at Modigliana, and an intense

frost having rendered the ditches of the city passable, he crossed them

during the night, captured the place, and sent Lodovico a prisoner to

Milan. The Florentines finding Imola in the hands of the enemy, and the

war publicly known, sent their forces to Furli and besieged it on all

sides. That the duke's people might not relieve it, they hired Count

Alberigo, who from Zagonara, his own domain, overran the country daily,

up to the gates of Imola. Agnolo della Pergola, finding the strong

position which the Florentines had taken prevented him from relieving

Furli, determined to attempt the capture of Zagonara, thinking they

would not allow that place to be lost, and that in the endeavor to

relieve it they would be compelled to give up their design against

Furli, and come to an engagement under great disadvantage. Thus the

duke's people compelled Alberigo to sue for terms, which he obtained on

condition of giving up Zagonara, if the Florentines did not relieve him

within fifteen days. This misfortune being known in the Florentine camp

and in the city, and all being anxious that the enemy should not obtain

the expected advantage, they enabled him to secure a greater; for

having abandoned the siege of Furli to go to the relief of Zagonara, on

encountering the enemy they were soon routed, not so much by the bravery

of their adversaries as by the severity of the season; for, having

marched many hours through deep mud and heavy rain, they found the enemy

quite fresh, and were therefore easily vanquished. Nevertheless, in

this great defeat, famous throughout all Italy, no death occurred except

those of Lodovico degli Obizi and two of his people, who having fallen

from their horses were drowned in the morass.

CHAPTER II

The Florentines murmur against those who had been advocates of the

war--Rinaldo degli Albizzi encourages the citizens--Measures for the

prosecution of the war--Attempt of the higher classes to deprive the

plebeians of their share in the government--Rinaldo degli Albizzi

addresses an assembly of citizens and advises the restoration of the

_Grandi_--Niccolo da Uzzano wishes to have Giovanni de' Medici on their

side--Giovanni disapproves of the advice of Rinaldo degli Albizzi.

The defeat at Zagonara spread consternation throughout Florence; but

none felt it so severely as the nobility, who had been in favor of the

war; for they perceived their enemies to be inspirited and themselves

disarmed, without friends, and opposed by the people, who at the corners

of streets insulted them with sarcastic expressions, complaining of the

heavy taxes, and the unnecessary war, and saying, "Oh! they appointed

the ten to frighten the enemy. Have they relieved Furli, and rescued her

from the hands of the duke? No! but their designs have been discovered;

and what had they in view? not the defense of liberty; for they do not

love her; but to aggrandize their own power, which God has very justly

abated. This is not the only enterprise by many a one with which they

have oppressed the city; for the war against King Ladislaus was of a

similar kind. To whom will they flee for assistance now? to Pope Martin,

whom they ridiculed before the face of Braccio; or to Queen Giovanna,

whom they abandoned, and compelled to throw herself under the protection

of the king of Aragon?" To these reproaches was added all that might be

expected from an enraged multitude.

Seeing the discontent so prevalent, the Signory resolved to assemble

a few citizens, and with soft words endeavor to soothe the popular

irritation. On this occasion, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, the eldest son of

Maso, who, by his own talents and the respect he derived from the memory

of his father, aspired to the first offices in the government, spoke at

great length; showing that it is not right to judge of actions merely

by their effects; for it often happens that what has been very maturely

considered is attended with unfavorable results: that if we are to

applaud evil counsels because they are sometimes followed by fortunate

events, we should only encourage men in error which would bring great

mischief upon the republic; because evil counsel is not always attended

with happy consequences. In the same way, it would be wrong to blame

a wise resolution, because if its being attended with an unfavorable

issue; for by so doing, we should destroy the inclination of citizens

to offer advice and speak the truth. He then showed the propriety

of undertaking the war; and that if it had not been commenced by the

Florentines in Romagna the duke would have assailed them in Tuscany. But

since it had pleased God, that the Florentine people should be overcome,

their loss would be still greater if they allowed themselves to be

dejected; but if they set a bold front against adversity, and made good

use of the means within their power, they would not be sensible of their

loss or the duke of his victory. He assured them they ought not to

be alarmed by impending expenses and consequent taxation; because the

latter might be reduced, and the future expense would not be so great as

the former had been; for less preparation is necessary for those engaged

in self-defense than for those who design to attack others. He advised

them to imitate the conduct of their forefathers, who, by courageous

conduct in adverse circumstances, had defended themselves against all

their enemies.

Thus encouraged, the citizens engaged Count Oddo the son of Braccio,

and united with him, for directing the operations of the war, Niccolo

Piccinino, a pupil of his father's, and one of the most celebrated of

all who had served under him. To these they added other leaders, and

remounted some of those who had lost their horses in the late defeat.

They also appointed twenty citizens to levy new taxes, who finding the

great quite subdued by the recent loss, took courage and drained them

without mercy.

These burdens were very grievous to the nobility, who at first, in order

to conciliate, did not complain of their own particular hardships, but

censured the tax generally as unjust, and advised that something should

be done in the way of relief; but their advice was rejected in the

Councils. Therefore, to render the law as offensive as possible, and to

make all sensible of its injustice, they contrived that the taxes should

be levied with the utmost rigor, and made it lawful to kill any that

might resist the officers employed to collect them. Hence followed many

lamentable collisions, attended with the blood and death of citizens. It

began to be the impression of all, that arms would be resorted to, and

all prudent persons apprehended some approaching evil; for the higher

ranks, accustomed to be treated with respect, could not endure to be

used like dogs; and the rest were desirous that the taxation should be

equalized. In consequence of this state of things, many of the first

citizens met together, and it was resolved that it had become necessary

for their safety, that some attempt should be made to recover the

government; since their want of vigilance had encouraged men to censure

public actions, and allowed those to interfere in affairs who had

hitherto been merely the leaders of the rabble. Having repeatedly

discussed the subject, they resolved to meet again at an appointed hour,

when upwards of seventy citizens assembled in the church of St. Stephen,

with the permission of Lorenzo Ridolfi and Francesco Gianfigliazzi, both

members of the Signory. Giovanni de' Medici was not among them either

because being under suspicion he was not invited or that entertaining

different views he was unwilling to interfere.

Rinaldo degli Albizzi addressed the assembly, describing the condition

of the city, and showing how by their own negligence it had again fallen

under the power of the plebeians, from whom it had been wrested by their

fathers in 1381. He reminded them of the iniquity of the government

which was in power from 1378 to 1381, and that all who were then present

had to lament, some a father, others a grandfather, put to death by its

tyranny. He assured them they were now in the same danger, and that the

city was sinking under the same disorders. The multitude had already

imposed a tax of its own authority; and would soon, if not restrained

by greater force or better regulations, appoint the magistrates, who, in

this case, would occupy their places, and overturn the government which

for forty-two years had ruled the city with so much glory; the citizens

would then be subject to the will of the multitude, and live disorderly

and dangerous, or be under the command of some individual who might make

himself prince. For these reasons he was of opinion, that whoever loved

his country and his honor must arouse himself, and call to mind the

virtue of Bardo Mancini, who, by the ruin of the Alberti, rescued the

city from the dangers then impending; and that the cause of the audacity

now assumed by the multitude was the extensive Squittini or Pollings,

which, by their negligence, were allowed to be made; for thus the palace

had become filled with low men. He therefore concluded, that the

only means of remedying the evil was to restore the government to the

nobility, and diminish the authority of the minor trades by reducing the

companies from fourteen to seven, which would give the plebeians less

authority in the Councils, both by the reduction in their number and

by increasing the authority of the great; who, on account of former

enmities, would be disinclined to favor them. He added, that it is

a good thing to know how to avail themselves of men according to the

times; and that as their fathers had used the plebeians to reduce the

influence of the great, that now, the great having been humbled, and the

plebeians become insolent, it was well to restrain the insolence of

the latter by the assistance of the former. To effect this they might

proceed either openly or otherwise, for some of them belonging to the

Council of Ten, forces might be led into the city without exciting

observation.

Rinaldo was much applauded, and his advice was approved of by the whole

assembly. Niccolo da Uzzano who, among others, replied to it, said, "All

that Rinaldo had advanced was correct, and the remedies he proposed good

and certain, if they could be adopted without an absolute division

of the city; and this he had no doubt would be effected if they could

induce Giovanni de' Medici to join them; for with him on their side,

the multitude being deprived of their chief and stay, would be unable

to oppose them; but that if he did not concur with them they could do

nothing without arms, and that with them they would incur the risk of

being vanquished, or of not being able to reap the fruit of victory." He

then modestly reminded them of what he had said upon a former occasion,

and of their reluctance to remedy the evil when it might easily have

been done; that now the same remedy could not be attempted without

incurring the danger of greater evils, and therefore there was nothing

left for them to do but to gain him over to their side, if practicable.

Rinaldo was then commissioned to wait upon Giovanni and try if he could

induce him to join them.

