Many cities and territories, subject to the Florentines, rebel--Prudent
conduct adopted upon this occasion--The city is divided into
quarters--Disputes between the nobility and the people--The bishop
endeavors to reconcile them, but does not succeed--The government
reformed by the people--Riot of Andrea Strozzi--Serious disagreements
between the nobility and the people--They come to arms, and the nobility
are subdued--The plague in Florence of which Boccaccio speaks.
These events taking place in the city, induced all the dependencies
of the Florentine state to throw off their yoke; so that Arezzo,
Castiglione, Pistoia, Volterra, Colle, and San Gemigniano rebelled. Thus
Florence found herself deprived of both her tyrant and her dominions at
the same moment, and in recovering her liberty, taught her subjects
how they might become free. The duke being expelled and the territories
lost, the fourteen citizens and the bishop thought it would be better to
act kindly toward their subjects in peace, than to make them enemies by
war, and to show a desire that their subjects should be free as well as
themselves. They therefore sent ambassadors to the people of Arezzo, to
renounce all dominion over that city, and to enter into a treaty with
them; to the end that as they could not retain them as subjects, they
might make use of them as friends. They also, in the best manner they
were able, agreed with the other places that they should retain their
freedom, and that, being free, they might mutually assist each other in
the preservation of their liberties. This prudent course was attended
with a most favorable result; for Arezzo, not many years afterward,
returned to the Florentine rule, and the other places, in the course
of a few months, returned to their former obedience. Thus it frequently
occurs that we sooner attain our ends by a seeming indifferent to them,
than by more obstinate pursuit.
Having settled external affairs, they now turned to the consideration of
those within the city; and after some altercation between the nobility
and the people, it was arranged that the nobility should form one-third
of the Signory and fill one-half of the other offices. The city was, as
we have before shown, divided into sixths; and hence there would be six
signors, one for each sixth, except when, from some more than ordinary
cause, there had been twelve or thirteen created; but when this had
occurred they were again soon reduced to six. It now seemed desirable to
make an alteration in this respect, as well because the sixths were
not properly divided, as that, wishing to give their proportion to
the great, it became desirable to increase the number. They therefore
divided the city into quarters, and for each created three signors.
They abolished the office of Gonfalonier of Justice, and also the
Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people; and instead of the twelve
Buonuomini, or good men, created eight counsellors, four from each
party. The government having been established in this manner, the city
might have been in repose if the great had been content to live in that
moderation which civil society requires. But they produced a contrary
result, for those out of office would not conduct themselves as
citizens, and those who were in government wished to be lords, so that
every day furnished some new instance of their insolence and pride.
These things were very grievous to the people, and they began to regret
that for one tyrant put down, there had sprung up a thousand. The
arrogance of one party and the anger of the other rose to such a degree,
that the heads of the people complained to the bishop of the improper
conduct of the nobility, and what unfit associates they had become for
the people; and begged he would endeavor to induce them to be content
with their share of administration in the other offices, and leave the
magistracy of the Signory wholly to themselves.
The bishop was naturally a well-meaning man, but his want of firmness
rendered him easily influenced. Hence, at the instance of his
associates, he at first favored the duke of Athens, and afterward, by
the advice of other citizens, conspired against him. At the reformation
of the government, he had favored the nobility, and now he appeared to
incline toward the people, moved by the reasons which they had
advanced. Thinking to find in others the same instability of purpose, he
endeavored to effect an amicable arrangement. With this design he called
together the fourteen who were yet in office, and in the best terms
he could imagine advised them to give up the Signory to the people, in
order to secure the peace of the city; and assured them that if they
refused, ruin would most probably be the result.
This discourse excited the anger of the nobility to the highest pitch,
and Ridolfo de' Bardi reproved him in unmeasured terms as a man of
little faith; reminding him of his friendship for the duke, to prove the
duplicity of his present conduct, and saying, that in driving him away
he had acted the part of a traitor. He concluded by telling him, that
the honors they had acquired at their own peril, they would at their own
peril defend. They then left the bishop, and in great wrath, informed
their associates in the government, and all the families of the
nobility, of what had been done. The people also expressed their
thoughts to each other, and as the nobility made preparations for the
defense of their signors, they determined not to wait till they had
perfected their arrangements; and therefore, being armed, hastened to
the palace, shouting, as they went along, that the nobility must give up
their share in the government.
The uproar and excitement were astonishing. The Signors of the nobility
found themselves abandoned; for their friends, seeing all the people in
arms, did not dare to rise in their defense, but each kept within his
own house. The Signors of the people endeavored to abate the excitement
of the multitude, by affirming their associates to be good and moderate
men; but, not succeeding in their attempt, to avoid a greater evil, sent
them home to their houses, whither they were with difficulty conducted.
The nobility having left the palace, the office of the four councillors
was taken from their party, and conferred upon twelve of the people. To
the eight signors who remained, a Gonfalonier of Justice was added, and
sixteen Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people; and the council
was so reformed, that the government remained wholly in the hands of the
popular party.
At the time these events took place there was a great scarcity in the
city, and discontent prevailed both among the highest and the lowest
classes; in the latter for want of food, and in the former from having
lost their power in the state. This circumstance induced Andrea Strozzi
to think of making himself sovereign of the city. Selling his corn at a
lower price than others did, a great many people flocked to his house;
emboldened by the sight of these, he one morning mounted his horse, and,
followed by a considerable number, called the people to arms, and in a
short time drew together about 4,000 men, with whom he proceeded to the
Signory, and demanded that the gates of the palace should be opened. But
the signors, by threats and the force which they retained in the palace,
drove them from the court; and then by proclamation so terrified them,
that they gradually dropped off and returned to their homes, and Andrea,
finding himself alone, with some difficulty escaped falling into the
hands of the magistrates.
This event, although an act of great temerity, and attended with the
result that usually follows such attempts, raised a hope in the minds
of the nobility of overcoming the people, seeing that the lowest of the
plebeians were at enmity with them. And to profit by this circumstance,
they resolved to arm themselves, and with justifiable force recover
those rights of which they had been unjustly deprived. Their minds
acquired such an assurance of success, that they openly provided
themselves with arms, fortified their houses, and even sent to their
friends in Lombardy for assistance. The people and the Signory made
preparation for their defense, and requested aid from Perugia and
Sienna, so that the city was filled with the armed followers of either
party. The nobility on this side of the Arno divided themselves into
three parts; the one occupied the houses of the Cavicciulli, near the
church of St. John; another, the houses of the Pazzi and the Donati,
near the great church of St. Peter; and the third those of the
Cavalcanti in the New Market. Those beyond the river fortified the
bridges and the streets in which their houses stood; the Nerli defended
the bridge of the Carraja; the Frescobaldi and the Manelli, the church
of the Holy Trinity; and the Rossi and the Bardi, the bridge of the
Rubaconte and the Old Bridge. The people were drawn together under the
Gonfalon of justice and the ensigns of the companies of the artisans.
Both sides being thus arranged in order of battle, the people thought
it imprudent to defer the contest, and the attack was commenced by
the Medici and the Rondinelli, who assailed the Cavicciulli, where the
houses of the latter open upon the piazza of St. John. Here both parties
contended with great obstinacy, and were mutually wounded, from the
towers by stones and other missiles, and from below by arrows. They
fought for three hours; but the forces of the people continuing to
increase, and the Cavicciulli finding themselves overcome by numbers,
and hopeless of other assistance, submitted themselves to the people,
who saved their houses and property; and having disarmed them, ordered
them to disperse among their relatives and friends, and remain unarmed.
Being victorious in the first attack, they easily overpowered the Pazzi
and the Donati, whose numbers were less than those they had subdued; so
that there only remained on this side of the Arno, the Cavalcanti, who
were strong both in respect of the post they had chosen and in their
followers. Nevertheless, seeing all the Gonfalons against them, and
that the others had been overcome by three Gonfalons alone, they yielded
without offering much resistance. Three parts of the city were now in
the hands of the people, and only one in possession of the nobility; but
this was the strongest, as well on account of those who held it, as from
its situation, being defended by the Arno; hence it was first necessary
to force the bridges. The Old Bridge was first assailed and offered a
brave resistance; for the towers were armed, the streets barricaded,
and the barricades defended by the most resolute men; so that the
people were repulsed with great loss. Finding their labor at this point
fruitless, they endeavored to force the Rubaconte Bridge, but no
better success resulting, they left four Gonfalons in charge of the two
bridges, and with the others attacked the bridge of the Carraja. Here,
although the Nerli defended themselves like brave men, they could not
resist the fury of the people; for this bridge, having no towers,
was weaker than the others, and was attacked by the Capponi, and many
families of the people who lived in that vicinity. Being thus assailed
on all sides, they abandoned the barricades and gave way to the people,
who then overcame the Rossi and the Frescobaldi; for all those beyond
the Arno took part with the conquerors.
There was now no resistance made except by the Bardi, who remained
undaunted, notwithstanding the failure of their friends, the union of
the people against them, and the little chance of success which they
seemed to have. They resolved to die fighting, and rather see their
houses burned and plundered, than submit to the power of their enemies.
They defended themselves with such obstinacy, that many fruitless
attempts were made to overcome them, both at the Old Bridge and the
Rubaconte; but their foes were always repulsed with loss. There had in
former times been a street which led between the houses of the Pitti,
from the Roman road to the walls upon Mount St. George. By this way
the people sent six Gonfalons, with orders to assail their houses from
behind. This attack overcame the resolution of the Bardi, and decided
the day in favor of the people; for when those who defended the
barricades in the street learned that their houses were being plundered,
they left the principal fight and hastened to their defense. This caused
the Old Bridge to be lost; the Bardi fled in all directions and were
received into the houses of the Quaratesi, Panzanesi, and Mozzi. The
people, especially the lower classes, greedy for spoil, sacked and
destroyed their houses, and pulled down and burned their towers and
palaces with such outrageous fury, that the most cruel enemy of the
Florentine name would have been ashamed of taking part in such wanton
destruction.
The nobility being thus overcome, the people reformed the government;
and as they were of three kinds, the higher, the middle, and the lower
class, it was ordered that the first should appoint two signors; the two
latter three each, and that the Gonfalonier should be chosen alternately
from either party. Besides this, all the regulations for the restraint
of the nobility were renewed; and in order to weaken them still more,
many were reduced to the grade of the people. The ruin of the nobility
was so complete, and depressed them so much, that they never afterward
ventured to take arms for the recovery of their power, but soon became
humbled and abject in the extreme. And thus Florence lost the generosity
of her character and her distinction in arms.
After these events the city remained in peace till the year 1353. In the
course of this period occurred the memorable plague, described with so
much eloquence by Giovanni Boccaccio, and by which Florence lost 96,000
souls. In 1348, began the first war with the Visconti, occasioned by
the archbishop, then prince of Milan; and when this was concluded,
dissensions again arose in the city; for although the nobility were
destroyed, fortune did not fail to cause new divisions and new troubles.
