In 1816 he visited his lands in Kentucky in company with his lady. They

were received with marked attention on their whole route. So highly

pleased were they with the noble bearing, open frankness and proverbial

hospitality of the Kentuckians, that they resolved on removing there at

the earliest time possible. In 1818 the arrangements were completed and

the journey commenced. He started his men and effects in advance and met

them at Brownsville on the Monongahela. Owing to low water he was

detained for some time before reaching Pittsburgh. At that place he was

detained from the same cause. When the water rose he went on board with

his family in the evening for the purpose of an early start the next

morning. During the night he was taken ill and was removed on shore. His

disease increased--his wounded thigh became highly inflamed--death did

its work. On the 1st day of December 1818 Com. Joshua Barney was

numbered with the silent dead. He breathed his life calmly away and

descended to the tomb in peace. He was buried by the sympathizing

citizens of Pittsburgh with all the honors of sepulture in the graveyard

of the first Presbyterian church where his remains reposed until 1849

when they were removed to the splendid Allegheny Cemetery three miles

from Pittsburgh. After the funeral obsequies were over and the widow

and her family had partially recovered from the shock of their sudden

bereavement they proceeded to their place of destination and located

upon their land in Kentucky. As a small compensation for the valuable

services of her husband, Congress granted Mrs. Barney a pension for

life.

But few men have lived whose web of life has been filled with as many

exciting events and sudden changes as was that of Com. Barney. His was a

life of industry and usefulness without reaching the lofty summit of

fame on which many have perched whose substantial worth was inferior to

his. He discharged every duty that devolved upon him with the strictest

fidelity--with an eye single to the good and glory of his

country--without parade, pomp or vain show. Such men should elicit the

gratitude of our nation as much as those who have filled a higher rank

but have not been more useful.

In all the relations of public and private life Com. Barney stood

approved, admired and beloved. He lived respected and died regretted.

JOSIAH BARTLETT.

UNION--enchanting word--a harmonious euphony vibrates from its sound. It

is the most mellow word in our language. It was the watchword in Heaven

before this mighty globe was spoke into existence--its melody will be

chanted there through the rolling ages of eternity. This magic word has

rallied millions to deeds of noble daring both for good and evil. No

language thrills through the soul of a patriot like the watchword of

'76--"OUR UNION." Is this still the watchword of the great mass of the

American people?--or is the unholy leaven of _Dissolution_ working its

fearful progress from demagogues and factionists? Shall our UNION be

preserved to millions yet unborn? or will we follow in the awful wake of

nations who once were but now are not? Will the bone and sinew of our

dear America suffer patriotism to be basely strangled by party spirit

and internal dissensions? These are questions big with importance and

should be promptly answered by every friend of the UNION in a voice of

patriotic thunder that shall carry terror into the heart of every

fanatic and disorganizer in our land.

For years too little attention has been given to the mental and moral

qualifications of our legislators. _Available_ to the party has been the

watchword in most cases. Cliques nominate--electioneer and hoodwink the

dear people so that the destinies of our nation are emphatically placed

in the hands of a meagre minority and many of this minority men of just

seven principles--two loaves and five fishes. People of the United

States! awake to a sense of impending danger! Return no man to a

legislative hall whose uniform conduct has not proved him to be a pure

patriot and no one a second time who deals in billingsgate, legislates

by force of arms or favors dissolution. Unless UNION is his watchword he

cannot be trusted.

UNION was the glorious rallying word of the Sages and Heroes of the

American Revolution among whom was Josiah Bartlett born at Amesbury,

Mass. in November 1729. He was the son of Stephen Bartlett a man of

sterling merit and liberal principles. Josiah received a good academic

education which he completed at the early age of sixteen. He then

commenced the study of medicine under Dr. Ordway and pursued it with

great industry for five years. He then entered upon a successful

practice at Kingston, New Hampshire, where he gained the confidence and

esteem of the community. Two years after he commenced practice he was

reduced very low by a fever and given up by his attending physicians.

More consistent than some physicians he experimented upon _himself_ and

saved his life. He commenced taking small and frequent doses of cider--a

free perspiration ensued--the fever left and he soon recovered. From

that time he watched the indications and wants of nature more closely in

his patients and often made judicious and successful deviations from the

old beaten path of practice.