He undertook this commission, and in the most prevailing words he could

make use of endeavored to induce him to coincide with their views; and

begged that he would not by favoring an audacious mob, enable them to

complete the ruin both of the government and the city. To this Giovanni

replied, that he considered it the duty of a good and wise citizen to

avoid altering the institutions to which a city is accustomed; there

being nothing so injurious to the people as such a change; for many are

necessarily offended, and where there are several discontented, some

unpropitious event may be constantly apprehended. He said it appeared to

him that their resolution would have two exceedingly pernicious effects;

the one conferring honors on those who, having never possessed them,

esteemed them the less, and therefore had the less occasion to grieve

for their absence; the other taking them from those who being accustomed

to their possession would never be at rest till they were restored to

them. It would thus be evident that the injury done to one party, was

greater than the benefit they had conferred upon the other; so that

whoever was the author of the proposition, he would gain few friends and

make many enemies, and that the latter would be more resolutely bent

on injuring him than the former would be zealous for his defense, for

mankind are naturally more disposed to revenge than to gratitude, as

if the latter could only be exercised with some inconvenience to

themselves, while the former brings alike gratification and profit.

Then, directing his discourse more particularly to Rinaldo, he said,

"And you, if you could call to mind past events, and knew how craftily

affairs are conducted in this city, would not be so eager in this

pursuit; for he who advises it, when by your aid he has wrested the

power from the people, will, with the people's assistance, who will have

become your enemies, deprive you of it. And it will happen to you as

to Benedetto Alberti, who, at the persuasion of those who were not his

friends, consented to the ruin of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and

shortly afterward was himself sent into exile by the very same men." He

therefore advised Rinaldo to think more maturely of these things, and

endeavor to imitate his father, who, to obtain the benevolence of all,

reduced the price of salt, provided that whoever owed taxes under half

a florin should be at liberty to pay them or not, as he thought proper,

and that at the meeting of the Councils every one should be free from

the importunities of his creditors. He concluded by saying, that as

regarded himself, he was disposed to let the government of the city

remain as it was.

CHAPTER III

Giovanni de' Medici acquires the favor of the people--Bravery of Biaggio

del Melano--Baseness of Zanobi del Pino--The Florentines obtain the

friendship of the lord of Faenza--League of the Florentines with the

Venetians--Origin of the Catasto--The rich citizens discontented with

it--Peace with the duke of Milan--New disturbances on account of the

Catasto.

These events, and the circumstances attending them, becoming known to

the people, contributed greatly to increase the reputation of Giovanni,

and brought odium on those who had made the proposals; but he assumed an

appearance of indifference, in order to give less encouragement to

those who by his influence were desirous of change. In his discourse he

intimated to every one that it is not desirable to promote factions, but

rather to extinguish them; and that whatever might be expected of him,

he only sought the union of the city. This, however, gave offense to

many of his party; for they would have rather seen him exhibit greater

activity. Among others so disposed, was Alamanno de' Medici, who being

of a restless disposition, never ceased exciting him to persecute

enemies and favor friends; condemning his coldness and slow method

of proceeding, which he said was the cause of his enemies' practicing

against him, and that these practices would one day effect the ruin of

himself and his friends. He endeavored to excite Cosmo, his son, with

similar discourses; but Giovanni, for all that was either disclosed or

foretold him, remained unmoved, although parties were now declared, and

the city in manifest disunion.

There were at the palace, in the service of the Signory, two

chancellors, Ser Martino and Ser Pagolo. The latter favored the party

of Niccolo da Uzzano, the former that of Giovanni; and Rinaldo, seeing

Giovanni unwilling to join them, thought it would be advisable to

deprive Ser Martino of his office, that he might have the palace

more completely under his control. The design becoming known to his

adversaries, Ser Martino was retained and Ser Pagolo discharged, to the

great injury and displeasure of Rinaldo and his party. This circumstance

would soon have produced most mischievous effects, but for the war

with which the city was threatened, and the recent defeat suffered at

Zagonara, which served to check the audacity of the people; for while

these events were in progress at Florence, Agnolo della Pergola, with

the forces of the duke, had taken all the towns and cities possessed

by the Florentines in Romagna, except Castracaro and Modigliano; partly

from the weakness of the places themselves, and partly by the misconduct

of those who had the command of them. In the course of the campaign, two

instances occurred which served to show how greatly courage is admired

even in enemies, and how much cowardice and pusillanimity are despised.

Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte Petroso. Being

surrounded by enemies, and seeing no chance of saving the place, which

was already in flames, he cast clothes and straw from a part which was

not yet on fire, and upon these he threw his two little children, saying

to the enemy, "Take to yourselves those goods which fortune has bestowed

upon me, and of which you may deprive me; but those of the mind, in

which my honor and glory consist, I will not give up, neither can you

wrest them from me." The besiegers ran to save the children, and placed

for their father ropes and ladders, by which to save himself, but he

would not use them, and rather chose to die in the flames than owe his

safety to the enemies of his country: an example worthy of that much

lauded antiquity, which offers nothing to surpass it, and which we

admire the more from the rarity of any similar occurrence. Whatever

could be recovered from the ruins, was restored for the use of the

children, and carefully conveyed to their friends; nor was the republic

less grateful; for as long as they lived, they were supported at her

charge.

An example of an opposite character occurred at Galeata, where Zanobi

del Pino was governor; he, without offering the least resistance, gave

up the fortress to the enemy; and besides this, advised Agnolo della

Pergola to leave the Alps of Romagna, and come among the smaller hills

of Tuscany, where he might carry on the war with less danger and greater

advantage. Agnolo could not endure the mean and base spirit of this man,

and delivered him to his own attendants, who, after many reproaches,

gave him nothing to eat but paper painted with snakes, saying, that of a

Guelph they would make him a Ghibelline; and thus fasting, he died in a

few days.

At this time Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered the Val di Lamona,

with the design of bringing the lord of Faenza over to the Florentines,

or at least inducing him to restrain the incursions of Agnolo della

Pergola into Romagna; but as this valley is naturally strong, and its

inhabitants warlike, Count Oddo was slain there, and Niccolo Piccinino

sent a prisoner to Faenza. Fortune, however, caused the Florentines to

obtain by their loss, what, perhaps, they would have failed to acquire

by victory; for Niccolo so prevailed with the lord of Faenza and his

mother, that they became friends of the Florentines. By this treaty,

Niccolo Piccinino was set at liberty, but did not take the advice he had

given others; for while in treaty with the city, concerning the terms of

his engagement, either the conditions proposed were insufficient, or he

found better elsewhere; for quite suddenly he left Arezzo, where he had

been staying, passed into Lombardy, and entered the service of the duke.

The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance, and reduced to

despondency by their frequent losses, thought themselves unable to

sustain the war alone, and sent ambassadors to the Venetians, to beg

they would lend their aid to oppose the greatness of one who, if allowed

to aggrandize himself, would soon become as dangerous to them as to the

Florentines themselves. The Venetians were advised to adopt the same

course by Francesco Carmignuola, one of the most distinguished warriors

of those times, who had been in the service of the duke, and had

afterward quitted it; but they hesitated, not knowing how far to trust

him; for they thought his enmity with the duke was only feigned. While

in this suspense, it was found that the duke, by means of a servant

of Carmignuola, had caused poison to be given him in his food, which,

although it was not fatal, reduced him to extremity. The truth being

discovered, the Venetians laid aside their suspicion; and as the

Florentines still solicited their assistance, a treaty was formed

between the two powers, by which they agreed to carry on the war at the

common expense of both: the conquests in Lombardy to be assigned to

the Venetians; those in Romagna and Tuscany to the Florentines; and

Carmignuola was appointed Captain General of the League. By this treaty

the war was commenced in Lombardy, where it was admirably conducted; for

in a few months many places were taken from the duke, together with the

city of Brescia, the capture of which was in those days considered a

most brilliant exploit.

The war had continued from 1422 to 1427, and the citizens of Florence

were so wearied of the taxes that had been imposed during that time,

that it was resolved to revise them, preparatory to their amelioration.