BOOK III
CHAPTER I
Reflections upon the domestic discords of republics--A parallel between
the discords of Rome and those of Florence--Enmities between the
families of the Ricci and the Albizzi--Uguccione de' Ricci causes
the laws against the Ghibellines to be renewed in order to injure
the Albizzi--Piero degli Albizzi derives advantage from it--Origin of
admonitions and the troubles which result from them--Uguccione de'
Ricci moderates their injustice--Difficulties increase--A meeting of the
citizens--They address the Signory--The Signory attempt to remedy the
evils.
Those serious, though natural enmities, which occur between the popular
classes and the nobility, arising from the desire of the latter to
command, and the disinclination of the former to obey, are the causes of
most of the troubles which take place in cities; and from this diversity
of purpose, all the other evils which disturb republics derive their
origin. This kept Rome disunited; and this, if it be allowable to
compare small things with great, held Florence in disunion; although
in each city it produced a different result; for animosities were only
beginning with the people and nobility of Rome contended, while ours
were brought to a conclusion by the contentions of our citizens. A new
law settled the disputes of Rome; those of Florence were only terminated
by the death and banishment of many of her best people. Those of
Rome increased her military virtue, while that of Florence was quite
extinguished by her divisions. The quarrels of Rome established
different ranks of society, those of Florence abolished the distinctions
which had previously existed. This diversity of effects must have been
occasioned by the different purposes which the two people had in view.
While the people of Rome endeavored to associate with the nobility in
the supreme honors, those of Florence strove to exclude the nobility
from all participation in them: as the desire of the Roman people was
more reasonable, no particular offense was given to the nobility; they
therefore consented to it without having recourse to arms; so that,
after some disputes concerning particular points, both parties agreed to
the enactment of a law which, while it satisfied the people, preserved
the nobility in the enjoyment of their dignity.
On the other hand, the demands of the people of Florence being insolent
and unjust, the nobility, became desperate, prepared for their defense
with their utmost energy, and thus bloodshed and the exile of citizens
followed. The laws which were afterward made, did not provide for the
common good, but were framed wholly in favor of the conquerors. This
too, must be observed, that from the acquisition of power, made by the
people of Rome, their minds were very much improved; for all the offices
of state being attainable as well by the people as the nobility,
the peculiar excellencies of the latter exercised a most beneficial
influence upon the former; and as the city increased in virtue she
attained a more exalted greatness.
But in Florence, the people being conquerors, the nobility were deprived
of all participation in the government; and in order to regain a portion
of it, it became necessary for them not only to seem like the people,
but to be like them in behavior, mind, and mode of living. Hence arose
those changes in armorial bearings, and in the titles of families, which
the nobility adopted, in order that they might seem to be of the people;
military virtue and generosity of feeling became extinguished in them;
the people not possessing these qualities, they could not appreciate
them, and Florence became by degrees more and more depressed and
humiliated. The virtue of the Roman nobility degenerating into pride,
the citizens soon found that the business of the state could not be
carried on without a prince. Florence had now come to such a point, that
with a comprehensive mind at the head of affairs she would easily have
been made to take any form that he might have been disposed to give her;
as may be partly observed by a perusal of the preceding book.
Having given an account of the origin of Florence, the commencement
of her liberty, with the causes of her divisions, and shown how the
factions of the nobility and the people ceased with the tyranny of the
duke of Athens, and the ruin of the former, we have now to speak of
the animosities between the citizens and the plebeians and the various
circumstances which they produced.
The nobility being overcome, and the war with the archbishop of Milan
concluded, there did not appear any cause of dissension in Florence. But
the evil fortune of the city, and the defective nature of her laws,
gave rise to enmities between the family of the Albizzi and that of
the Ricci, which divided her citizens as completely as those of the
Buondelmonti and the Uberti, or the Donati and the Cerchi had formerly
done. The pontiffs, who at this time resided in France, and the
emperors, who abode in Germany, in order to maintain their influence
in Italy, sent among us multitudes of soldiers of many countries, as
English, Dutch, and Bretons. As these, upon the conclusion of a war,
were thrown out of pay, though still in the country, they, under the
standard of some soldier of fortune, plundered such people as were least
prepared to defend themselves. In the year 1353 one of these companies
came into Tuscany under the command of Monsignor Reale, of Provence, and
his approach terrified all the cities of Italy. The Florentines not
only provided themselves forces, but many citizens, among whom were
the Albizzi and the Ricci, armed themselves in their own defense. These
families were at the time full of hatred against each other, and each
thought to obtain the sovereignty of the republic by overcoming his
enemy. They had not yet proceeded to open violence, but only contended
in the magistracies and councils. The city being all in arms, a quarrel
arose in the Old Market place, and, as it frequently happens in similar
cases, a great number of people were drawn together. The disturbance
spreading, it was told the Ricci that the Albizzi had assailed their
partisans, and to the Albizzi that the Ricci were in quest of them. Upon
this the whole city arose, and it was all the magistrates could do to
restrain these families, and prevent the actual occurrence of a disaster
which, without being the fault of either of them, had been willfully
though falsely reported as having already taken place. This apparently
trifling circumstance served to inflame the minds of the parties, and
make each the more resolved to increase the number of their followers.
And as the citizens, since the ruin of the nobility, were on such an
equality that the magistrates were more respected now than they had
previously been, they designed to proceed toward the suppression of this
disorder with civil authority alone.
We have before related, that after the victory of Charles I. the
government was formed of the Guelphic party, and that it thus
acquired great authority over the Ghibellines. But time, a variety of
circumstances, and new divisions had so contributed to sink this party
feeling into oblivion, that many of Ghibelline descent now filled the
highest offices. Observing this, Uguccione, the head of the family of
the Ricci, contrived that the law against the Ghibellines should be
again brought into operation; many imagining the Albizzi to be of that
faction, they having arisen in Arezzo, and come long ago to Florence.
Uguccione by this means hoped to deprive the Albizzi of participation
in the government, for all of Ghibelline blood who were found to hold
offices, would be condemned in the penalties which this law provided.
The design of Uguccione was discovered to Piero son of Filippo degli
Albizzi, and he resolved to favor it: for he saw that to oppose it would
at once declare him a Ghibelline; and thus the law which was renewed by
the ambition of the Ricci for his destruction, instead of robbing Piero
degli Albizzi of reputation, contributed to increase his influence,
although it laid the foundation of many evils. Nor is it possible for
a republic to enact a law more pernicious than one relating to matters
which have long transpired. Piero having favored this law, which had
been contrived by his enemies for his stumbling-block, it became the
stepping-stone to his greatness; for, making himself the leader of this
new order of things, his authority went on increasing, and he was in
greater favor with the Guelphs than any other man.
As there could not be found a magistrate willing to search out who were
Ghibellines, and as this renewed enactment against them was therefore
of small value, it was provided that authority should be given to the
Capitani to find out who were of this faction; and, having discovered,
to signify and ADMONISH them that they were not to take upon
themselves any office of government; to which ADMONITIONS, if they were
disobedient, they became condemned in the penalties. Hence, all those
who in Florence are deprived of the power to hold offices are called
_ammoniti_, or ADMONISHED.
The Capitani in time acquiring greater audacity, admonished not only
those to whom the admonition was applicable, but any others at the
suggestion of their own avarice or ambition; and from 1356, when this
law was made, to 1366, there had been admonished above 200 citizens.
The Captains of the Parts and the sect of the Guelphs were thus become
powerful; for every one honored them for fear of being admonished; and
most particularly the leaders, who were Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da
Castiglionchio, and Carlo Strozzi. This insolent mode of proceeding was
offensive to many; but none felt so particularly injured with it as
the Ricci; for they knew themselves to have occasioned it, they saw
it involved the ruin of the republic, and their enemies, the Albizzi,
contrary to their intention, became great in consequence.
On this account Uguccione de' Ricci, being one of the Signory, resolved
to put an end to the evil which he and his friends had originated, and
with a new law provided that to the six Captains of Parts an additional
three should be appointed, of whom two should be chosen from the
companies of minor artificers, and that before any party could be
declared Ghibelline, the declaration of the Capitani must be confirmed
by twenty-four Guelphic citizens, appointed for the purpose. This
provision tempered for a time the power of the Capitani, so that the
admonitions were greatly diminished, if not wholly laid aside. Still the
parties of the Albizzi and the Ricci were continually on the alert to
oppose each other's laws, deliberations, and enterprises, not from a
conviction of their inexpediency, but from a hatred of their promoters.
In such distractions the time passed from 1366 to 1371, when the
Guelphs again regained the ascendant. There was in the family of the
Buondelmonti a gentleman named Benchi, who, as an acknowledgment of his
merit in a war against the Pisans, though one of the nobility, had been
admitted among the people, and thus became eligible to office among the
Signory; but when about to take his seat with them, a law was made that
no nobleman who had become of the popular class should be allowed to
assume that office. This gave great offense to Benchi, who, in union
with Piero degli Albizzi, determined to depress the less powerful of
the popular party with ADMONITIONS, and obtain the government for
themselves. By the interest which Benchi possessed with the ancient
nobility, and that of Piero with most of the influential citizens, the
Guelphic party resumed their ascendancy, and by new reforms among the
PARTS, so remodeled the administration as to be able to dispose of the
offices of the captains and the twenty-four citizens at pleasure. They
then returned to the ADMONITIONS with greater audacity than ever, and
the house of the Albizzi became powerful as the head of this faction.
On the other hand, the Ricci made the most strenuous exertions against
their designs; so that anxiety universally prevailed, and ruin was
apprehended alike from both parties. In consequence of this a great
number of citizens, out of love to their country, assembled in the
church of St. Piero Scarraggio, and after a long consideration of the
existing disorders, presented themselves before the Signors, whom one of
the principal among them addressed in the following terms:--
"Many of us, magnificent Signors! were afraid of meeting even for
consideration of public business, without being publicly called
together, lest we should be noted as presumptuous or condemned as
ambitious. But seeing that so many citizens daily assemble in the lodges
and halls of the palace, not for any public utility, but only for the
gratification of their own ambition, we have thought that as those who
assemble for the ruin of the republic are fearless, so still less ought
they to be apprehensive who meet together only for its advantage; nor
ought we to be anxious respecting the opinion they may form of our
assembling, since they are so utterly indifferent to the opinion of
others. Our affection for our country, magnificent Signors! caused us
to assemble first, and now brings us before you, to speak of grievances
already great and daily increasing in our republic, and to offer our
assistance for their removal: and we doubt not that, though a difficult
undertaking, it will still be attended with success, if you will lay
aside all private regards, and authoritatively use the public force.