Dr. Bartlett was the first physician who boldly assumed the position

that the _angina maligna tonsillaris_ [canker] was _putrid_ and not

_inflammatory_ and first gave Peruvian bark for this distressing

disease. He also introduced the successful practice of using

antiphlogistic remedies for _cynanche maligna_ [sore throat] at that

time terrific among children--four being sometimes buried in one grave

from the same family. By the skill of this able physician this awful

scourge was checked and stripped of its terrors. These improvements in

his practice resulted from a close study and investigation of the laws

of nature, ever in operation, which may be _aided_ but never

_controlled_ by artificial means. Let doctors remember this fact and

govern themselves accordingly.

Dr. Bartlett held several important offices under Gov. Wentworth both

civil and military. Enjoying the confidence of the people he was elected

to the New Hampshire Assembly where he became a prominent opposer of the

infringements of the crown upon chartered rights. Republican blood only

flowed in his veins. With an Argus eye he watched the movements of the

British ministry and the royalists around him. In granting charters for

towns the royal governors had uniformly reserved for the ostensible use

of the Episcopal Church the cream of the location. This was one of the

bones of contention between the people and the governors. Taxation for

illegitimate purposes was the vertebra of the hated animal. In effecting

their settlements the colonists had conquered the wilderness and the

savage unaided by the mother country. They were unwilling to be robbed

of their hard earnings by those who desired to roll in luxury at their

expense. Resistance was natural--was right. Taxation and representation

are inseparable principles that cannot be divorced. They were

incorporated in the eternal code of Nature and like the Siamese twins

must journey together where intelligence and social order predominate.

Kingly power adopts the unholy aphorism that _might makes right_. Upon

this sandy foundation the British ministers based their policy towards

the American Colonies. _They_ put the Revolutionary ball in motion--its

rebounding force demolished the superstructure of their power over our

hardy ancestors. At the commencement of their oppressions, so prompt was

resistance that the king loosened the screws for a time. But under his

old preceptor, Lord Bute, backed by Lord North, he was bound to court

ruin and affiance it. Most effectually did he perform his plighted vows

which were freely sanctioned by the patriots of America.

Gov. Wentworth thought to secure Dr. Bartlett by making him a member of

the judiciary. But there was no gift within the power of monarchy that

could seduce him from the path of liberty. As the crisis was urged on by

the hirelings of the crown his opposition increased in an equal ratio. A

circumstance occurred that made him at once conspicuous. The favorite

measure of securing a majority in the Assembly at all hazards was

resorted to by the Governor. He obtained the king's writ for three new

members from towns that were then fully represented. This open violation

of the known law of the land roused the indignation of the Doctor who

carried with him others who had not before come out in favor of freedom.

The three new members were expelled--opposition to the governor rose

like a July thunder gust. He was obliged to take refuge from the popular

fury on board the man-of-war Fowey. His Excellency proceeded to annul

the power of all liberals under commission from him. By using this

air-pump too freely he produced a vacuum that caused an irreparable

collapse of his own power. The line of demarcation was drawn--the war

cry was raised.

Dr. Bartlett was elected to the Congress of 1774 but on account of the

recent destruction of his house by fire was unable to attend. In

September 1775, he took his seat and was at once placed upon several

important committees. About the same time he was made colonel of a

regiment of provincial troops. In Congress his duties were arduous. That

body met at nine in the morning and continued in session until four in

the afternoon. After that hour most of the business of the committees

was faithfully attended to. At this day of inglorious ease no one can

fully appreciate and but few bestow a thought upon the immense labor,

treasure and blood that our UNION cost. When we learn from the historic

page the difficulties that surrounded the Continental Congress--a

tremendous storm bursting over their heads--retreating before a

relentless foe from place to place--their country bleeding at every

pore--without resources--their army nearly annihilated--we are led to

wonder and admire and ask why their well formed resolutions were not

shaken when the yawning gulf of destruction seemed open to devour them.

To my mind the solution is plain. A majority of the Sages and Heroes of

that eventful period were truly pious and put their trust in Him who

directs the destinies of nations. Their trust was well founded.