That they might be equalized according to the means of each citizen, it

was proposed that whoever possessed property of the value of one hundred

florins should pay half a florin of taxes. Individual contribution would

thus be determined by an invariable rule, and not left to the discretion

of parties; and as it was found that the new method would press heavily

upon the powerful classes, they used their utmost endeavors to prevent

it from becoming law. Giovanni de' Medici alone declared himself in

favor of it, and by his means it was passed. In order to determine the

amount each had to pay, it was necessary to consider his property in the

aggregate, which the Florentines call _accatastare_, in which in this

application of it would signify TO RATE or VALUE, and hence this tax

received the name of _catasto_. The new method of rating formed a

powerful check to the tyranny of the great, who could no longer oppress

the lower classes, or silence them with threats in the council as they

had formerly done, and it therefore gave general satisfaction, though to

the wealthy classes it was in the highest degree offensive. But as it is

found men are never satisfied, but that the possession of one advantage

only makes them desire more, the people, not content with the equality

of taxation which the new law produced, demanded that the same rule

should be applied to past years; that in investigation should be made

to determine how much, according to the Catasto, the rich had paid less

than their share, and that they should now pay up to an equality with

those who, in order to meet the demand unjustly made, had been compelled

to sell their possessions. This proposal alarmed the great more than

the Catasto had done; and in self-defense they unceasingly decried it,

declaring it in the highest degree unjust in being laid not only on

immovable but movable property, which people possess to-day and lose

to-morrow; that many persons have hidden wealth which the Catasto cannot

reach; that those who leave their own affairs to manage those of the

republic should be less burdened by her, it being enough for them to

give their labour, and that it was unjust of the city to take both

their property and their time, while of others she only took money. The

advocates of the Catasto replied, that if movable property varies, the

taxes would also vary, and frequently rating it would remedy the evil

to which it was subject; that it was unnecessary to mention those who

possessed hidden property; for it would be unreasonable to take taxes

for that which produced no interest, and that if it paid anything, it

could not fail to be discovered: that those who did not like to labor

for the republic might cease to do so; for no doubt she would find

plenty of loving citizens who would take pleasure in assisting her

with both money and counsel: that the advantages and honors of a

participation in the government are so great, that of themselves they

are a sufficient remuneration to those who thus employ themselves,

without wishing to be excused from paying their share of taxes. But,

they added, the real grievance had not been mentioned: for those who

were offended with the Catasto, regretted they could no longer involve

the city in all the difficulties of war without injury to themselves,

now that they had to contribute like the rest; and that if this law had

then been in force they would not have gone to war with King Ladislaus,

or the Duke Filippo, both which enterprises had been not through

necessity, but to impoverish the citizens. The excitement was appeased

by Giovanni de' Medici, who said, "It is not well to go into things so

long past, unless to learn something for our present guidance; and if in

former times the taxation has been unjust, we ought to be thankful, that

we have now discovered a method of making it equitable, and hope that

this will be the means of uniting the citizens, not of dividing them;

which would certainly be the case were they to attempt the recovery of

taxes for the past, and make them equal to the present; and that he who

is content with a moderate victory is always most successful; for those

who would more than conquer, commonly lose." With such words as these

he calmed the disturbance, and this retrospective equalization was no

longer contemplated.

The war with the duke still continued; but peace was at length restored

by means of a legate of the pope. The duke, however, from the first

disregarded the conditions, so that the league again took arms, and

meeting the enemy's forces at Maclovio routed them. After this defeat

the duke again made proposals for peace, to which the Florentines

and Venetians both agreed; the former from jealousy of the Venetians,

thinking they had spent quite enough money in the aggrandizement of

others; the latter, because they found Carmignuola, after the defeat of

the duke, proceed but coldly in their cause; so that they thought it no

longer safe to trust him. A treaty was therefore concluded in 1428, by

which the Florentines recovered the places they had lost in Romagna;

and the Venetians kept Brescia, to which the duke added Bergamo and the

country around it. In this war the Florentines expended three millions

and a half of ducats, extended the territory and power of the Venetians,

and brought poverty and disunion upon themselves.

Being at peace with their neighbors, domestic troubles recommenced. The

great citizens could not endure the Catasto, and not knowing how to

set it aside, they endeavored to raise up more numerous enemies to

the measure, and thus provide themselves with allies to assist them in

annulling it. They therefore instructed the officers appointed to levy

the tax, that the law required them to extend the Catasto over the

property of their nearest neighbors, to see if Florentine wealth was

concealed among it. The dependent states were therefore ordered to

present a schedule of their property against a certain time. This was

extremely offensive to the people of Volterra, who sent to the Signory

to complain of it; but the officers, in great wrath, committed eighteen

of the complainants to prison. The Volterrani, however, out of regard

for their fellow-countrymen who were arrested, did not proceed to any

violence.

CHAPTER IV

Death of Giovanni de' Medici--His character--Insurrection of

Volterra--Volterra returns to her allegiance--Niccolo Fortebraccio

attacks the Lucchese--Diversity of opinion about the Lucchese

war--War with Lucca--Astore Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi appointed

commissaries--Violence of Astorre Gianni.

About this time Giovanni de' Medici was taken ill, and finding his end

approach, called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to him, to give them his

last advice, and said, "I find I have nearly reached the term which

God and nature appointed at my birth, and I die content, knowing that

I leave you rich, healthy, and of such standing in society, that if you

pursue the same course that I have, you will live respected in Florence,

and in favor with everyone. Nothing cheers me so much at this moment, as

the recollection that I have never willfully offended anyone; but have

always used my utmost endeavors to confer benefits upon all. I would

have you do so too. With regard to state affairs, if you would live in

security, take just such a share as the laws and your countrymen think

proper to bestow, thus you will escape both danger and envy; for it

is not what is given to any individual, but what he has determined to

possess, that occasions odium. You will thus have a larger share than

those who endeavor to engross more than belongs to them; for they

thus usually lose their own, and before they lose it, live in constant

disquiet. By adopting this method, although among so many enemies, and

surrounded by so many conflicting interests, I have not only maintained

my reputation but increased my influence. If you pursue the same course,

you will be attended by the same good fortune; if otherwise, you may be

assured, your end will resemble that of those who in our own times have

brought ruin both upon themselves and their families." Soon after this

interview with his sons, Giovanni died, regretted by everyone, as his

many excellencies deserved. He was compassionate; not only bestowing

alms on those who asked them, but very frequently relieving the

necessities of the poor, without having been solicited so to do. He

loved all; praised the good, and pitied the infirmities of the wicked.

He never sought the honors of government; yet enjoyed them all; and

never went to the palace unless by request. He loved peace and shunned

war; relieved mankind in adversity, and assisted them in prosperity;

never applied the public money to his own uses, but contributed to the

public wealth. He was courteous in office; not a man of great eloquence,

but possessed of extraordinary prudence. His demeanor expressed

melancholy; but after a short time his conversation became pleasant and

facetious. He died exceedingly rich in money, but still more in good

fame and the best wishes of mankind; and the wealth and respect he left

behind him were not only preserved but increased by his son Cosmo.

The Volterran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison, and to obtain

their liberty promised to comply with the commands of the Florentines.

Being set free and returned to their city, the time arrived for the new

Priors to enter upon office, and among those who were drawn, was one

named Giusto, a plebeian, but possessing great influence with his class,

and one of those who had been imprisoned at Florence. He, being inflamed

with hatred against the Florentines on account of his public as well as

personal injuries, was further stimulated by Giovanni di Contugi, a man

of noble family, and his colleague in office, to induce the people, by

the authority of the Priors and his own influence, to withdraw their

country from the power of the Florentines, and make himself prince.

Prompted by these motives, Giusto took arms, rode through the city,

seized the Capitano, who resided in it, on behalf of the Florentines,

and with the consent of the people, became lord of Volterra. This

circumstance greatly displeased the Florentines; but having just made

peace with the duke, and the treaty being yet uninfringed on either

side, they bethought themselves in a condition to recover the place;

and that the opportunity might not be lost, they immediately appointed

Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla Strozzi commissaries, and sent them upon

the expedition. In the meantime, Giusto, who expected the Florentines

would attack him, requested assistance of Lucca and Sienna. The latter

refused, alleging her alliance with Florence; and Pagolo Guinigi, to

regain the favor of the Florentines, which he imagined he had lost

in the war with the duke and by his friendship for Filippo, not only

refused assistance to Giusto, but sent his messenger prisoner to

Florence.

The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares, assembled their

cavalry, and having raised a good body of infantry in the Val d'Arno

Inferiore, and the country about Pisa, proceeded to Volterra. Although

attacked by the Florentines and abandoned by his neighbors, Giusto did

not yield to fear; but, trusting to the strength of the city and the

ruggedness of the country around it, prepared for his defense.

There lived at Volterra one Arcolano, brother of that Giovanni Contugi

who had persuaded Giusto to assume the command. He possessed influence

among the nobility, and having assembled a few of his most confidential

friends, he assured them that by this event, God had come to the relief

of their necessities; for if they would only take arms, deprive Giusto

of the Signory, and give up the city to the Florentines, they might be

sure of obtaining the principal offices, and the place would retain all

its ancient privileges. Having gained them over, they went to the

palace in which Giusto resided; and while part of them remained below,

Arcolano, with three others, proceeded to the chamber above, where

finding him with some citizens, they drew him aside, as if desirous

to communicate something of importance, and conversing on different

subjects, let him to the lower apartment, and fell upon him with their

swords. They, however, were not so quick as to prevent Giusto from

making use of his own weapon; for with it he seriously wounded two of

them; but being unable to resist so many, he was at last slain, and his

body thrown into the street. Arcolano and his party gave up the city

to the Florentine commissaries, who, being at hand with their forces,

immediately took possession; but the condition of Volterra was worse

than before; for among other things which operated to her disadvantage,

most of the adjoining countryside was separated from her, and she was

reduced to the rank of a vicariate.

Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the same time, present

circumstances afforded nothing of sufficient importance to occasion a

new war, if ambition had not again provoked one. Niccolo Fortebraccio,

the son of a sister of Braccio da Perugia, had been in the service

of the Florentines during most of their wars with the duke. Upon the

restoration of peace he was discharged; but when the affair of

Volterra took place, being encamped with his people at Fucecchio, the

commissaries availed themselves both of himself and his forces. Some

thought that while Rinaldo conducted the expedition along with him, he

persuaded him, under one pretext or another, to attack the Lucchese,

assuring him, that if he did so, the Florentines would consent to

undertake an expedition against them, and would appoint him to the

command. When Volterra was recovered, and Niccolo returned to his

quarters at Fucecchio, he, either at the persuasion of Rinaldo, or of

his own accord, in November, 1429, took possession of Ruoti and Compito,

castles belonging to the Lucchese, with three hundred cavalry and

as many infantry, and then descending into the plain, plundered the

inhabitants to a vast amount. The news of this incursion having

reached Florence, persons of all classes were seen gathered in parties

throughout the city discussing the matter, and nearly all were in favor

of an expedition against Lucca. Of the Grandees thus disposed, were the

Medici and their party, and with them also Rinaldo, either because he

thought the enterprise beneficial to the republic, or induced by his own

ambition and the expectation of being appointed to the command. Niccolo

da Uzzano and his party were opposed to the war. It seems hardly

credible that such contrary opinions should prevail, though at different

times, in the same men and the same city, upon the subject of war; for

the same citizens and people that, during the ten years of peace had

incessantly blamed the war undertaken against Duke Filippo, in defense

of liberty, now, after so much expense and trouble, with their utmost

energy, insisted on hostilities against Lucca, which, if successful,

would deprive that city of her liberty; while those who had been in

favor of a war with the duke, were opposed to the present; so much

more ready are the multitude to covet the possessions of others than to

preserve their own, and so much more easily are they led by the hope

of acquisition than by the fear of loss. The suggestions of the latter

appear incredible till they are verified; and the pleasing anticipations

of the former are cherished as facts, even while the advantages are very

problematical, or at best, remote. The people of Florence were inspired

with hope, by the acquisitions which Niccolo Fortebraccio had made, and

by letters received from their rectors in the vicinity of Lucca; for

their deputies at Vico and Pescia had written, that if permission were

given to them to receive the castles that offered to surrender, the

whole country of Lucca would very soon be obtained. It must, however, be

added, that an ambassador was sent by the governor of Lucca to Florence,

to complain of the attack made by Niccolo, and to entreat that the

Signory would not make war against a neighbor, and a city that had

always been friendly to them. The ambassador was Jacopo Viviani, who, a

short time previously, had been imprisoned by Pagolo Guinigi, governor

of Lucca, for having conspired against him. Although he had been found

guilty, his life was spared, and as Pagolo thought the forgiveness

mutual, he reposed confidence in him. Jacopo, more mindful of the danger

he had incurred than of the lenity exercised toward him, on his arrival

in Florence secretly instigated the citizens to hostilities; and these

instigations, added to other hopes, induced the Signory to call the

Council together, at which 498 citizens assembled, before whom the

principal men of the city discussed the question.

Among the first who addressed the assembly in favor of the expedition,

was Rinaldo. He pointed out the advantage that would accrue from the

acquisition, and justified the enterprise from its being left open to

them by the Venetians and the duke, and that as the pope was engaged in

the affairs of Naples, he could not interfere. He then remarked upon the

facility of the expedition, showing that Lucca, being now in bondage to

one of her own citizens, had lost her natural vigor and former anxiety

for the preservation of her liberty, and would either be surrendered to

them by the people in order to expel the tyrant, or by the tyrant for

fear of the people. He recalled the remembrance of the injuries done to

the republic by the governor of Lucca; his malevolent disposition toward

them; and their embarrassing situation with regard to him, if the pope

or the duke were to make war upon them; and concluded that no enterprise

was ever undertaken by the people of Florence with such perfect

facility, more positive advantage, or greater justice in its favor.

In a reply to this, Niccolo da Uzzano stated that the city of Florence

never entered on a more unjust or more dangerous project, or one more

pregnant with evil, than this. In the first place they were going to

attack a Guelphic city, that had always been friendly to the Florentine

people, and had frequently, at great hazard, received the Guelphs into

her bosom when they were expelled from their own country. That in the

history of the past there was not an instance, while Lucca was free, of

her having done an injury to the Florentines; and that if they had been

injured by her enslavers, as formerly by Castruccio, and now by the

present governor, the fault was not in the city, but in her tyrant.

That if they could assail the latter without detriment to the people,

he should have less scruple, but as this was impossible, he could

not consent that a city which had been friendly to Florence should be

plundered of her wealth. However, as it was usual at present to pay

little or no regard either to equity or injustice, he would consider the

matter solely with reference to the advantage of Florence. He thought

that what could not easily be attended by pernicious consequences might

be esteemed useful, but he could not imagine how an enterprise should

be called advantageous in which the evils were certain and the utility

doubtful. The certain evils were the expenses with which it would be

attended; and these, he foresaw, would be sufficiently great to alarm

even a people that had long been in repose, much more one wearied, as

they were, by a tedious and expensive war. The advantage that might be

gained was the acquisition of Lucca, which he acknowledged to be great;

but the hazards were so enormous and immeasurable, as in his opinion

to render the conquest quite impossible. He could not induce himself to

believe that the Venetians, or Filippo, would willingly allow them to

make the acquisition; for the former only consented in appearance, in

order to avoid the semblance of ingratitude, having so lately, with

Florentine money, acquired such an extent of dominion. That as regarded

the duke, it would greatly gratify him to see them involved in new wars

and expenses; for, being exhausted and defeated on all sides, he might

again assail them; and that if, after having undertaken it, their

enterprise against Lucca were to prove successful, and offer them the

fullest hope of victory, the duke would not want an opportunity of

frustrating their labors, either by assisting the Lucchese secretly

with money, or by apparently disbanding his own troops, and then sending

them, as if they were soldiers of fortune, to their relief. He therefore

advised that they should give up the idea, and behave toward the tyrant

in such a way as to create him as many enemies as possible; for there

was no better method of reducing Lucca than to let them live under the

tyrant, oppressed and exhausted by him; for, if prudently managed, that

city would soon get into such a condition that he could not retain it,

and being ignorant or unable to govern itself, it must of necessity fall

into their power. But he saw that his discourse did not please them, and

that his words were unheeded; he would, however, predict this to them,

that they were about to commence a war in which they would expend vast

sums, incur great domestic dangers, and instead of becoming masters of

Lucca, they would deliver her from her tyrant, and of a friendly city,

feeble and oppressed, they would make one free and hostile, and that

in time she would become an obstacle to the greatness of their own

republic.

The question having been debated on both sides, they proceeded to vote,

as usual, and of the citizens present only ninety-eight were against the

enterprise. Thus determined in favor of war, they appointed a Council of

Ten for its management, and hired forces, both horse and foot. Astorre

Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi were appointed commissaries, and

Niccolo Fortebraccio, on agreeing to give up to the Florentines the

places he had taken, was engaged to conduct the enterprise as their

captain. The commissaries having arrived with the army in the country

of the Lucchese, divided their forces; one part of which, under Astorre,

extended itself along the plain, toward Camaiore and Pietrasanta, while

Rinaldo, with the other division, took the direction of the hills,

presuming that when the citizens found themselves deprived of the

surrounding country, they would easily submit. The proceedings of the

commissaries were unfortunate, not that they failed to occupy many

places, but from the complaints made against them of mismanaging the

operations of the war; and Astorre Gianni had certainly given very

sufficient cause for the charges against him.

There is a fertile and populous valley near Pietrasanta, called

Seravezza, whose inhabitants, on learning the arrival of the commissary,

presented themselves before him and begged he would receive them as

faithful subjects of the Florentine republic. Astorre pretended to

accept their proposal, but immediately ordered his forces to take

possession of all the passes and strong positions of the valley,

assembled the men in the principal church, took them all prisoners, and

then caused his people to plunder and destroy the whole country, with

the greatest avarice and cruelty, making no distinction in favor of

consecrated places, and violating the women, both married and

single. These things being known in Florence, displeased not only the

magistracy, but the whole city.

CHAPTER V

The inhabitants of Seravezza appeal to the Signory--Complaints against

Rinaldo degli Albizzi--The commissaries changed--Filippo Brunelleschi

proposes to submerge the country about Lucca--Pagolo Guinigi asks

assistance of the duke of Milan--The duke sends Francesco Sforza--Pagolo

Guinigi expelled--The Florentines routed by the forces of the duke--The

acquisitions of the Lucchese after the victory--Conclusion of the war.