"The common corruption of all the cities of Italy, magnificent Signors!
has infested and still vitiates your own; for when this province had
shaken off the imperial yoke, her cities not being subject to any
powerful influence that might restrain them, administered affairs, not
as free men do, but as a factious populace; and hence have arisen all
the other evils and disorders that have appeared. In the first place,
there cannot be found among the citizens either unity or friendship,
except with those whose common guilt, either against their country or
against private individuals, is a bond of union. And as the knowledge
of religion and the fear of God seem to be alike extinct, oaths and
promises have lost their validity, and are kept as long as it is found
expedient; they are adopted only as a means of deception, and he is most
applauded and respected whose cunning is most efficient and secure. On
this account bad men are received with the approbation due to virtue,
and good ones are regarded only in the light of fools.
"And certainly in the cities of Italy all that is corruptible and
corrupting is assembled. The young are idle, the old lascivious, and
each sex and every age abounds with debasing habits, which the good
laws, by misapplication, have lost the power to correct. Hence arises
the avarice so observable among the citizens, and that greediness,
not for true glory, but for unworthy honors; from which follow hatred,
animosities, quarrels, and factions; resulting in deaths, banishments,
affliction to all good men, and the advancement of the most
unprincipled; for the good, confiding in their innocence, seek neither
safety nor advancement by illegal methods as the wicked do, and thus
unhonored and undefended they sink into oblivion.
"From proceedings such as these, arise at once the attachment for and
influence of parties; bad men follow them through ambition and avarice,
and necessity compels the good to pursue the same course. And most
lamentable is it to observe how the leaders and movers of parties
sanctify their base designs with words that are all piety and virtue;
they have the name of liberty constantly in their mouths, though their
actions prove them her greatest enemies. The reward which they desire
from victory is not the glory of having given liberty to the city, but
the satisfaction of having vanquished others, and of making themselves
rulers; and to attain their end, there is nothing too unjust, too cruel,
too avaricious for them to attempt. Thus laws and ordinances, peace,
wars, and treaties are adopted and pursued, not for the public good, not
for the common glory of the state, but for the convenience or advantage
of a few individuals.
"And if other cities abound in these disorders, ours is more than any
infected with them; for her laws, statutes, and civil ordinances are
not, nor have they ever been, established for the benefit of men in a
state of freedom, but according to the wish of the faction that has
been uppermost at the time. Hence it follows that, when one party is
expelled, or faction extinguished, another immediately arises; for, in
a city that is governed by parties rather than by laws, as soon as one
becomes dominant and unopposed, it must of necessity soon divide against
itself; for the private methods at first adapted for its defense will
now no longer keep it united. The truth of this, both the ancient and
modern dissensions of our city prove. Everyone thought that when the
Ghibellines were destroyed, the Guelphs would long continue happy and
honored; yet after a short time they divided into the Bianchi and Neri,
the black faction and the white. When the Bianchi were overcome, the
city was not long free from factions; for either, in favor of the
emigrants, or on account of the animosity between the nobility and the
people, we were still constantly at war. And as if resolved to give up
to others, what in mutual harmony we either would not or were unable
to retain, we confided the care of our precious liberty first to King
Robert, then to his brother, next to his son, and at last to the duke of
Athens. Still we have never in any condition found repose, but seem
like men who can neither agree to live in freedom nor be content
with slavery. Nor did we hesitate (so greatly does the nature of our
ordinances dispose us to division), while yet under allegiance to the
king, to substitute for his majesty, one of the vilest of men born at
Agobbio.
"For the credit of the city, the name of the duke of Athens ought to be
consigned to oblivion. His cruel and tyrannical disposition, however,
might have taught us wisdom and instructed us how to live; but no sooner
was he expelled than we handled our arms, and fought with more hatred,
and greater fury than we had ever done on any former occasion; so that
the ancient nobility were vanquished the city was left at the disposal
of the people. It was generally supposed that no further occasion of
quarrel or of party animosity could arise, since those whose pride and
insupportable ambition had been regarded as the causes of them were
depressed; however, experience proves how liable human judgment is to
error, and what false impressions men imbibe, even in regard to the
things that most intimately concern them; for we find the pride and
ambition of the nobility are not extinct, but only transferred from them
to the people who at this moment, according to the usual practice of
ambitious men, are endeavoring to render themselves masters of the
republic; and knowing they have no chance of success but what is offered
by discord, they have again divided the city, and the names of Guelph
and Ghibelline, which were beginning to be forgotten (and it would have
been well if they had never been heard among us), are repeated anew in
our ears.
"It seems almost necessarily ordained, in order that in human affairs
there may be nothing either settled or permanent, that in all republics
there are what may be called fatal families, born for the ruin of their
country. Of this kind of pest our city has produced a more copious brood
than any other; for not one but many have disturbed and harassed her:
first the Buondelmonti and the Uberti; then the Donati and the Cerchi;
and now, oh ridiculous! oh disgraceful thought! the Ricci and the
Albizzi have caused a division of her citizens.
"We have not dwelt upon our corrupt habits or our old and continual
dissensions to occasion you alarm, but to remind you of their causes; to
show that as you doubtless are aware of them, we also keep them in view,
and to remind you that their results ought not to make you diffident
of your power to repress the disorders of the present time. The ancient
families possessed so much influence, and were held in such high esteem,
that civil force was insufficient to restrain them; but now, when the
empire has lost its ascendancy, the pope is no longer formidable, and
the whole of Italy is reduced to a state of the most complete equality,
there can be no difficulty. Our republic might more especially than any
other (although at first our former practices seem to present a reason
to the contrary), not only keep itself united but be improved by good
laws and civil regulations, if you, the Signory, would once resolve to
undertake the matter; and to this we, induced by no other motive than
the love of our country, would most strongly urge you. It is true
the corruption of the country is great, and much discretion will be
requisite to correct it; but do not impute the past disorders to
the nature of the men, but to the times, which, being changed, give
reasonable ground to hope that, with better government, our city will
be attended with better fortune; for the malignity of the people will
be overcome by restraining the ambition and annulling the ordinances of
those who have encouraged faction, and adopting in their stead only such
principles as are conformable to true civil liberty. And be assured,
that these desirable ends will be more certainly attained by the benign
influence of the laws, than by a delay which will compel the people to
effect them by force and arms."
The Signory, induced by the necessity of the case, of which they were
previously aware, and further encouraged by the advice of those who now
addressed them, gave authority to fifty-six citizens to provide for the
safety of the republic. It is usually found that most men are better
adapted to pursue a good course already begun, than to discover one
applicable to immediate circumstances. These citizens thought rather of
extinguishing existing factions than of preventing the formation of
new ones, and effected neither of these objects. The facilities for the
establishment of new parties were not removed; and out of those which
they guarded against, another more powerful arose, which brought the
republic into still greater danger. They, however, deprived three of
the family of the Albizzi, and three of that of the Ricci, of all the
offices of government, except those of the Guelphic party, for three
years; and among the deprived were Piero degli Albizzi and Uguccione
de' Ricci. They forbade the citizens to assemble in the palace, except
during the sittings of the Signory. They provided that if any one were
beaten, or possession of his property detained from him, he might bring
his case before the council and denounce the offender, even if he were
one of the nobility; and that if it were proved, the accused should be
subject to the usual penalties. This provision abated the boldness of
the Ricci, and increased that of the Albizzi; since, although it applied
equally to both, the Ricci suffered from it by far the most; for if
Piero was excluded from the palace of the Signory, the chamber of the
Guelphs, in which he possessed the greatest authority, remained open to
him; and if he and his followers had previously been ready to ADMONISH,
they became after this injury, doubly so. To this pre-disposition for
evil, new excitements were added.
CHAPTER II
The war of the Florentines against the pope's legate, and the causes
of it--League against the pope--The censures of the pope disregarded in
Florence--The city is divided into two factions, the one the Capitani di
Parte, the other of the eight commissioners of the war--Measures adopted
by the Guelphic party against their adversaries--The Guelphs endeavor to
prevent Salvestro de Medici from being chosen Gonfalonier--Salvestro de
Medici Gonfalonier--His law against the nobility, and in favor of the
Ammoniti--The _Collegi_ disapprove of the law--Salvestro addresses the
council in its favor--The law is passed--Disturbances in Florence.
The papal chair was occupied by Gregory XI. He, like his predecessors,
residing at Avignon, governed Italy by legates, who, proud and
avaricious, oppressed many of the cities. One of these legates, then
at Bologna, taking advantage of a great scarcity of food at Florence,
endeavored to render himself master of Tuscany, and not only withheld
provisions from the Florentines, but in order to frustrate their hopes
of the future harvest, upon the approach of spring, attacked them with
a large army, trusting that being famished and unarmed, he should find
them an easy conquest. He might perhaps have been successful, had not
his forces been mercenary and faithless, and, therefore, induced
to abandon the enterprise for the sum of 130,000 florins, which the
Florentines paid them. People may go to war when they will, but cannot
always withdraw when they like. This contest, commenced by the ambition
of the legate, was sustained by the resentment of the Florentines,
who, entering into a league with Bernabo of Milan, and with the cities
hostile to the church, appointed eight citizens for the administration
of it, giving them authority to act without appeal, and to expend
whatever sums they might judge expedient, without rendering an account
of the outlay.
This war against the pontiff, although Uguccione was now dead,
reanimated those who had followed the party of the Ricci, who, in
opposition to the Albizzi, had always favored Bernabo and opposed the
church, and this, the rather, because the eight commissioners of war
were all enemies of the Guelphs. This occasioned Piero degli Albizzi,
Lapo da Castiglionchio, Carlo Strozzi, and others, to unite themselves
more closely in opposition to their adversaries. The eight carried on
the war, and the others admonished during three years, when the death
of the pontiff put an end to the hostilities, which had been carried on
which so much ability, and with such entire satisfaction to the people,
that at the end of each year the eight were continued in office, and
were called _Santi_, or holy, although they had set ecclesiastical
censures at defiance, plundered the churches of their property, and
compelled the priests to perform divine service. So much did citizens
at that time prefer the good of their country to their ghostly
consolations, and thus showed the church, that if as her friends they
had defended, they could as enemies depress her; for the whole of
Romagna, the Marches, and Perugia were excited to rebellion.
Yet while this war was carried on against the pope, they were unable to
defend themselves against the captains of the parts and their faction;
for the insolence of the Guelphs against the eight attained such a
pitch, that they could not restrain themselves from abusive behavior,
not merely against some of the most distinguished citizens, but even
against the eight themselves; and the captains of the parts conducted
themselves with such arrogance, that they were feared more than the
Signory. Those who had business with them treated them with greater
reverence, and their court was held in higher estimation: so that no
ambassador came to Florence, without commission to the captains.
Pope Gregory being dead, and the city freed from external war; there
still prevailed great confusion within; for the audacity of the Guelphs
was insupportable, and as no available mode of subduing them presented
itself, it was thought that recourse must be had to arms, to determine
which party was the strongest. With the Guelphs were all the ancient
nobility, and the greater part of the most popular leaders, of which
number, as already remarked, were Lapo, Piero, and Carlo. On the other
side, were all the lower orders, the leaders of whom were the eight
commissioners of war, Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and with them
the Ricci, Alberti, and Medici. The rest of the multitude, as most
commonly happens, joined the discontented party.