In 1776 Dr. Bartlett was again a member of Congress and took a decided

stand in favor of severing the maternal cords of allegiance to the

mother country and declare the child capable of self government. Many

zealous patriots feared it was yet too weak. Much discussion occurred

and a majority pledged themselves to take the nursling in charge. On the

4th of July 1776 the contract was signed which relieved mother Britain

from further responsibility.

When the final question was taken the name of Josiah Bartlett was first

called. With his eyes raised to Heaven he responded in a loud

voice--_Yea_ and _Amen_! Echo caught the words from his lips and carried

them on wings of wind to the remotest bounds of a nation of freemen.

They ran through the dense crowd of spectators hovering around the Hall

of Independence who made the welkin ring with long and repeated

responses--_Yea_ and _Amen_!!!

Worn down by fatigue the health of the Doctor became impaired and

prevented his further attendance in Congress for two years. During that

time he was able to aid his state in organizing her new government and

in raising troops for the northern army. He served in 1778 and took a

final leave of the National Legislature that he might gather up the

scattered fragments of his ruined fortune and aid his own state in her

effort to advance the glorious cause of national freedom. He was

appointed Chief Justice of the Common Pleas and muster master of the

troops then enlisting. In 1782 he was made a justice of the Superior

Court and in 1788 was appointed Chief Justice. His marked usefulness

did not close with the war. The ushering in of peace made a false

impression upon the great mass. Few understood the herculean task of

rising from the paralysis of a seven years contest with a powerful

foe--the formation of a government entirely different from the one which

had stamped its customs upon the people. In my view the wisdom of the

sages of the revolution was more severely taxed in perfecting our system

of government than in driving the Britons from our shores. It often

requires more wisdom to retain and enjoy, than to obtain an object.

In the new work of preparing the people for the rational enjoyment of

the Independence they had achieved Dr. Bartlett took an active part.

Numerous conflicting interests were to be reconciled--an enormous debt

was to be paid--many abuses and corruptions were to be corrected--a

concert of feeling and action to be produced--the art of self government

to be acquired. Storm after storm arose that threatened to throw our

nation back into primeval darkness. It required the combined sagacity

and wisdom of the boldest sages to preserve the laurels of victory, the

trophies of freedom and the chart of our liberty. Long and arduous were

the labors that effected a confederated consolidation. During the time

this subject was under consideration several of the states were shook to

the very centre by internal commotion. That concert of feeling and

action which had carried the people through the perils of the war was

now lost in the whirlpool of self. UNION was no longer the rallying word

with the mass. Fortunately for our country those who stood at the helm

during the revolutionary storm were still at the post of duty. Reason

slowly resumed her sway--wise counsels prevailed--order was

restored--liberty was saved.

Dr. Bartlett was a member of the Convention of N. H. that adopted the

Federal Constitution and gave it his zealous support. In 1789 he was

elected to the U. S. Senate--the next year President of N. H. and in

1793 was elected the first governor of the state under the new order of

things. He enjoyed the universal esteem of his constituents and

discharged the duties of the numerous offices he filled with so much

dignity, wisdom and prudence that envy and slander could find no crevice

for an entering wedge.

Worn down with toil--old age ploughing deep furrows in his face for the

last seed time--the confines of a brighter world just before him, he

resigned his authority and closed his public career on the 29th of

January 1794, covered with living honors and not a spot to tarnish the

glory of his fair escutcheon. He then retired to private life full of

hope--anticipating the domestic enjoyments always desirable to those who

accept of public office for the sake of their country--not for the sake

of the loaves and fishes. But these long desired enjoyments were of

short duration. Disease fastened its relentless grasp upon him. On the

19th of May 1795, his happy spirit left its tenement of clay--ascended

to Him who gave it--leaving a nation to mourn the loss of one of its

brightest ornaments--one of its noblest patriots.

In his private character he fulfilled the duties of citizen, friend,

husband, father and Christian. No man was more generally esteemed--no

man more richly deserved it. In his whole life we have one of the

fairest pictures drawn upon the easel of history. His public career was

of that solid character that imparts substantial usefulness. Without

dazzling, his course was right onward in the cause of universal

philanthropy. He could look back upon a life well spent--he stood

approved at the stern tribunal of conscience. He nobly fulfilled the

design of his creation--discharged his duty to his country, his fellow

men and his God. He left examples that stand as beacon lights to erring

man to guide him safely through this vale of tears--to statesmen and

patriots to induce them to put forth their noblest powers to preserve

our UNION.