A few of the inhabitants of the valley of Seravezza, having escaped the

hands of the commissary, came to Florence and acquainted every one in

the streets with their miserable situation; and by the advice of those

who, either through indignation at his wickedness or from being of

the opposite party, wished to punish the commissary, they went to the

Council of Ten, and requested an audience. This being granted, one of

them spoke to the following effect: "We feel assured, magnificent lords,

that we shall find credit and compassion from the Signory, when you

learn how your commissary has taken possession of our country, and in

what manner he has treated us. Our valley, as the memorials of your

ancient houses abundantly testify, was always Guelphic, and has

often proved a secure retreat to your citizens when persecuted by the

Ghibellines. Our forefathers, and ourselves too, have always revered the

name of this noble republic as the leader and head of their party. While

the Lucchese were Guelphs we willingly submitted to their government;

but when enslaved by the tyrant, who forsook his old friends to join

the Ghibelline faction, we have obeyed him more through force than good

will. And God knows how often we have prayed, that we might have an

opportunity of showing our attachment to our ancient party. But how

blind are mankind in their wishes! That which we desired for our safety

has proved our destruction. As soon as we learned that your ensigns were

approaching, we hastened to meet your commissary, not as an enemy,

but as the representative of our ancient lords; placed our valley, our

persons, and our fortunes in his hands, and commended them to his good

faith, believing him to possess the soul, if not of a Florentine, at

least of a man. Your lordships will forgive us; for, unable to support

his cruelties, we are compelled to speak. Your commissary has nothing of

the man but the shape, nor of a Florentine but the name; a more deadly

pest, a more savage beast, a more horrid monster never was imagined in

the human mind; for, having assembled us in our church under pretense

of wishing to speak with us, he made us prisoners. He then burned and

destroyed the whole valley, carried off our property, ravaged every

place, destroyed everything, violated the women, dishonored the virgins,

and dragging them from the arms of their mothers, gave them up to the

brutality of his soldiery. If by any injury to the Florentine people we

merited such treatment, or if he had vanquished us armed in our defense,

we should have less reason for complaint; we should have accused

ourselves, and thought that either our mismanagement or our arrogance

had deservedly brought the calamity upon us; but after having freely

presented ourselves to him unarmed, to be robbed and plundered with such

unfeeling barbarity, is more than we can bear. And though we might

have filled Lombardy with complaints and charges against this city, and

spread the story of our misfortunes over the whole of Italy, we did

not wish to slander so just and pious a republic, with the baseness and

perfidy of one wicked citizen, whose cruelty and avarice, had we known

them before our ruin was complete, we should have endeavored to satiate

(though indeed they are insatiable), and with one-half of our property

have saved the rest. But the opportunity is past; we are compelled to

have recourse to you, and beg that you will succor the distresses of

your subjects, that others may not be deterred by our example from

submitting themselves to your authority. And if our extreme distress

cannot prevail with you to assist us, be induced, by your fear of the

wrath of God, who has seen his temple plundered and burned, and his

people betrayed in his bosom." Having said this they threw themselves

on the ground, crying aloud, and praying that their property and their

country might be restored to them; and that if the Signory could not

give them back their honor, they would, at least, restore husbands to

their wives, and children to their fathers. The atrocity of the affair

having already been made known, and now by the living words of

the sufferers presented before them, excited the compassion of the

magistracy. They ordered the immediate return of Astorre, who being

tried, was found guilty, and admonished. They sought the goods of the

inhabitants of Seravezza; all that could be recovered was restored

to them, and as time and circumstance gave opportunity, they were

compensated for the rest.

Complaints were made against Rinaldo degli Albizzi, that he carried on

the war, not for the advantage of the Florentine people, but his own

private emolument; that as soon as he was appointed commissary, he lost

all desire to take Lucca, for it was sufficient for him to plunder the

country, fill his estates with cattle, and his house with booty; and,

not content with what his own satellites took, he purchased that of the

soldiery, so that instead of a commissary he became a merchant. These

calumnies coming to his ears, disturbed the temper of this proud but

upright man, more than quite became his dignity. He was so exasperated

against the citizens and magistracy, that without waiting for or asking

permission, he returned to Florence, and, presenting himself before the

Council of Ten, he said that he well knew how difficult and dangerous a

thing it was to serve an unruly people and a divided city, for the

one listens to every report, the other pursues improper measures; they

neglect to reward good conduct, and heap censure upon whatever appears

doubtful; so that victory wins no applause, error is accused by all, and

if vanquished, universal condemnation is incurred; from one's own party

through envy, and from enemies through hatred, persecution results. He

confessed that the baseness of the present calumnies had conquered his

patience and changed the temper of his mind; but he would say, he had

never, for fear of a false accusation, avoided doing what appeared to

him beneficial to the city. However, he trusted the magistrates would in

future be more ready to defend their fellow-citizens, so that the latter

might continue anxious to effect the prosperity of their country; that

as it was not customary at Florence to award triumphs for success, they

ought at least to be protected from calumny; and that being citizens

themselves, and at any moment liable to false accusations, they might

easily conceive how painful it is to an upright mind to be oppressed

with slander. The Ten endeavored, as well as circumstances would admit,

to soothe the acerbity of his feelings, and confided the care of the

expedition to Neri di Gino and Alamanno Salviati, who, instead of

overrunning the country, advanced near to Lucca. As the weather had

become extremely cold, the forces established themselves at Campannole,

which seemed to the commissaries waste of time; and wishing to draw

nearer the place, the soldiery refused to comply, although the Ten had

insisted they should pitch their camp before the city, and would not

hear of any excuse.

At that time there lived at Florence, a very distinguished architect,

named Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, of whose works our city is full, and

whose merit was so extraordinary, that after his death his statue

in marble was erected in the principal church, with an inscription

underneath, which still bears testimony to those who read it, of his

great talents. This man pointed out, that in consequence of the relative

positions of the river Serchio and the city of Lucca, the wastes of the

river might be made to inundate the surrounding country, and place the

city in a kind of lake. His reasoning on this point appeared so clear,

and the advantage to the besiegers so obvious and inevitable, that the

Ten were induced to make the experiment. The result, however, was quite

contrary to their expectation, and produced the utmost disorder in

the Florentine camp; for the Lucchese raised high embankments in the

direction of the ditch made by our people to conduct the waters of the

Serchio, and one night cut through the embankment of the ditch itself,

so that having first prevented the water from taking the course

designed by the architect, they now caused it to overflow the plain,

and compelled the Florentines, instead of approaching the city as they

wished, to take a more remote position.

The design having failed, the Council of Ten, who had been re-elected,

sent as commissary, Giovanni Guicciardini, who encamped before Lucca,

with all possible expedition. Pagolo Guinigi finding himself thus

closely pressed, by the advice of Antonio del Rosso, then representative

of the Siennese at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and Leonardo Bonvisi to

Milan, to request assistance from the duke; but finding him indisposed

to comply, they secretly engaged, on the part of the people, to deliver

their governor up to him and give him possession of the place; at the

same time intimating, that if he did not immediately follow this advice,

he would not long have the opportunity, since it was the intention of

Pagolo to surrender the city to the Florentines, who were very anxious

to obtain it. The duke was so much alarmed with this idea, that, setting

aside all other considerations, he caused Count Francesco Sforza, who

was engaged in his service, to make a public request for permission

to go to Naples; and having obtained it, he proceeded with his forces

directly to Lucca, though the Florentines, aware of the deception,

and apprehensive of the consequences, had sent to the count, Boccacino

Alamanni, his friend, to frustrate this arrangement. Upon the arrival

of the count at Lucca, the Florentines removed their camp to Librafatta,

and the count proceeded immediately to Pescia, where Pagolo Diacceto

was lieutenant governor, who, promoted by fear rather than any better

motive, fled to Pistoia, and if the place had not been defended by

Giovanni Malavolti, to whom the command was intrusted, it would have

been lost. The count failing in his attempt went to Borgo a Buggiano

which he took, and burned the castle of Stigliano, in the same

neighborhood.

The Florentines being informed of these disasters, found they must have

recourse to those remedies which upon former occasions had often

proved useful. Knowing that with mercenary soldiers, when force is

insufficient, corruption commonly prevails, they offered the count a

large sum of money on condition that he should quit the city, and give

it up to them. The count finding that no more money was to be had from

Lucca, resolved to take it of those who had it to dispense, and agreed

with the Florentines, not to give them Lucca, which for decency he could

not consent to, but to withdraw his troops, and abandon it, on condition

of receiving fifty thousand ducats; and having made this agreement, to

induce the Lucchese to excuse him to the duke, he consented that they

should expel their tyrant.

Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Siennese ambassador at

Lucca, and with the authority of the count he contrived the ruin of

Pagolo Guinigi. The heads of the conspiracy were Pierro Cennami and

Giovanni da Chivizzano. The count resided upon the Serchio, at a short

distance from the city, and with him was Lanzilao, the son of Pagolo.