It appeared to the heads of the Guelphic faction that their enemies
would be greatly strengthened, and themselves in considerable danger in
case a hostile Signory should resolve on their subjugation. Desirous,
therefore, of being prepared against this calamity, the leaders of the
party assembled to take into consideration the state of the city and
that of their own friends in particular, and found the _ammoniti_ so
numerous and so great a difficulty, that the whole city was excited
against them on this account. They could not devise any other remedy
than, that as their enemies had deprived them of all the offices of
honor, they should banish their opponents from the city, take possession
of the palace of the Signory, and bring over the whole state to their
own party; in imitation of the Guelphs of former times, who found no
safety in the city, till they had driven all their adversaries out of
it. They were unanimous upon the main point, but did not agree upon the
time of carrying it into execution. It was in the month of April, in the
year 1378, when Lapo, thinking delay inadvisable, expressed his opinion,
that procrastination was in the highest degree perilous to themselves;
as in the next Signory, Salvestro de' Medici would very probably be
elected Gonfalonier, and they all knew he was opposed to their party.
Piero degli Albizzi, on the other hand, thought it better to defer,
since they would require forces, which could not be assembled without
exciting observation, and if they were discovered, they would incur
great risk. He thereupon judged it preferable to wait till the
approaching feast of St. John on which, being the most solemn festival
of the city, vast multitudes would be assembled, among whom they
might conceal whatever numbers they pleased. To obviate their fears of
Salvestro, he was to be ADMONISHED, and if this did not appear likely to
be effectual, they would "ADMONISH" one of the Colleague of his quarter,
and upon redrawing, as the ballot-boxes would be nearly empty, chance
would very likely occasion that either he or some associate of his
would be drawn, and he would thus be rendered incapable of sitting as
Gonfalonier. They therefore came to the conclusion proposed by Piero,
though Lapo consented reluctantly, considering the delay dangerous, and
that, as no opportunity can be in all respects suitable, he who waits
for the concurrence of every advantage, either never makes an attempt,
or, if induced to do so, is most frequently foiled. They "admonished"
the Colleague, but did not prevent the appointment of Salvestro, for the
design was discovered by the Eight, who took care to render all attempts
upon the drawing futile.
Salvestro Alammano de' Medici was therefore drawn Gonfalonier, and,
being one of the noblest popular families, he could not endure that the
people should be oppressed by a few powerful persons. Having resolved
to put an end to their insolence, and perceiving the middle classes
favorably disposed, and many of the highest of the people on his side,
he communicated his design to Benedetto Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, and
Georgio Scali, who all promised their assistance. They, therefore,
secretly draw up a law which had for its object to revive the
restrictions upon the nobility, to retrench the authority of the
Capitani di Parte, and recall the _ammoniti_ to their dignity. In order
to attempt and obtain their ends, at one and the same time, having to
consult, first the Colleagues and then the Councils, Salvestro being
Provost (which office for the time makes its possessor almost prince of
the city), he called together the Colleagues and the Council on the same
morning, and the Colleagues being apart, he proposed the law prepared
by himself and his friends, which, being a novelty, encountered in their
small number so much opposition, that he was unable to have it passed.
Salvestro, seeing his first attempt likely to fail, pretended to leave
the room for a private reason, and, without being perceived, went
immediately to the Council, and taking a lofty position from which he
could be both seen and heard, said:--"That considering himself invested
with the office of Gonfalonier, not so much to preside in private
cases (for which proper judges were appointed, who have their regular
sittings), as to guard the state, correct the insolence of the powerful,
and ameliorate those laws by the influence of which the republic was
being ruined, he had carefully attended to both these duties, and to his
utmost ability provided for them, but found the perversity of some so
much opposed to his just designs as to deprive him of all opportunity of
doing good, and them not only of the means of assisting him with
their counsel, but even hearing him. Therefore finding he no longer
contributed either to the benefit of the republic or of the people
generally, he could not perceive any reason for his longer holding the
magistracy, of which he was either undeserving, or others thought him
so, and would therefore retire to his house, that the people might
appoint another in his stead, who would either have greater virtue or
better fortune than himself." And having said this, he left the room as
if to return home.
Those of the council who were in the secret, and others desirous of
novelty, raised a tumult, at which the Signory and the Colleagues came
together, and finding the Gonfalonier leaving them, entreatingly and
authoritatively detained him, and obliged him to return to the council
room, which was now full of confusion. Many of the noble citizens
were threatened in opprobrious language; and an artificer seized Carlo
Strozzi by the throat, and would undoubtedly have murdered him, but
was with difficulty prevented by those around. He who made the greatest
disturbance, and incited the city to violence, was Benedetto degli
Alberti, who, from a window of the palace, loudly called the people to
arms; and presently the courtyards were filled with armed men, and the
Colleagues granted to threats, what they had refused to entreaty. The
Capitani di Parte had at the same time drawn together a great number of
citizens to their hall to consult upon the means of defending themselves
against the orders of the Signors, but when they heard the tumult that
was raised, and were informed of the course the Councils had adopted,
each took refuge in his own house.
Let no one, when raising popular commotions, imagine he can afterward
control them at his pleasure, or restrain them from proceeding to the
commission of violence. Salvestro intended to enact his law, and compose
the city; but it happened otherwise; for the feelings of all had
become so excited, that they shut up the shops; the citizens fortified
themselves in their houses; many conveyed their valuable property into
the churches and monasteries, and everyone seemed to apprehend something
terrible at hand. The companies of the Arts met, and each appointed
an additional officer or Syndic; upon which the Priors summoned their
Colleagues and these Syndics, and consulted a whole day how the city
might be appeased with satisfaction to the different parties; but much
difference of opinion prevailed, and no conclusion was come to. On the
following day the Arts brought forth their banners, which the Signory
understanding, and being apprehensive of evil, called the Council
together to consider what course to adopt. But scarcely were they
met, when the uproar recommenced, and soon the ensigns of the Arts,
surrounded by vast numbers of armed men, occupied the courts. Upon this
the Council, to give the Arts and the people hope of redress, and free
themselves as much as possible from the charge of causing the mischief,
gave a general power, which in Florence is called _Balia_, to the
Signors, the Colleagues, the Eight, the Capitani di Parte, and to the
Syndics of the Arts, to reform the government of the city, for the
common benefit of all. While this was being arranged, a few of the
ensigns of the Arts and some of the mob, desirous of avenging themselves
for the recent injuries they had received from the Guelphs, separated
themselves from the rest, and sacked and burnt the house of Lapo da
Castiglionchio, who, when he learned the proceedings of the Signory
against the Guelphs, and saw the people in arms, having no other
resource but concealment or flight, first took refuge in Santa Croce,
and afterward, being disguised as a monk, fled into the Casentino, where
he was often heard to blame himself for having consented to wait till
St. John's day, before they had made themselves sure of the government.
Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi hid themselves upon the first
outbreak of the tumult, trusting that when it was over, by the interest
of their numerous friends and relations, they might remain safely in
Florence.
The house of Lapo being burnt, as mischief begins with difficulty but
easily increases, many other houses, either through public hatred, or
private malice, shared the same fate; and the rioters, that they might
have companions more eager than themselves to assist them in their work
of plunder, broke open the public prisons, and then sacked the monastery
of the Agnoli and the convent of S. Spirito, whither many citizens
had taken their most valuable goods for safety. Nor would the public
chambers have escaped these destroyers' hands, except out of reverence
for one of the Signors, who on horseback, and followed by many citizens
in arms, opposed the rage of the mob.
CHAPTER III
Contrary measures adopted by the magistrates to effect a
pacification--Luigi Guicciardini the Gonfalonier entreats the
magistrates of the Arts to endeavor to pacify the people--Serious riot
caused by the plebeians--The woolen Art--The plebeians assemble--The
speech of a seditious plebeian--Their resolution thereupon--The Signory
discover the designs of the plebeians--Measures adopted to counteract
them.
This popular fury being abated by the authority of the Signors and
the approach of night, on the following day, the Balia relieved the
admonished, on condition that they should not for three years be capable
of holding any magistracy. They annulled the laws made by the Guelphs to
the prejudice of the citizens; declared Lapo da Castiglionchio and his
companions, rebels, and with them many others, who were the objects of
universal detestation. After these resolutions, the new Signory were
drawn for, and Luigi Guicciardini appointed Gonfalonier, which gave hope
that the tumults would soon be appeased; for everyone thought them to be
peaceable men and lovers of order. Still the shops were not opened, nor
did the citizens lay down their arms, but continued to patrol the city
in great numbers; so that the Signory did not assume the magistracy with
the usual pomp, but merely assembled within the palace, omitting all
ceremony.
This Signory, considering nothing more advisable in the beginning of
their magistracy than to restore peace, caused a relinquishment of arms;
ordered the shops to be opened, and the strangers who had been called to
their aid, to return to their homes. They appointed guards in many parts
of the city, so that if the admonished would only have remained quiet,
order would soon have been re-established. But they were not satisfied
to wait three years for the recovery of their honours; so that to
gratify them the Arts again met, and demanded of the Signory, that for
the benefit and quiet of the city, they would ordain that no citizens
should at any time, whether Signor, Colleague, Capitano di Parte, or
Consul of any art whatever, be admonished as a Ghibelline; and further,
that new ballots of the Guelphic party should be made, and the old ones
burned. These demands were at once acceded to, not only by the Signors,
but by all the Councils; and thus it was hoped the tumults newly excited
would be settled.
But since men are not satisfied with recovering what is their own, but
wish to possess the property of others and to revenge themselves,
those who were in hopes of benefiting by these disorders persuaded the
artificers that they would never be safe, if several of their enemies
were not expelled from the city or destroyed. This terrible doctrine
coming to the knowledge of the Signory, they caused the magistrates
of the Arts and their Syndics to be brought before them, and Luigi
Guicciardini, the Gonfalonier, addressed them in the following words:
"If these Signors, and I with them, had not long been acquainted with
the fate of this city, that as soon as external wars have ceased
the internal commence, we should have been more surprised, and our
displeasure would have been greater. But as evils to which we are
accustomed are less annoying, we have endured past disturbances
patiently, they having arisen for the most part without our fault; and
we hoped that, like former troubles, they would soon have an end, after
the many and great concessions we had made at your suggestion. But
finding that you are yet unsettled, that you contemplate the commission
of new crimes against your fellow-citizens, and are desirous of making
new exiles, our displeasure increases in proportion to your misconduct.
And certainly, could we have believed that during our magistracy the
city was to be ruined, whether with or without your concurrence, we
should certainly, either by flight or exile, have avoided these horrors.