CARTER BRAXTON.

Men who forget right and abuse power often undermine the foundation of

their own citadel. In reaching after more authority and larger

enjoyments improperly, they are often shorn of what they have. Thus it

was with England when she imposed unwarranted taxes and restrictions

upon the American Colonies. Previous to the causes that produced the

Revolution the plan of an independent government was ideal and had

entered the minds of but few. With these it was only a nursling in

theory not practically anticipated. When the impolitic measures of the

British ministry were first reduced to practice the Colonists stood upon

the firm basis, the broad platform of their chartered rights clearly

defined and well understood and believed their grievances must and would

be redressed when respectful petitions should be laid before the king.

These were repeatedly forwarded to him couched in allegiate and eloquent

language to which he turned a deaf ear, thus forging the first link in

the revolutionary chain. Parliament was vainly appealed to.

Remonstrances formed the next link in this chain. These were treated

with contumely. A formal demand to desist from oppression in bold but

still respectful language--every word breathing allegiance to the king

was the third link in this chain but all to no purpose. The ministerial

horse leech cry--_give_--GIVE--GIVE--came rushing across the broad

Atlantic from Albion's shore and pierced more deeply the wounded hearts

of the imploring suppliants. Resolutions of non-importation formed the

fourth link. These were answered by threats and menaces. Preparations to

resist formed the fifth link. These resulted in an open and wanton

attack upon American citizens on the heights of Lexington when the great

seal of allegiance was dissolved in blood. The sixth link was the war

cry which roused millions to resolve on liberty or death. The

Declaration of Rights was the seventh and swivel link to the golden

chain of Liberty forged by the patriots of '76 which formed an

impassable barrier to the power of Great Britain over the colonies. The

broad ring of the Federal Constitution perfected this mighty chain which

has thus far held the ship of state safely to her moorings amidst the

storms that have been raised by foreign foes and internal traitors.

Among those who aided in forging this golden chain of Liberty was Carter

Braxton son of George Braxton a wealthy planter who resided on the north

bank of the Mattapony river, where he owned a large tract of valuable

land situated in the county of King and Queen in Virginia. At this

delightful place Carter was born on the 10th of September 1736. His

connections were numerous, wealthy and of the first respectability.

Several of them were crown officers at various periods. Carter was

raised amidst the splendor of opulence without the tender care of a

mother to correct his childish foibles or the wise counsels of a father

to guard him against the errors of youth. The former died when he was

but seven days old--the latter when he was a small boy. He was liberally

educated at the college of William and Mary. At the age of nineteen he

married the beautiful and amiable Judith Robinson who was very wealthy.

He entered into full possession of his large estate, which, united with

that of his wife, constituted a princely fortune. She survived but a

brief period leaving two daughters, the youngest but a few hours old.

Borne down by grief Mr. Braxton visited England where he remained nearly

three years and added greatly to his previous stock of knowledge. He

became familiar with the feelings and designs of that kingdom towards

his native country. His rank and fortune gave him access to the nobility

from whom he obtained much valuable information relative to the

ministerial conclave then concocting plans to support royalty in Great

Britain by forcing money from the hardy pioneers of America. Although

his relatives and friends were many of them favorites of the King and

everything around him was calculated to foster aristocracy and bind him

to those in power, he became a bold opposer of British usurpations and a

warm advocate of liberal principles and equal rights.

In 1760 he returned from Europe and was elected to the House of

Burgesses and became an active and prominent member. His knowledge of

the intentions of the mother country to impose increasing burdens upon

the Americans enabled him to fully understand every movement of the

monarchical hirelings around him. In 1765 he was in the House of

Burgesses and was a warm supporter of the bold resolutions offered by

Patrick Henry relative to the Stamp Act. He was in the House in 1769

when the proceedings of the members excited the ire of Gov. Bottetourt

so highly that he dissolved them without ceremony. They immediately

repaired to a private room in Williamsburg and entered into a solemn

agreement not to import any articles from the mother country until their

chartered rights were restored. The same members were elected to the

next session. Being aware of the kind of material he had to manage the

shrewd Governor lulled them into a more quiet mood by the siren song of

promises of redress. They had yet to learn that deceit is an important

part of political machinery. Still cherishing hopes that their rights

would be restored they waited in respectful but watchful silence. In the

House there were seven standing committees--on courts of justice, public

claims, elections, privileges, trade, grievances, proposition and on

religion. Of the three last Mr. Braxton was uniformly a member.