The conspirators, about forty in number, went armed at night in search

of Pagolo, who, on hearing the noise they made, came toward them quite

astonished, and demanded the cause of their visit; to which Piero

Cennami replied, that they had long been governed by him, and led

about against the enemy, to die either by hunger or the sword, but were

resolved to govern themselves for the future, and demanded the keys of

the city and the treasure. Pagolo said the treasure was consumed, but

the keys and himself were in their power; he only begged that as his

command had begun and continued without bloodshed, it might conclude

in the same manner. Count Francesco conducted Pagolo and his son to the

duke, and they afterward died in prison.

The departure of the count having delivered Lucca from her tyrant, and

the Florentines from their fear of his soldiery, the former prepared for

her defense, and the latter resumed the siege. They appointed the

count of Urbino to conduct their forces, and he pressed the Lucchese

so closely, that they were again compelled to ask the assistance of the

duke, who dispatched Niccolo Piccinino, under the same pretense as he

previously sent Count Francesco. The Florentine forces met him on his

approach to Lucca, and at the passage of the Serchio a battle ensued, in

which they were routed, the commissary with a few of his men escaping

to Pisa. This defeat filled the Florentines with dismay, and as the

enterprise had been undertaken with the entire approbation of the great

body of the people, they did not know whom to find fault with, and

therefore railed against those who had been appointed to the management

of the war, reviving the charges made against Rinaldo. They were,

however, more severe against Giovanni Guicciardini than any other,

declaring that if he had wished, he might have put a period to the war

at the departure of Count Francesco, but that he had been bribed with

money, for he had sent home a large sum, naming the party who had been

intrusted to bring it, and the persons to whom it had been delivered.

These complaints and accusations were carried to so great a length that

the captain of the people, induced by the public voice, and pressed by

the party opposed to the war, summoned him to trial. Giovanni appeared,

though full of indignation. However his friends, from regard to their

own character, adopted such a course with the Capitano as induced him to

abandon the inquiry.

After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the places that had

belonged to them, but occupied all the country of Pisa except Beintina,

Calcinaja, Livorno, and Librafatta; and, had not a conspiracy been

discovered that was formed in Pisa, they would have secured that

city also. The Florentines again prepared for battle, and appointed

Micheletto, a pupil of Sforza, to be their leader. The duke, on the

other hand, followed up this victory, and that he might bring a greater

power against the Florentines, induced the Genoese, the Siennese, and

the governor of Piombino, to enter into a league for the defense of

Lucca, and to engage Niccolo Piccinino to conduct their forces. Having

by this step declared his design, the Venetians and the Florentines

renewed their league, and the war was carried on openly in Tuscany and

Lombardy, in each of which several battles were fought with variety of

fortune. At length, both sides being wearied out, they came to terms

for the cessation of hostilities, in May, 1433. By this arrangement

the Florentines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had each occupied many

fortresses belonging to the others, gave them all up, and each party

resumed its original possessions.

CHAPTER VI

Cosmo de' Medici, his character and mode of proceedings--The greatness

of Cosmo excites the jealousy of the citizens--The opinion of Niccolo

da Uzzano--Scandalous divisions of the Florentines--Death of Niccolo

da Uzzano--Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier, adopts measures against

Cosmo--Cosmo arrested in the palace--He is apprehensive of attempts

against his life.

During the war the malignant humors of the city were in constant

activity. Cosmo de' Medici, after the death of Giovanni, engaged more

earnestly in public affairs, and conducted himself with more zeal and

boldness in regard to his friends than his father had done, so that

those who rejoiced at Giovanni's death, finding what the son was likely

to become, perceived they had no cause for exultation. Cosmo was one

of the most prudent of men; of grave and courteous demeanor, extremely

liberal and humane. He never attempted anything against parties,

or against rulers, but was bountiful to all; and by the unwearied

generosity of his disposition, made himself partisans of all ranks of

the citizens. This mode of proceeding increased the difficulties of

those who were in the government, and Cosmo himself hoped that by its

pursuit he might be able to live in Florence as much respected and

as secure as any other citizen; or if the ambition of his adversaries

compelled him to adopt a different course, arms and the favor of his

friends would enable him to become more so. Averardo de' Medici and

Puccio Pucci were greatly instrumental in the establishment of his

power; the former by his boldness, the latter by unusual prudence and

sagacity, contributed to his aggrandizement. Indeed the advice of

wisdom of Puccio were so highly esteemed, that Cosmo's party was rather

distinguished by the name of Puccio than by his own.

By this divided city the enterprise against Lucca was undertaken; and

the bitterness of party spirit, instead of being abated, increased.

Although the friends of Cosmo had been in favor of it, many of the

adverse faction were sent to assist in the management, as being men of

greater influence in the state. Averardo de' Medici and the rest being

unable to prevent this, endeavored with all their might to calumniate

them; and when any unfavorable circumstance occurred (and there were

many), fortune and the exertions of the enemy were never supposed to

be the causes, but solely the want of capacity in the commissary. This

disposition aggravated the offenses of Astorre Gianni; this excited the

indignation of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, and made him resign his commission

without leave; this, too, compelled the captain of the people to require

the appearance of Giovanni Guicciardini, and from this arose all

the other charges which were made against the magistrates and the

commissaries. Real evils were magnified, unreal ones feigned, and the

true and the false were equally believed by the people, who were almost

universally their foes.

All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding were perfectly

known to Niccolo da Uzzano and the other leaders of the party; and they

had often consulted together for the purpose of finding a remedy, but

without effect; though they were aware of the danger of allowing them

to increase, and the great difficulty that would attend any attempt

to remove or abate them. Niccolo da Uzzano was the earliest to take

offense; and while the war was proceeding without, and these troubles

within, Niccolo Barbadoro desirous of inducing him to consent to the

ruin of Cosmo, waited upon him at his house; and finding him alone in

his study, and very pensive, endeavored, with the best reasons he could

advance, to persuade him to agree with Rinaldo on Cosmo's expulsion.

Niccolo da Uzzano replied as follows: "It would be better for thee and

thy house, as well as for our republic, if thou and those who follow

thee in this opinion had beards of silver instead of gold, as is said of

thee; for advice proceeding from the hoary head of long experience would

be wiser and of greater service to all. It appears to me, that those who

talk of driving Cosmo out of Florence would do well to consider what is

their strength, and what that of Cosmo. You have named one party,

that of the nobility, the other that of the plebeians. If the fact

corresponded with the name, the victory would still be most uncertain,

and the example of the ancient nobility of this city, who were destroyed

by the plebeians, ought rather to impress us with fear than with hope.

We have, however, still further cause for apprehension from the division

of our party, and the union of our adversaries. In the first place, Neri

di Gino and Nerone di Nigi, two of our principal citizens, have never

so fully declared their sentiments as to enable us to determine whether

they are most our friends our those of our opponents. There are many

families, even many houses, divided; many are opposed to us through

envy of brothers or relatives. I will recall to your recollection two

or three of the most important; you may think of the others at your

leisure. Of the sons of Maso degli Albizzi, Luca, from envy of Rinaldo,

has thrown himself into their hands. In the house of Guicciardini, of

the sons of Luigi, Piero is the enemy of Giovanni and in favor of our

adversaries. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini openly oppose us on account of

their hatred of their uncle Francesco. So that if we consider well what

we are, and what our enemies, I cannot see why we should be called NOBLE

any more than they. If it is because they are followed by the plebeians,

we are in a worse condition on that account, and they in a better; for

were it to come either to arms or to votes, we should not be able to

resist them. True it is, we still preserve our dignity, our precedence,

the priority of our position, but this arises from the former reputation

of the government, which has now continued fifty years; and whenever we

come to the proof, or they discover our weakness we shall lose it. If

you were to say, the justice of our cause ought to augment our influence

and diminish theirs I answer, that this justice requires to be perceived

and believed by others as well as by ourselves, but this is not the

case; for the justice of our cause is wholly founded upon our suspicion

that Cosmo designs to make himself prince of the city. And although we

entertain this suspicion and suppose it to be correct, others have it

not; but what is worse, they charge us with the very design of which

we accuse him. Those actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are,

that he lends money indiscriminately, and not to private persons

only, but to the public; and not to Florentines only, but to the

_condottieri_, the soldiers of fortune. Besides, he assists any

citizen who requires magisterial aid; and, by the universal interest

he possesses in the city, raises first one friend and then another to

higher grades of honor. Therefore, to adduce our reasons for expelling

him, would be to say that he is kind, generous, liberal, and beloved

by all. Now tell me, what law is there which forbids, disapproves, or

condemns men for being pious, liberal, and benevolent? And though they

are all modes adopted by those who aim at sovereignty, they are not

believed to be such, nor have we sufficient power to make them to be

so esteemed; for our conduct has robbed us of confidence, and the city,

naturally partial and (having always lived in faction) corrupt, cannot

lend its attention to such charges. But even if we were successful in

an attempt to expel him (which might easily happen under a favorable

Signory), how could we (being surrounded by his innumerable friends, who

would constantly reproach us, and ardently desire to see him again in

the city) prevent his return? It would be impossible for they being so

numerous, and having the good will of all upon their side, we should

never be secure from them. And as many of his first discovered friends

as you might expel, so many enemies would you make, so that in a short

time he would return, and the result would be simply this, that we had

driven him out a good man and he had returned to us a bad one; for his

nature would be corrupted by those who recalled him, and he, being under

obligation, could not oppose them. Or should you design to put him to

death, you could not attain your purpose with the magistrates, for his

wealth, and the corruption of your minds, will always save him. But let

us suppose him put to death, or that being banished, he did not return,

I cannot see how the condition of our republic would be ameliorated; for

if we relieve her from Cosmo, we at once make her subject to Rinaldo,

and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen may ever, in power and