But trusting that we had to do with those who possessed some feelings
of humanity and some love of their country, we willingly accepted the
magistracy, thinking that by our gentleness we should overcome your
ambition. But we perceive from experience that the more humble our
behavior, the more concessions we make, the prouder you become, and the
more exorbitant are your demands. And though we speak thus, it is not in
order to offend, but to amend you. Let others tell you pleasing tales,
our design is to communicate only what is for your good. Now we would
ask you, and have you answer on your honor, What is there yet ungranted,
that you can, with any appearance of propriety, require? You wished to
have authority taken from the Capitani di Parte; and it is done. You
wished that the ballotings should be burned, and a reformation of them
take place; and we consent. You desired that the admonished should be
restored to their honours; and it is permitted. At your entreaty we have
pardoned those who have burned down houses and plundered churches;
many honorable citizens have been exiled to please you; and at your
suggestion new restraints have been laid upon the Great. When will there
be an end of your demands? and how long will you continue to abuse our
liberality? Do you not observe with how much more moderation we bear
defeat than you your victory? To what end will your divisions bring our
city? Have you forgotten that when disunited Castruccio, a low citizen
of Lucca, subdued her? or that a duke of Athens, your hired captain did
so too? But when the citizens were united in her defense, an archbishop
of Milan and a pope were unable to subdue it, and, after many years of
war, were compelled to retire with disgrace.
"Then why would you, by your discords, reduce to slavery in a time of
peace, that city, which so many powerful enemies have left free, even in
war? What can you expect from your disunion but subjugation? or from the
property of which you already have plundered, or may yet plunder us, but
poverty? for this property is the means by which we furnish occupation
for the whole city, and if you take it from us, our means of finding
that occupation is withdrawn. Besides, those who take it will have
difficulty in preserving what is dishonestly acquired, and thus poverty
and destitution are brought upon the city. Now, I, and these Signors
command, and if it were consistent with propriety, we would entreat that
you allow your minds to be calmed; be content, rest satisfied with the
provisions that have been made for you; and if you should be found to
need anything further, make your request with decency and order, and not
with tumult; for when your demands are reasonable they will always be
complied with, and you will not give occasion to evil designing men
to ruin your country and cast the blame upon yourselves." These words
conveying nothing but the truth, produced a suitable effect upon the
minds of the citizens, who thanking the Gonfalonier for having acted
toward them the part of a king Signor, and toward the city that of a
good citizen, offered their obedience in whatever might be committed
to them. And the Signors, to prove the sincerity of their intentions,
appointed two citizens for each of the superior magistracies, who, with
Syndics of the arts, were to consider what could be done to restore
quite, and report their resolutions to the Signors.
While these things were in progress, a disturbance arose, much more
injurious to the republic than anything that had hitherto occurred.
The greatest part of the fires and robberies which took place on the
previous days were perpetrated by the very lowest of the people; and
those who had been the most audacious, were afraid that when the greater
differences were composed, they would be punished for the crimes they
had committed; and that as usual, they would be abandoned by those who
had instigated them to the commission of crime. To this may be added,
the hatred of the lower orders toward the rich citizens and the
principals of the arts, because they did not think themselves
remunerated for their labor in a manner equal to their merits. For in
the time of Charles I., when the city was divided into arts, a head or
governor was appointed to each, and it was provided that the individuals
of each art, should be judged in civil matters by their own superiors.
These arts, as we have before observed, were at first twelve; in the
course of time they were increased to twenty-one, and attained so much
power, that in a few years they grasped the entire government of the
city; and as some were in greater esteem than others, they were divided
into MAJOR and MINOR; seven were called "major," and fourteen, the
"minor arts." From this division, and from other causes which we have
narrated above, arose the arrogance of the Capitani di Parte; for those
citizens who had formerly been Guelphs, and had the constant disposal of
that magistracy, favored the followers of the major and persecuted
the minor arts and their patrons; and hence arose the many commotions
already mentioned. When the companies of the arts were first organized,
many of those trades, followed by the lowest of the people and the
plebeians, were not incorporated, but were ranged under those arts
most nearly allied to them; and, hence, when they were not properly
remunerated for their labor, or their masters oppressed them, they had
no one of whom to seek redress, except the magistrate of the art to
which theirs was subject; and of him they did not think justice always
attainable. Of the arts, that which had always had, and now has, the
greatest number of these subordinates, is the woolen; which being
both then, and still, the most powerful body, and first in authority,
supports the greater part of the plebeians and lowest of the people.
The lower classes, then, the subordinates not only of the woolen,
but also of the other arts, were discontented, from the causes just
mentioned; and their apprehension of punishment for the burnings and
robberies they had committed, did not tend to compose them. Meetings
took place in different parts during the night, to talk over the past,
and to communicate the danger in which they were, when one of the most
daring and experienced, in order to animate the rest, spoke thus:
"If the question now were, whether we should take up arms, rob and burn
the houses of the citizens, and plunder churches, I am one of those who
would think it worthy of further consideration, and should, perhaps,
prefer poverty and safety to the dangerous pursuit of an uncertain good.
But as we have already armed, and many offenses have been committed, it
appears to me that we have to consider how to lay them aside, and secure
ourselves from the consequences of what is already done. I certainly
think, that if nothing else could teach us, necessity might. You see the
whole city full of complaint and indignation against us; the citizens
are closely united, and the signors are constantly with the magistrates.
You may be sure they are contriving something against us; they are
arranging some new plan to subdue us. We ought therefore to keep two
things in view, and have two points to consider; the one is, to escape
with impunity for what has been done during the last few days, and the
other, to live in greater comfort and security for the time to come. We
must, therefore, I think, in order to be pardoned for our faults, commit
new ones; redoubling the mischief, and multiplying fires and robberies;
and in doing this, endeavor to have as many companions as we can; for
when many are in fault, few are punished; small crimes are chastised,
but great and serious ones rewarded. When many suffer, few seek
vengeance; for general evils are endured more patiently than private
ones. To increase the number of misdeeds will, therefore, make
forgiveness more easily attainable, and will open the way to secure what
we require for our own liberty. And it appears evident that the gain is
certain; for our opponents are disunited and rich; their disunion will
give us the victory, and their riches, when they have become ours, will
support us. Be not deceived about that antiquity of blood by which they
exalt themselves above us; for all men having had one common origin, are
all equally ancient, and nature has made us all after one fashion. Strip
us naked, and we shall all be found alike. Dress us in their clothing,
and they in ours, we shall appear noble, they ignoble--for poverty and
riches make all the difference. It grieves me much to think that some
of you are sorry inwardly for what is done, and resolve to abstain from
anything more of the kind. Certainly, if it be so, you are not the men
I took you for; because neither shame nor conscience ought to have
any influence with you. Conquerors, by what means soever, are never
considered aught but glorious. We have no business to think
about conscience; for when, like us, men have to fear hunger, and
imprisonment, or death, the fear of hell neither can nor ought to have
any influence upon them. If you only notice human proceedings, you may
observe that all who attain great power and riches, make use of
either force or fraud; and what they have acquired either by deceit or
violence, in order to conceal the disgraceful methods of attainment,
they endeavor to sanctify with the false title of honest gains. Those
who either from imprudence or want of sagacity avoid doing so, are
always overwhelmed with servitude and poverty; for faithful servants are
always servants, and honest men are always poor; nor do any ever escape
from servitude but the bold and faithless, or from poverty, but the
rapacious and fraudulent. God and nature have thrown all human fortunes
into the midst of mankind; and they are thus attainable rather by rapine
than by industry, by wicked actions rather than by good. Hence it is
that men feed upon each other, and those who cannot defend themselves
must be worried. Therefore we must use force when the opportunity
offers; and fortune cannot present us one more favorable than the
present, when the citizens are still disunited, the Signory doubtful,
and the magistrates terrified; for we may easily conquer them before
they can come to any settled arrangement. By this means we shall either
obtain the entire government of the city, or so large a share of it, as
to be forgiven past errors, and have sufficient authority to threaten
the city with a renewal of them at some future time. I confess this
course is bold and dangerous, but when necessity presses, audacity
becomes prudence, and in great affairs the brave never think of dangers.
The enterprises that are begun with hazard always have a reward at last;
and no one ever escaped from embarrassment without some peril. Besides,
it is easy to see from all their preparations of prisons, racks, and
instruments of death, that there is more danger in inaction than in
endeavoring to secure ourselves; for in the first case the evils are
certain, in the latter doubtful. How often have I heard you complain of
the avarice of your superiors and the injustice of your magistrates. Now
then is the time, not only to liberate yourself from them, but to become
so much superior, that they will have more causes of grief and fear
from you, than you from them. The opportunity presented by circumstances
passes away, and when gone, it will be vain to think it can be recalled.
You see the preparations of our enemies; let us anticipate them; and
those who are first in arms will certainly be victors, to the ruin of
their enemies and their own exaltation; and thus honors will accrue to
many of us and security to all." These arguments greatly inflamed minds
already disposed to mischief, so that they determined to take up arms as
soon as they had acquired a sufficient number of associates, and bound
themselves by oath to mutual defense, in case any of them were subdued
by the civil power.
While they were arranging to take possession of the republic, their
design became known to the Signory, who, having taken a man named
Simone, learned from him the particulars of the conspiracy, and that the
outbreak was to take place on the following day. Finding the danger so
pressing, they called together the colleagues and those citizens who
with the syndics of the arts were endeavoring to effect the union of the
city. It was then evening, and they advised the signors to assemble the
consuls of the trades, who proposed that whatever armed force was in
Florence should be collected, and with the Gonfaloniers of the people
and their companies, meet under arms in the piazza next morning. It
happened that while Simone was being tortured, a man named Niccolo da
San Friano was regulating the palace clock, and becoming acquainted
with what was going on, returned home and spread the report of it in his
neighborhood, so that presently the piazza of St. Spirito was
occupied by above a thousand men. This soon became known to the other
conspirators, and San Pietro Maggiore and St. Lorenzo, their places of
assembly, were presently full of them, all under arms.
CHAPTER IV
Proceedings of the plebeians--The demand they make of the Signory--They
insist that the Signory leave the palace--The Signory leave the
palace--Michael di Lando Gonfalonier--Complaints and movements of the
plebeians against Michael di Lando--Michael di Lando proceeds against
the plebeians and reduces them to order--Character of Michael di Lando.
At daybreak on the 21st of July, there did not appear in the piazza
above eighty men in arms friendly to the Signory, and not one of
the Gonfaloniers; for knowing the whole city to be in a state of
insurrection they were afraid to leave their homes. The first body of
plebeians that made its appearance was that which had assembled at San
Pietro Maggiore; but the armed force did not venture to attack them.
Then came the other multitudes, and finding no opposition, they loudly
demanded their prisoners from the Signory; and being resolved to have
them by force if they were not yielded to their threats, they burned
the house of Luigi Guicciardini; and the Signory, for fear of greater
mischief, set them at liberty. With this addition to their strength they
took the Gonfalon of Justice from the bearer, and under the shadow
of authority which it gave them, burned the houses of many citizens,
selecting those whose owners had publicly or privately excited their
hatred. Many citizens, to avenge themselves for private injuries,
conducted them to the houses of their enemies; for it was quite
sufficient to insure its destruction, if a single voice from the mob
called out, "To the house of such a one," or if he who bore the Gonfalon
took the road toward it. All the documents belonging to the woolen
trade were burned, and after the commission of much violence, by way
of associating it with something laudable, Salvestro de Medici and
sixty-three other citizens were made knights, among whom were Benedetto
and Antonio degli Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi and others similarly their
friends; though many received the honor against their wills. It was
a remarkable peculiarity of the riots, that many who had their houses
burned, were on the same day, and by the same party made knights; so
close were the kindness and the injury together. This circumstance
occurred to Luigi Guicciardini, Gonfalonier of Justice.
In this tremendous uproar, the Signory, finding themselves abandoned by
their armed force, by the leaders of the arts, and by the Gonfaloniers,
became dismayed; for none had come to their assistance in obedience to
orders; and of the sixteen Gonfalons, the ensign of the Golden Lion
and of the Vaio, under Giovenco della Stufa and Giovanni Cambi alone
appeared; and these, not being joined by any other, soon withdrew.
Of the citizens, on the other hand, some, seeing the fury of this
unreasonable multitude and the palace abandoned, remained within doors;
others followed the armed mob, in the hope that by being among them,
they might more easily protect their own houses or those of their
friends. The power of the plebeians was thus increased and that of the
Signory weakened. The tumult continued all day, and at night the rioters
halted near the palace of Stefano, behind the church of St. Barnabas.
Their number exceeded six thousand, and before daybreak they obtained
by threats the ensigns of the trades, with which and the Gonfalon of
Justice, when morning came, they proceeded to the palace of the provost,
who refusing to surrender it to them, they took possession of it by
force.
The Signory, desirous of a compromise, since they could not restrain
them by force, appointed four of the Colleagues to proceed to the palace
of the provost, and endeavor to learn what was their intention. They
found that the leaders of the plebeians, with the Syndics of the trades
and some citizens, had resolved to signify their wishes to the Signory.
They therefore returned with four deputies of the plebeians, who
demanded that the woolen trade should not be allowed to have a foreign
judge; that there should be formed three new companies of the arts;
namely, one for the wool combers and dyers, one for the barbers,
doublet-makers, tailors, and such like, and the third for the lowest
class of people. They required that the three new arts should furnish
two Signors; the fourteen minor arts, three; and that the Signory should
provide a suitable place of assembly for them. They also made it a
condition that no member of these companies should be expected during
two years to pay any debt that amounted to less than fifty ducats; that
the bank should take no interest on loans already contracted, and that
only the principal sum should be demanded; that the condemned and the
banished should be forgiven, and the admonished should be restored to
participation in the honors of government. Besides these, many other
articles were stipulated in favor of their friends, and a requisition
made that many of their enemies should be exiled and admonished. These
demands, though grievous and dishonorable to the republic, were for fear
of further violence granted, by the joint deliberation of the Signors,
Colleagues, and Council of the people. But in order to give it full
effect, it was requisite that the Council of the Commune should also
give its consent; and, as they could not assemble two councils during
the same day it was necessary to defer it till the morrow. However the
trades appeared content, the plebeians satisfied; and both promised,
that these laws being confirmed, every disturbance should cease.
On the following morning, while the Council of the Commune were in
consultation, the impatient and volatile multitude entered the piazza,
under their respective ensigns, with loud and fearful shouts,
which struck terror into all the Council and Signory; and Guerrente
Marignolli, one of the latter, influenced more by fear than anything
else, under pretense of guarding the lower doors, left the chamber and
fled to his house. He was unable to conceal himself from the multitude,
who, however, took no notice, except that, upon seeing him, they
insisted that all the Signors should quit the palace, and declared
that if they refused to comply, their houses should be burned and their
families put to death.
The law had now been passed; the Signors were in their own apartments;
the Council had descended from the chamber, and without leaving the
palace, hopeless of saving the city, they remained in the lodges and
courts below, overwhelmed with grief at seeing such depravity in the
multitude, and such perversity or fear in those who might either have
restrained or suppressed them. The Signory, too, were dismayed and
fearful for the safety of their country, finding themselves abandoned
by one of their associates, and without any aid or even advice; when, at
this moment of uncertainty as to what was about to happen, or what would
be best to be done, Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti, either from
motives of ambition (being desirous of remaining masters of the palace),
or because they thought it the most advisable step, persuaded them to
give way to the popular impulse, and withdraw privately to their homes.
This advice, given by those who had been the leaders of the tumult,
although the others yielded, filled Alamanno Acciajuoli and Niccolo del
Bene, two of the Signors, with anger; and, reassuming a little vigor,
they said, that if the others would withdraw they could not help it, but
they would remain as long as they continued in office, if they did not
in the meantime lose their lives. These dissensions redoubled the fears
of the Signory and the rage of the people, so that the Gonfalonier,
disposed rather to conclude his magistracy in dishonor than in danger,
recommended himself to the care of Tommaso Strozzi, who withdrew him
from the palace and conducted him to his house. The other Signors were,
one after another, conveyed in the same manner, so that Alamanno and
Niccolo, not to appear more valiant than wise, seeing themselves left
alone, also retired, and the palace fell into the hands of the plebeians
and the Eight Commissioners of War, who had not yet laid down their
authority.
When the plebeians entered the palace, the standard of the Gonfalonier
of Justice was in the hands of Michael di Lando, a wool comber. This
man, barefoot, with scarcely anything upon him, and the rabble at his
heels, ascended the staircase, and, having entered the audience chamber
of the Signory, he stopped, and turning to the multitude said, "You see
this palace is now yours, and the city is in your power; what do you
think ought to be done?" To which they replied, they would have him for
their Gonfalonier and lord; and that he should govern them and the city
as he thought best. Michael accepted the command; and, as he was a cool
and sagacious man, more favored by nature than by fortune, he resolved
to compose the tumult, and restore peace to the city. To occupy the
minds of the people, and give himself time to make some arrangement, he
ordered that one Nuto, who had been appointed bargello, or sheriff,
by Lapo da Castiglionchio, should be sought. The greater part of his
followers went to execute this commission; and, to commence with justice
the government he had acquired by favor, he commanded that no one should
either burn or steal anything; while, to strike terror into all, he
caused a gallows to be erected in the court of the palace. He began
the reform of government by deposing the Syndics of the trades, and
appointing new ones; he deprived the Signory and the Colleagues of their
magistracy, and burned the balloting purses containing the names of
those eligible to office under the former government.
In the meantime, Ser Nuto, being brought by the mob into the court, was
suspended from the gallows by one foot; and those around having torn him
to pieces, in little more than a moment nothing remained of him but the
foot by which he had been tied.
The Eight Commissioners of War, on the other hand, thinking themselves,
after the departure of the Signors, left sole masters of the city, had
already formed a new Signory; but Michael, on hearing this, sent them
an order to quit the palace immediately; for he wished to show that he
could govern Florence without their assistance. He then assembled the
Syndics of the trades, and created as a Signory, four from the lowest
plebeians; two from the major, and two from the minor trades. Besides
this, he made a new selection of names for the balloting purses, and
divided the state into three parts; one composed of the new trades,
another of the minor, and the third of the major trades. He gave to
Salvestro de' Medici the revenue of the shops upon the Old Bridge; for
himself he took the provostry of Empoli, and conferred benefits upon
many other citizens, friends of the plebeians; not so much for the
purpose of rewarding their labors, as that they might serve to screen
him from envy.
It seemed to the plebeians that Michael, in his reformation of the
state, had too much favored the higher ranks of the people, and that
themselves had not a sufficient share in the government to enable them
to preserve it; and hence, prompted by their usual audacity, they again
took arms, and coming tumultuously into the court of the palace, each
body under their particular ensigns, insisted that the Signory
should immediately descend and consider new means for advancing their
well-being and security. Michael, observing their arrogance, was
unwilling to provoke them, but without further yielding to their
request, blamed the manner in which it was made, advised them to lay
down their arms, and promised that then would be conceded to them, what
otherwise, for the dignity of the state, must of necessity be withheld.
The multitude, enraged at this reply, withdrew to Santa Maria Novella,
where they appointed eight leaders for their party, with officers, and
other regulations to ensure influence and respect; so that the city
possessed two governments, and was under the direction of two distinct
powers. These new leaders determined that Eight, elected from their
trades, should constantly reside in the palace with the Signory, and
that whatever the Signory should determine must be confirmed by them
before it became law. They took from Salvestro de' Medici and Michael
di Lando the whole of what their former decrees had granted them, and
distributed to many of their party offices and emoluments to enable them
to support their dignity. These resolutions being passed, to render them
valid they sent two of their body to the Signory, to insist on their
being confirmed by the Council, with an intimation, that if not granted
they would be vindicated by force. This deputation, with amazing
audacity and surpassing presumption, explained their commission to the
Signory, upbraided the Gonfalonier with the dignity they had conferred
upon him, the honor they had done him, and with the ingratitude and want
of respect he had shown toward them. Coming to threats toward the end of
their discourse, Michael could not endure their arrogance, and sensible
rather of the dignity of the office he held than of the meanness of his
origin, determined by extraordinary means to punish such extraordinary
insolence, and drawing the sword with which he was girt, seriously
wounded, and cause them to be seized and imprisoned.
When the fact became known, the multitude were filled with rage, and
thinking that by their arms they might ensure what without them they
had failed to effect, they seized their weapons and with the utmost
fury resolved to force the Signory to consent to their wishes. Michael,
suspecting what would happen, determined to be prepared, for he knew his
credit rather required him to be first to the attack than to wait the
approach of the enemy, or, like his predecessors, dishonor both the
palace and himself by flight. He therefore drew together a good number
of citizens (for many began to see their error), mounted on horseback,
and followed by crowds of armed men, proceeded to Santa Maria Novella,
to encounter his adversaries. The plebeians, who as before observed
were influenced by a similar desire, had set out about the same time as
Michael, and it happened that as each took a different route, they did
not meet in their way, and Michael, upon his return, found the piazza in
their possession. The contest was now for the palace, and joining in the
fight, he soon vanquished them, drove part of them out of the city,
and compelled the rest to throw down their arms and escape or conceal
themselves, as well as they could. Having thus gained the victory, the
tumults were composed, solely by the talents of the Gonfalonier, who in
courage, prudence, and generosity surpassed every other citizen of his
time, and deserves to be enumerated among the glorious few who have
greatly benefited their country; for had he possessed either malice or
ambition, the republic would have been completely ruined, and the city
must have fallen under greater tyranny than that of the duke of Athens.
But his goodness never allowed a thought to enter his mind opposed to
the universal welfare: his prudence enabled him to conduct affairs in
such a manner, that a great majority of his own faction reposed the most
entire confidence in him; and he kept the rest in awe by the influence
of his authority. These qualities subdued the plebeians, and opened the
eyes of the superior artificers, who considered how great must be the
folly of those, who having overcome the pride of the nobility, could
endure to submit to the nauseous rule of the rabble.