authority, surpass the rest. But if one of these must prevail, I know of

no reason that should make me prefer Rinaldo to Cosmo. I shall only

say, may God preserve the city from any of her citizens usurping the

sovereignty, but if our sins have deserved this, in mercy save us from

Rinaldo. I pray thee, therefore, do not advise the adoption of a course

on every account pernicious, nor imagine that, in union with a few, you

would be able to oppose the will of the many; for the citizens, some

from ignorance and others from malice, are ready to sell the republic at

any time, and fortune has so much favored them, that they have found a

purchaser. Take my advice then; endeavor to live moderately; and with

regard to liberty, you will find as much cause for suspicion in our

party as in that of our adversaries. And when troubles arise, being of

neither side, you will be agreeable to both, and you will thus provide

for your own comfort and do no injury to any."

These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro, so that

tranquillity prevailed during the war with Lucca. But this being

ended, and Niccolo da Uzzano dead, the city being at peace and under no

restraint, unhealthy humors increased with fearful rapidity. Rinaldo,

considering himself now the leader of the party, constantly entreated

and urged every citizen whom he thought likely to be Gonfalonier, to

take up arms and deliver the country from him who, from the malevolence

of a few and the ignorance of the multitude, was inevitably reducing it

to slavery. These practices of Rinaldo, and those of the contrary side,

kept the city full of apprehension, so that whenever a magistracy was

created, the numbers of each party composing it were made publicly

known, and upon drawing for the Signory the whole city was aroused.

Every case brought before the magistrates, however trivial, was made a

subject of contention among them. Secrets were divulged, good and evil

alike became objects of favor and opposition, the benevolent and the

wicked were alike assailed, and no magistrate fulfilled the duties of

his office with integrity.

In this state of confusion, Rinaldo, anxious to abate the power

of Cosmo, and knowing that Bernardo Guadagni was likely to become

Gonfalonier, paid his arrears of taxes, that he might not, by being

indebted to the public, be incapacitated for holding the office. The

drawing soon after took place, and fortune, opposed to our welfare,

caused Bernardo to be appointed for the months of September and October.

Rinaldo immediately waited upon him, and intimated how much the party

of the nobility, and all who wished for repose, rejoiced to find he

had attained that dignity; that it now rested with him to act in such a

manner as to realize their pleasing expectations. He then enlarged upon

the danger of disunion, and endeavored to show that there was no means

of attaining the blessing of unity but by the destruction of Cosmo, for

he alone, by the popularity acquired with his enormous wealth, kept them

depressed; that he was already so powerful, that if not hindered, he

would soon become prince, and that it was the part of a good citizen, in

order to prevent such a calamity, to assemble the people in the piazza,

and restore liberty to his country. Rinaldo then reminded the new

Gonfalonier how Salvestro de' Medici was able, though unjustly, to

restrain the power of the Guelphs, to whom, by the blood of their

ancestors, shed in its cause, the government rightly belonged; and

argued that what he was able unjustly to accomplish against so many,

might surely be easily performed with justice in its favor against one!

He encouraged him with the assurance that their friends would be ready

in arms to support him; that he need not regard the plebeians, who

adored Cosmo, since their assistance would be of no greater avail than

Giorgio Scali had found it on a similar occasion; and that with regard

to his wealth, no apprehension was necessary, for when he was under

the power of the Signory, his riches would be so too. In conclusion, he

averred that this course would unite and secure the republic, and crown

the Gonfalonier with glory. Bernardo briefly replied, that he thought

it necessary to act exactly as Rinaldo had advised, and that as the time

was suitable for action, he should provide himself with forces, being

assured from what Rinaldo had said, he would be supported by his

colleagues.

Bernardo entered upon the duties of his office, prepared his followers,

and having concerted with Rinaldo, summoned Cosmo, who, though many

friends dissuaded him from it, obeyed the call, trusting more to his own

innocence than to the mercy of the Signory. As soon as he had entered

the palace he was arrested. Rinaldo, with a great number of armed men,

and accompanied by nearly the whole of his party, proceeded to the

piazza, when the Signory assembled the people, and created a Balia of

two hundred persons for the reformation of the city. With the least

possible delay they entered upon the consideration of reform, and of the

life or death of Cosmo. Many wished him to be banished, others to be put

to death, and several were silent, either from compassion toward him

or for fear of the rest, so that these differences prevented them from

coming to any conclusion.

There is an apartment in the tower of the palace which occupies the

whole of one floor, and is called the Alberghettino, in which Cosmo was

confined, under the charge of Federigo Malavolti. In this place, hearing

the assembly of the Councils, the noise of arms which proceeded from the

piazza, and the frequent ringing of the bell to assemble the Balia, he

was greatly apprehensive for his safety, but still more less his private

enemies should cause him to be put to death in some unusual manner.

He scarcely took any food, so that in four days he ate only a small

quantity of bread, Federigo, observing his anxiety, said to him, "Cosmo,

you are afraid of being poisoned, and are evidently hastening your end

with hunger. You wrong me if you think I would be a party to such an

atrocious act. I do not imagine your life to be in much danger, since

you have so many friends both within the palace and without; but if you

should eventually lose it, be assured they will use some other medium

than myself for that purpose, for I will never imbue my hands in the

blood of any, still less in yours, who never injured me; therefore cheer

up, take some food, and preserve your life for your friends and your

country. And that you may do so with greater assurance, I will partake

of your meals with you." These words were of great relief to Cosmo, who,

with tears in his eyes, embraced and kissed Federigo, earnestly thanking

him for so kind and affectionate conduct, and promising, if ever the

opportunity were given him, he would not be ungrateful.

CHAPTER VII

Cosmo is banished to Padua--Rinaldo degli Albizzi attempts to

restore the nobility--New disturbances occasioned by Rinaldo degli

Albizzi--Rinaldo takes arms against the Signory--His designs are

disconcerted--Pope Eugenius in Florence--He endeavors to reconcile the

parties--Cosmo is recalled--Rinaldo and his party banished--Glorious

return of Cosmo.

Cosmo in some degree recovered his spirits, and while the citizens

were disputing about him, Federigo, by way of recreation, brought an

acquaintance of the Gonfalonier to take supper with him, an amusing and

facetious person, whose name was Il Farnagaccio. The repast being nearly

over, Cosmo, who thought he might turn this visit to advantage, for

he knew the man very intimately, gave a sign to Federigo to leave the

apartment, and he, guessing the cause, under pretense of going for

something that was wanted on the table, left them together. Cosmo, after

a few friendly expressions addressed to Il Farnagaccio, gave him a small

slip of paper, and desired him to go to the director of the hospital of

Santa Maria Nuova, for one thousand one hundred ducats; he was to take

the hundred for himself, and carry the thousand to the Gonfalonier,

and beg that he would take some suitable occasion of coming to see

him. Farnagaccio undertook the commission, the money was paid, Bernardo

became more humane, and Cosmo was banished to Padua, contrary to the

wish of Rinaldo, who earnestly desired his death. Averardo and many

others of the house of Medici were also banished, and with them Puccio

and Giovanni Pucci. To silence those who were dissatisfied with the

banishment of Cosmo, they endowed with the power of a Balia, the Eight

of War and the Capitano of the People. After his sentence, Cosmo on the

third of October, 1433, came before the Signory, by whom the boundary

to which he was restricted was specified; and they advised him to avoid

passing it, unless he wished them to proceed with greater severity both

against himself and his property. Cosmo received his sentence with a

cheerful look, assuring the Signory that wherever they determined to

send him, he would willingly remain. He earnestly begged, that as they

had preserved his life they would protect it, for he knew there were

many in the piazza who were desirous to take it; and assured them, that

wherever he might be, himself and his means were entirely at the service

of the city, the people, and the Signory. He was respectfully attended

by the Gonfalonier, who retained him in the palace till night, then

conducted him to his own house to supper, and caused him to be escorted

by a strong armed force to his place of banishment. Wherever the

cavalcade passed, Cosmo was honorably received, and was publicly visited

by the Venetians, not as an exile, but with all the respect due to one

in the highest station.