CHAPTER V
New regulations for the elections of the Signory--Confusion in the
City--Piero degli Albizzi and other citizens condemned to death--The
Florentines alarmed by the approach of Charles of Durazzo--The
measures adopted in consequence thereof--Insolent Conduct of Giorgio
Scali--Benedetto Alberti--Giorgio Scali beheaded.
By the time Michael di Lando had subdued the plebeians, the new Signory
was drawn, and among those who composed it, were two persons of such
base and mean condition, that the desire increased in the minds of the
people to be freed from the ignominy into which they had fallen; and
when, upon the first of September, the new Signory entered office and
the retiring members were still in the palace, the piazza being full of
armed men, a tumultuous cry arose from the midst of them, that none
of the lowest of the people should hold office among the Signory. The
obnoxious two were withdrawn accordingly. The name of one was Il Tira,
of the other Baroccio, and in their stead were elected Giorgio Scali
and Francesco di Michele. The company of the lowest trade was also
dissolved, and its members deprived of office, except Michael di Lando,
Lorenzo di Puccio and a few others of better quality. The honors of
government were divided into two parts, one of which was assigned to the
superior trades, the other to the inferior; except that the latter were
to furnish five Signors, and the former only four. The Gonfalonier was
to be chosen alternately from each.
The government thus composed, restored peace to the city for the
time; but though the republic was rescued from the power of the lowest
plebeians, the inferior trades were still more influential than the
nobles of the people, who, however, were obliged to submit for the
gratification of the trades, of whose favor they wished to deprive the
plebeians. The new establishment was supported by all who wished the
continued subjugation of those who, under the name of the Guelphic
party, had practiced such excessive violence against the citizens. And
as among others, thus disposed, were Giorgio Scali, Benedetto Alberti,
Salvestro di Medici, and Tommaso Strozzi, these four almost became
princes of the city. This state of the public mind strengthened the
divisions already commenced between the nobles of the people, and the
minor artificers, by the ambition of the Ricci and the Albizzi; from
which, as at different times very serious effects arose, and as they
will hereafter be frequently mentioned, we shall call the former
the popular party, the latter the plebeian. This condition of things
continued three years, during which many were exiled and put to death;
for the government lived in constant apprehension, knowing that both
within and without the city many were dissatisfied with them. Those
within, either attempted or were suspected of attempting every day some
new project against them; and those without, being under no restraint,
were continually, by means of some prince or republic, spreading reports
tending to increase the disaffection.
Gianozzo da Salerno was at this time in Bologna. He held a command under
Charles of Durazzo, a descendant of the kings of Naples, who, designing
to undertake the conquest of the dominions of Queen Giovanna, retained
his captain in that city, with the concurrence of Pope Urban, who was at
enmity with the queen. Many Florentine emigrants were also at Bologna,
in close correspondence with him and Charles. This caused the rulers in
Florence to live in continual alarm, and induced them to lend a willing
ear to any calumnies against the suspected. While in this disturbed
state of feeling, it was disclosed to the government that Gianozzo da
Salerno was about to march to Florence with the emigrants, and that
great numbers of those within were to rise in arms, and deliver the city
to him. Upon this information many were accused, the principal of whom
were Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi: and after these Cipriano
Mangione, Jacopo Sacchetti, Donato Barbadori, Filippo Strozzi, and
Giovanni Anselmi, the whole of whom, except Carlo Strozzi who fled, were
made prisoners; and the Signory, to prevent any one from taking arms
in their favor, appointed Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti with
a strong armed force, to guard the city. The arrested citizens were
examined, and although nothing was elicited against them sufficient to
induce the Capitano to find them guilty, their enemies excited the minds
of the populace to such a degree of outrageous and overwhelming fury
against them, that they were condemned to death, as it were, by force.
Nor was the greatness of his family, or his former reputation of any
service to Piero degli Albizzi, who had once been, of all the citizens,
the man most feared and honored. Some one, either as a friend to
render him wise in his prosperity, or an enemy to threaten him with the
fickleness of fortune, had upon the occasion of his making a feast for
many citizens, sent him a silver bowl full of sweetmeats, among which
a large nail was found, and being seen by many present, was taken for a
hint to him to fix the wheel of fortune, which, having conveyed him to
the top, must if the rotation continued, also bring him to the bottom.
This interpretation was verified, first by his ruin, and afterward by
his death.
After this execution the city was full of consternation, for both
victors and vanquished were alike in fear; but the worst effects arose
from the apprehensions of those possessing the management of affairs;
for every accident, however trivial, caused them to commit fresh
outrages, either by condemnations, admonitions, or banishment of
citizens; to which must be added, as scarcely less pernicious, the
frequent new laws and regulations which were made for defense of the
government, all of which were put in execution to the injury of those
opposed to their faction. They appointed forty-six persons, who,
with the Signory, were to purge the republic of all suspected by the
government. They admonished thirty-nine citizens, ennobled many of the
people, and degraded many nobles to the popular rank. To strengthen
themselves against external foes, they took into their pay John
Hawkwood, an Englishman of great military reputation, who had long
served the pope and others in Italy. Their fears from without were
increased by a report that several bodies of men were being assembled
by Charles of Durazzo for the conquest of Naples, and many Florentine
emigrants were said to have joined him. Against these dangers, in
addition to the forces which had been raised, large sums of money were
provided; and Charles, having arrived at Arezzo, obtained from the
Florentines 40,000 ducats, and promised he would not molest them. His
enterprise was immediately prosecuted, and having occupied the kingdom
of Naples, he sent Queen Giovanna a prisoner into Hungary. This victory
renewed the fears of those who managed the affairs of Florence, for
they could not persuade themselves that their money would have a greater
influence on the king's mind than the friendship which his house had
long retained for the Guelphs, whom they so grievously oppressed.
This suspicion increasing, multiplied oppressions; which again, instead
of diminishing the suspicion, augmented it; so that most men lived
in the utmost discontent. To this the insolence of Giorgio Scali
and Tommaso Strozzi (who by their popular influence overawed the
magistrates) also contributed, for the rulers were apprehensive that by
the power these men possessed with the plebeians they could set them at
defiance; and hence it is evident that not only to good men, but even to
the seditious, this government appeared tyrannical and violent. To put a
period to the outrageous conduct of Giorgio, it happened that a servant
of his accused Giovanni di Cambio of practices against the state, but
the Capitano declared him innocent. Upon this, the judge determined to
punish the accuser with the same penalties that the accused would have
incurred had he been guilty, but Giorgio Scali, unable to save him
either by his authority or entreaties, obtained the assistance of
Tommaso Strozzi, and with a multitude of armed men, set the informer
at liberty and plundered the palace of the Capitano, who was obliged
to save himself by flight. This act excited such great and universal
animosity against him, that his enemies began to hope they would be able
to effect his ruin, and also to rescue the city from the power of
the plebeians, who for three years had held her under their arrogant
control.
To the realization of this design the Capitano greatly contributed, for
the tumult having subsided, he presented himself before the signors,
and said "He had cheerfully undertaken the office to which they had
appointed him, for he thought he should serve upright men who would take
arms for the defense of justice, and not impede its progress. But now
that he had seen and had experience of the proceedings of the city, and
the manner in which affairs were conducted, that dignity which he had
voluntarily assumed with the hope of acquiring honor and emolument, he
now more willingly resigned, to escape from the losses and danger to
which he found himself exposed." The complaint of the Capitano was heard
with the utmost attention by the Signory, who promising to remunerate
him for the injury he had suffered and provide for his future security,
he was satisfied. Some of them then obtained an interview with certain
citizens who were thought to be lovers of the common good, and least
suspected by the state; and in conjunction with these, it was concluded
that the present was a favorable opportunity for rescuing the city from
Giorgio and the plebeians, the last outrage he had committed having
completely alienated the great body of the people from him. They judged
it best to profit by the occasion before the excitement had abated, for
they knew that the favor of the mob is often gained or lost by the
most trifling circumstance; and more certainly to insure success, they
determined, if possible, to obtain the concurrence of Benedetto Alberti,
for without it they considered their enterprise to be dangerous.
Benedetto was one of the richest citizens, a man of unassuming manners,
an ardent lover of the liberties of his country, and one to whom
tyrannical measures were in the highest degree offensive; so that he was
easily induced to concur in their views and consent to Giorgio's ruin.
His enmity against the nobles of the people and the Guelphs, and
his friendship for the plebeians, were caused by the insolence and
tyrannical proceedings of the former; but finding that the plebeians had
soon become quite as insolent, he quickly separated himself from them;
and the injuries committed by them against the citizens were done wholly
without his consent. So that the same motives which made him join the
plebeians induced him to leave them.
Having gained Benedetto and the leaders of the trades to their side,
they provided themselves with arms and made Giorgio prisoner. Tommaso
fled. The next day Giorgio was beheaded; which struck so great a
terror into his party, that none ventured to express the slightest
disapprobation, but each seemed anxious to be foremost in defense of the
measure. On being led to execution, in the presence of that people who
only a short time before had idolized him, Giorgio complained of his
hard fortune, and the malignity of those citizens who, having done him
an undeserved injury, had compelled him to honor and support a mob,
possessing neither faith nor gratitude. Observing Benedetto Alberti
among those who had armed themselves for the preservation of order, he
said, "Do you, too, consent, Benedetto, that this injury shall be done
to me? Were I in your place and you in mine, I would take care that no
one should injure you. I tell you, however, this day is the end of my
troubles and the beginning of yours." He then blamed himself for having
confided too much in a people who may be excited and inflamed by every
word, motion, and breath of suspicion. With these complaints he died in
the midst of his armed enemies, delighted at his fall. Some of his most
intimate associates were also put to death, and their bodies dragged
about by the mob.
CHAPTER VI
Confusion and riots in the city--Reform of government in opposition to
the plebeians--Injuries done to those who favored the plebeians--Michael
di Lando banished--Benedetto Alberti hated by the Signory--Fears
excited by the coming of Louis of Anjou--The Florentines purchase
Arezzo--Benedetto Alberti becomes suspected and is banished--His
discourse upon leaving the city--Other citizens banished and
admonished--War with Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan.
The death of Giorgio caused very great excitement; many took arms at
the execution in favor of the Signory and the Capitano; and many others,
either for ambition or as a means for their own safety, did the same.
The city was full of conflicting parties, who each had a particular end
in view, and wished to carry it into effect before they disarmed. The
ancient nobility, called the GREAT, could not bear to be deprived
of public honors; for the recovery of which they used their utmost
exertions, and earnestly desired that authority might be restored to the
Capitani di Parte. The nobles of the people and the major trades were
discontented at the share the minor trades and lowest of the people
possessed in the government; while the minor trades were desirous of
increasing their influence, and the lowest people were apprehensive
of losing the companies of their trades and the authority which these
conferred.