Florence, widowed of so great a citizen, one so generally beloved,

seemed to be universally sunk in despondency; victors and the vanquished

were alike in fear. Rinaldo, as if inspired with a presage of his future

calamities, in order not to appear deficient to himself or his party,

assembled many citizens, his friends, and informed them that he foresaw

their approaching ruin for having allowed themselves to be overcome by

the prayers, the tears, and the money of their enemies; and that they

did not seem aware they would soon themselves have to entreat and weep,

when their prayers would not be listened to, or their tears excite

compassion; and that of the money received, they would have to restore

the principal, and pay the interest in tortures, exile, and death; that

it would have been much better for them to have done nothing than to

have left Cosmo alive, and his friends in Florence; for great offenders

ought either to remain untouched, or be destroyed; that there was now

no remedy but to strengthen themselves in the city, so that upon the

renewed attempts of their enemies, which would soon take place, they

might drive them out with arms, since they had not sufficient civil

authority to expel them. The remedy to be adopted, he said, was one that

he had long before advocated, which was to regain the friendship of the

grandees, restoring and conceding to them all the honors of the city,

and thus make themselves strong with that party, since their adversaries

had joined the plebeians. That by this means they would become the more

powerful side, for they would possess greater energy, more comprehensive

talent and an augmented share of influence; and that if this last and

only remedy were not adopted, he knew not what other means could be

made use of to preserve the government among so many enemies, or prevent

their own ruin and that of the city.

Mariotto Baldovinetti, one of the assembly, was opposed to this plan, on

account of the pride and insupportable nature of the nobility; and said,

that it would be folly to place themselves again under such inevitable

tyranny for the sake of avoiding imaginary dangers from the plebeians.

Rinaldo, finding his advice unfavorably received, vexed at his own

misfortune and that of his party, imputed the whole to heaven itself,

which had resolved upon it, rather than to human ignorance and blunders.

In this juncture of affairs, no remedial measure being attempted, a

letter was found written by Agnolo Acciajuoli to Cosmo, acquainting

him with the disposition of the city in his favor, and advising him, if

possible, to excite a war, and gain the friendship of Neri di Gino; for

he imagined the city to be in want of money, and as she would not find

anyone to serve her, the remembrance of him would be revived in the

minds of the citizens, and they would desire his return; and that if

Neri were detached from Rinaldo, the party of the latter would be so

weakened, as to be unable to defend themselves. This letter coming to

the hands of the magistrates, Agnolo was taken, put to the torture, and

sent into exile. This example, however, did not at all deter Cosmo's

party.

It was now almost a year since Cosmo had been banished, and the end of

August, 1434, being come, Niccolo di Cocco was drawn Gonfalonier for

the two succeeding months, and with him eight signors, all partisans of

Cosmo. This struck terror into Rinaldo and his party; and as it is usual

for three days to elapse before the new Signory assume the magistracy

and the old resign their authority, Rinaldo again called together

the heads of his party. He endeavored to show them their certain and

immediate danger, and that their only remedy was to take arms, and cause

Donato Velluti, who was yet Gonfalonier, to assemble the people in the

piazza and create a Balia. He would then deprive the new Signory of the

magistracy, appoint another, burn the present balloting purses, and by

means of a new Squittini, provide themselves with friends. Many thought

this course safe and requisite; others, that it was too violent, and

likely to be attended with great evil. Among those who disliked it was

Palla Strozzi, a peaceable, gentle, and humane person, better adapted

for literary pursuits than for restraining a party, or opposing civil

strife. He said that bold and crafty resolutions seem promising at

their commencement, but are afterward found difficult to execute, and

generally pernicious at their conclusion; that he thought the fear of

external wars (the duke's forces being upon the confines of Romagna),

would occupy the minds of the Signory more than internal dissensions;

but, still, if any attempt should be made, and it could not take place

unnoticed, they would have sufficient time to take arms, and adopt

whatever measures might be found necessary for the common good, which

being done upon necessity, would occasion less excitement among the

people and less danger to themselves. It was therefore concluded,

that the new Signory should come in; that their proceedings should be

watched, and if they were found attempting anything against the party,

each should take arms, and meet in the piazza of San Pulinari, situated

near the palace, and whence they might proceed wherever it was found

necessary. Having come to this conclusion, Rinaldo's friends separated.

The new Signory entered upon their office, and the Gonfalonier, in order

to acquire reputation, and deter those who might intend to oppose him,

sent Donato Velluti, his predecessor, to prison, upon the charge of

having applied the public money to his own use. He then endeavored to

sound his colleagues with respect to Cosmo: seeing them desirous of his

return, he communicated with the leaders of the Medici party, and,

by their advice, summoned the hostile chiefs, Rinaldo degli Albizzi,

Ridolfo Peruzzi, and Niccolo Barbadoro. After this citation, Rinaldo

thought further delay would be dangerous: he therefore left his house

with a great number of armed men, and was soon joined by Ridolfo Peruzzi

and Niccolo Barbadoro. The force accompanying them was composed of

several citizens and a great number of disbanded soldiers then in

Florence: and all assembled according to appointment in the piazza of

San Pulinari. Palla Strozzi and Giovanni Guicciardini, though each had

assembled a large number of men, kept in their houses; and therefore

Rinaldo sent a messenger to request their attendance and to reprove

their delay. Giovanni replied, that he should lend sufficient aid

against their enemies, if by remaining at home he could prevent his

brother Piero from going to the defense of the palace. After many

messages Palla came to San Pulinari on horseback, accompanied by two

of his people on foot, and unarmed. Rinaldo, on meeting him, sharply

reproved him for his negligence, declaring that his refusal to come with

the others arose either from defect of principle or want of courage;

both of which charges should be avoided by all who wished to preserve

such a character as he had hitherto possessed; and that if he thought

this abominable conduct to his party would induce their enemies when

victorious to spare him from death or exile, he deceived himself; but

for himself (Rinaldo) whatever might happen, he had the consolation of

knowing, that previously to the crisis he had never neglected his

duty in council, and that when it occurred he had used every possible

exertion to repel it with arms; but that Palla and the others would

experience aggravated remorse when they considered they had upon three

occasions betrayed their country; first when they saved Cosmo; next when

they disregarded his advice; and now the third time by not coming armed

in her defense according to their engagement. To these reproaches Palla

made no reply audible to those around, but, muttering something as he

left them, returned to his house.

The Signory, knowing Rinaldo and his party had taken arms, finding

themselves abandoned, caused the palace to be shut up, and having no

one to consult they knew not what course to adopt. However, Rinaldo,

by delaying his coming to the piazza, having waited in expectation of

forces which did not join him, lost the opportunity of victory, gave

them courage to provide for their defense, and allowed many others

to join them, who advised that means should be used to induce their

adversaries to lay down their arms. Thereupon, some of the least

suspected, went on the part of the Signory to Rinaldo, and said,

they did not know what occasion they had given his friends for thus

assembling in arms; that they never had any intention of offending him,

and if they had spoken of Cosmo, they had no design of recalling him; so

if their fears were thus occasioned they might at once be dispelled, for

that if they came to the palace they would be graciously received, and

all their complaints attended to. These words produced no change in

Rinaldo's purpose; he bade them provide for their safety by resigning

their offices, and said that then the government of the city would be

reorganized, for the mutual benefit of all.

It rarely happens, where authorities are equal and opinions contrary,

that any good resolution is adopted. Ridolfo Peruzzi, moved by the

discourse of the citizens, said, that all he desired was to prevent

the return of Cosmo, and this being granted to them seemed a sufficient

victory; nor would he, to obtain a greater, fill the city with blood; he

would therefore obey the Signory; and accordingly went with his people

to the palace, where he was received with a hearty welcome. Thus

Rinaldo's delay at San Pulinari, Palla's want of courage, and Ridolfo's

desertion, deprived their party of all chance of success; while

the ardor of the citizens abated, and the pope's authority did not

contribute to its revival.

Pope Eugenius was at this time at Florence, having been driven from Rome

by the people. These disturbances coming to his knowledge, he thought

it a duty suitable to his pastoral office to appease them, and sent

the patriarch Giovanni Vitelleschi, Rinaldo's most intimate friend, to

entreat the latter to come to an interview with him, as he trusted

he had sufficient influence with the Signory to insure his safety

and satisfaction, without injury or bloodshed to the citizens. By his

friend's persuasion, Rinaldo proceeded with all his followers to Santa

Maria Nuova, where the pope resided. Eugenius gave him to understand,

that the Signory had empowered him to settle the differences between

them, and that all would be arranged to his satisfaction, if he laid

down his arms. Rinaldo, having witnessed Palla's want of zeal, and the

fickleness of Ridolfo Peruzzi, and no better course being open to him,

placed himself in the pope's hands, thinking that at all events the

authority of his holiness would insure his safety. Eugenius then sent

word to Niccolo Barbadoro, and the rest who remained without, that they

were to lay down their arms, for Rinaldo was remaining with the

pontiff, to arrange terms of agreement with the signors; upon which they

immediately dispersed, and laid aside their weapons.