Such opposing views occasioned Florence, during a year, to be disturbed
by many riots. Sometimes the nobles of the people took arms; sometimes
the major and sometimes the minor trades and the lowest of the people;
and it often happened that, though in different parts, all were at once
in insurrection. Hence many conflicts took place between the different
parties or with the forces of the palace; for the Signory sometimes
yielding, and at other times resisting, adopted such remedies as they
could for these numerous evils. At length, after two assemblies of the
people, and many Balias appointed for the reformation of the city; after
much toil, labor, and imminent danger, a government was appointed,
by which all who had been banished since Salvestro de' Medici was
Gonfalonier were restored. They who had acquired distinctions or
emoluments by the Balia of 1378 were deprived of them. The honors of
government were restored to the Guelphic party; the two new Companies of
the Trades were dissolved, and all who had been subject to them assigned
to their former companies. The minor trades were not allowed to elect
the Gonfalonier of Justice, their share of honors was reduced from a
half to a third; and those of the highest rank were withdrawn from them
altogether. Thus the nobles of the people and the Guelphs repossessed
themselves of the government, which was lost by the plebeians after it
had been in their possession from 1378 to 1381, when these changes took
place.
The new establishment was not less injurious to the citizens, or less
troublesome at its commencement than that of the plebeians had been; for
many of the nobles of the people, who had distinguished themselves as
defenders of the plebeians, were banished, with a great number of the
leaders of the latter, among whom was Michael di Lando; nor could all
the benefits conferred upon the city by his authority, when in danger
from the lawless mob, save him from the rabid fury of the party that was
now in power. His good offices evidently excited little gratitude in
his countrymen. The neglect of their benefactors is an error into which
princes and republics frequently fall; and hence mankind, alarmed by
such examples, as soon as they begin to perceive the ingratitude of
their rulers, set themselves against them.
As these banishments and executions had always been offensive to
Benedetto Alberti, they continued to disgust him, and he censured them
both publicly and privately. The leaders of the government began to
fear him, for they considered him one of the most earnest friends of
the plebeians, and thought he had not consented to the death of Giorgio
Scali from disapprobation of his proceeding, but that he might be left
himself without a rival in the government. His discourse and his conduct
alike served to increase their suspicions, so that all the ruling party
had their eyes upon him, and eagerly sought an opportunity of crushing
him.
During this state of things, external affairs were not of serious
importance, for some which ensued were productive of apprehension rather
than of injury. At this time Louis of Anjou came into Italy, to recover
the kingdom of Naples for Queen Giovanna, and drive out Charles of
Durazzo. His coming terrified the Florentines; for Charles, according
to the custom of old friends, demanded their assistance, and Louis,
like those who seek new alliances, required their neutrality. The
Florentines, that they might seem to comply with the request of Louis,
and at the same time assist Charles, discharged from their service
Sir John Hawkwood, and transferred him to that of Pope Urban, who was
friendly to Charles; but this deceit was at once detected, and Louis
considered himself greatly injured by the Florentines. While the war
was carried on between Louis and Charles in Puglia, new forces were sent
from France in aid of Louis, and on arriving in Tuscany, were by the
emigrants of Arezzo conducted to that city, and took it from those who
held possession for Charles. And when they were about to change the
government of Florence, as they had already done that of Arezzo, Louis
died, and the order of things in Puglia and in Tuscany was changed
accordingly; for Charles secured the kingdom, which had been all but
lost, and the Florentines, who were apprehensive for their own city,
purchased Arezzo from those who held it for Louis. Charles, having
secured Puglia, went to take possession of Hungary, to which he was
heir, leaving, with his wife, his children Ladislaus and Giovanna, who
were yet infants. He took possession of Hungary, but was soon after
slain there.
As great rejoicings were made in Florence on account of this acquisition
as ever took place in any city for a real victory, which served to
exhibit the public and private wealth of the people, many families
endeavoring to vie with the state itself in displays of magnificence.
The Alberti surpassed all others; the tournaments and exhibitions made
by them were rather suitable for a sovereign prince than for any private
individuals. These things increased the envy with which the family was
regarded, and being joined with suspicions which the state entertained
of Benedetto, were the causes of his ruin. The rulers could not endure
him, for it appeared as if, at any moment, something might occur,
which, with the favor of his friends, would enable him to recover
his authority, and drive them out of the city. While in this state of
suspicion and jealousy, it happened that while he was Gonfalonier of the
Companies, his son-in-law, Filippo Magalotti, was drawn Gonfalonier of
Justice; and this circumstance increased the fears of the government,
for they thought it would strengthen Benedetto's influence, and place
the state in the greater peril. Anxious to provide a remedy, without
creating much disturbance, they induced Bese Magalotti, his relative and
enemy, to signify to the Signory that Filippo, not having attained the
age required for the exercise of that office, neither could nor ought to
hold it.
The question was examined by the signors, and part of them out of
hatred, others in order to avoid disunion among themselves, declared
Filippo ineligible to the dignity, and in his stead was drawn Bardo
Mancini, who was quite opposed to the plebeian interests, and an
inveterate foe of Benedetto. This man, having entered upon the duties
of his office, created a _Balia_ for the reformation of the state, which
banished Benedetto Alberti and admonished all the rest of his family
except Antonio. Before his departure, Benedetto called them together,
and observing their melancholy demeanor, said, "You see, my fathers, and
you the elders of our house, how fortune has ruined me and threatened
you. I am not surprised at this, neither ought you to be so, for it
always happens thus to those who among a multitude of the wicked, wish
to act rightly, and endeavor to sustain, what the many seek to destroy.
The love of my country made me take part with Salvestro de Medici and
afterward separated me from Giorgio Scali. The same cause compelled me
to detest those who now govern, who having none to punish them, will
allow no one to reprove their misdeeds. I am content that my banishment
should deliver them from the fears they entertain, not of me only, but
of all who they think perceives or is acquainted wit their tyrannical
and wicked proceedings; and they have aimed their first blow at me, in
order the more easily to oppress you. I do not grieve on my own account;
for those honors which my country bestowed upon me while free, she
cannot in her slavery take from me; and the recollection of my past
life will always give me greater pleasure than the pain imparted by the
sorrows of exile. I deeply regret that my country is left a prey to the
greediness and pride of the few who keep her in subjection. I grieve for
you; for I fear that the evils which this day cease to affect me, and
commence with you, will pursue you with even greater malevolence than
they have me. Comfort, then, each other; resolve to bear up against
every misfortune, and conduct yourselves in such a manner, that when
disasters befall you (and there will be many), every one may know they
have come upon you undeservedly." Not to give a worse impression of
his virtue abroad than he had done at home, he made a journey to the
sepulcher of Christ, and while upon his return, died at Rhodes. His
remains were brought to Florence, and interred with all possible honors,
by those who had persecuted him, when alive, with every species of
calumny and injustice.
The family of the Alberti was not the only injured party during these
troubles of the city; for many others were banished and admonished. Of
the former were Piero Benini, Matteo Alderotti, Giovanni and Francesco
del Bene, Giovanni Benci, Andrea Adimari, and with them many members of
the minor trades. Of the admonished were the Covini, Benini, Rinucci,
Formiconi, Corbizzi, Manelli, and Alderotti. It was customary to create
the Balia for a limited time; and when the citizens elected had effected
the purpose of their appointment, they resigned the office from motives
of good feeling and decency, although the time allowed might not have
expired. In conformity with this laudable practice, the Balia of that
period, supposing they had accomplished all that was expected of them,
wished to retire; but when the multitude were acquainted with their
intention, they ran armed to the palace, and insisted, that before
resigning their power, many other persons should be banished and
admonished. This greatly displeased the signors; but without disclosing
the extent of their displeasure, they contrived to amuse the multitude
with promises, till they had assembled a sufficient body of armed men,
and then took such measures, that fear induced the people to lay aside
the weapons which madness had led them to take up. Nevertheless, in some
degree to gratify the fury of the mob, and to reduce the authority of
the plebeian trades, it was provided, that as the latter had previously
possessed a third of the honors, they should in future have only a
fourth. That there might always be two of the signors particularly
devoted to the government, they gave authority to the Gonfalonier of
Justice, and four others, to form a ballot-purse of select citizens,
from which, in every Signory, two should be drawn.
This government from its establishment in 1381, till the alterations
now made, had continued six years; and the internal peace of the city
remained undisturbed until 1393. During this time, Giovanni Galeazzo
Visconti, usually called the Count of Virtú, imprisoned his uncle
Bernabo, and thus became sovereign of the whole of Lombardy. As he had
become duke of Milan by fraud, he designed to make himself king of Italy
by force. In 1391 he commenced a spirited attack upon the Florentines;
but such various changes occurred in the course of the war, that he
was frequently in greater danger than the Florentines themselves, who,
though they made a brave and admirable defense, for a republic, must
have been ruined, if he had survived. As it was, the result was attended
with infinitely less evil than their fears of so powerful an enemy had
led them to apprehend; for the duke having taken Bologna, Pisa, Perugia,
and Sienna, and prepared a diadem with which to be crowned king of Italy
at Florence, died before he had tasted the fruit of his victories, or
the Florentines began to feel the effect of their disasters.
CHAPTER VII
Maso degli Albizzi--His violence excites the anger of the people--They
have recourse to Veri de' Medici--The modesty of Veri--He refuses to
assume the dignity of prince, and appeases the people--Discourse of
Veri to the Signory--The banished Florentines endeavor to return--They
secretly enter the city and raise a tumult--Some of them slain, others
taken to the church of St. Reparata--A conspiracy of exiles supported
by the duke of Milan--The conspiracy discovered and the parties
punished--Various enterprises of the Florentines--Taking of Pisa--War
with the king of Naples--Acquisition of Cortona.
During the war with the duke of Milan the office of Gonfalonier of
Justice fell to Maso degli Albizzi, who by the death of Piero in 1379,
had become the inveterate enemy of the Alberti: and as party feeling is
incapable either of repose or abatement, he determined, notwithstanding
Benedetto had died in exile, that before the expiration of his
magistracy, he would revenge himself on the remainder of that family.
He seized the opportunity afforded by a person, who on being examined
respecting correspondence maintained with the rebels, accused Andrea and
Alberto degli Alberti of such practices. They were immediately arrested,
which so greatly excited the people, that the Signory, having provided
themselves with an armed force, called the citizens to a general
assembly or parliament, and appointed a Balia, by whose authority many
were banished, and a new ballot for the offices of government was made.
Among the banished were nearly all the Alberti; many members of the
trades were admonished, and some put to death. Stung by these numerous
injuries, the trades and the lowest of the people rose in arms,
considering themselves despoiled both of honor and life. One body of
them assembled in the piazza; another ran to the house of Veri de'
Medici, who, after the death of Salvestro, was head of the family. The
Signory, in order to appease those who came to the piazza or court of
the palace, gave them for leaders, with the ensigns of the Guelphs
and of the people in their hands, Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, and Donato
Acciajuoli, both men of the popular class, and more attached to the
interests of the plebeians than any other. Those who went to the house
of Veri de' Medici, begged that he would be pleased to undertake the
government, and free them from the tyranny of those citizens who were
destroying the peace and safety of the commonwealth.