In 1771 Governor Bottetourt died and was succeeded by Lord Dunmore.

Being fresh from the fountain of high notions and ministerial corruption

he dissolved the turbulent Assembly then in commission and issued his

king's writ for a new election. Mr. Braxton was then sheriff of the

county and could not serve in the House. Promises of redress were

renewed with apparent sincerity. The people lived on hope until the 27th

of May 1774, when the House of Burgesses again took a bold stand against

oppression and were unceremoniously dissolved by the Governor. By this

act he dissolved the original contract in view of the people--they

became enraged and doffed their allegiance _instanter_. Immediately

after the dissolution, eighty-nine of the members and many other bold

patriots formed themselves into an association of resistance. From these

live sparks the fire of freedom rose in curling flames.

In August of that year a convention met at Williamsburg to devise plans

for future action of which Mr. Braxton was an efficient member. Seven

delegates were elected to meet the Congress at Philadelphia and an

agreement made to act in concert with the people of Boston in the common

cause against the common enemy. Lord Dunmore had a new set of members

elected to the House but being displeased with their proceedings

prorogued them several times. On the night of the 7th of June 1775 the

people in turn prorogued his lordship who took his final exit on board

the armed ship Fowey never again to wield his iron rod of despotism over

the freemen of America. He took up quarters on board this ship and

occasionally issued his mandates which came to the people as talismanic

messengers to invigorate their patriotism. In April following he caused

the powder to be removed from the magazine under a pretence that it

would be needed in another part of the province to repel an expected

insurrection of the blacks. The enraged people assembled in large

numbers with a determination to take this important item into their own

keeping. Through the persuasion of Peyton Randolph they dispersed. Some

being still discontented a Spartan band assembled headed by Patrick

Henry and proceeded to Williamsburg determined to have the powder or its

equivalent. An armed force was sent from the Fowey to sustain the

governor's orders. This was like adding bitumen to a blazing fire. The

fury of the patriots was about to be poured out upon the minions of the

crown--blood was about to flow when Mr. Braxton and others

interfered--the powder was paid for by a crown officer--Mr. Henry gave

his receipt for the money and his young Spartans returned home.

For a time the government of Virginia was managed entirely by the

Committee of Safety of which Mr. Braxton was an active member. On the

15th of December 1775, he was elected to the Continental Congress and

entered upon his duties with great zeal. He advocated, voted for and

signed the Declaration of Rights that formally dissolved the maternal

ties that bound the pilgrim fathers in slavery. On his return from

Congress the next year Mr. Braxton took his seat in the first

legislature of his state convened under the new form of government. A

formal vote of thanks to him and Thomas Jefferson for their faithful

services in Congress was entered upon the records of that body on the

12th of October 1776. From that time to his death he was almost

constantly a member of one or the other branch of the legislature and

but four days previous to his decease had taken his seat in the Council.

He had lost a large portion of his princely fortune by the British and

after the war closed was the child of adversity. For a time his friends

assisted him in the prosecution of several speculative projects, all of

which proved abortive, injuring them without benefiting him. He finally

sunk under a ponderous weight of affliction which produced paralysis, a

second attack of which closed his useful and eventful career at

Richmond, Virginia, on the 10th of October 1797.

Under all these adverse and trying circumstances his reputation did not

suffer. He was known to be an honest man and poverty _then_ was not an

unpardonable sin or even _prima facie_ evidence of dishonesty. He lost

none of his well-earned fame as an able and faithful public servant and

worthy upright man. His private character was pure. He fulfilled all the

relations of life with fidelity. He was one of the most polished

gentlemen of the old school. His name is justly placed high upon the

list of enduring fame. He was a faithful sentinel in the cause of

freedom and contributed largely in consummating the Independence we now

enjoy, the FREEDOM we inherit, the LIBERTY we are bound to cherish,

protect, preserve and perpetuate with our lives, fortunes and sacred

honors and transmit it to our children in all the beauty of pristine

purity.

ZEBULON BUTLER.

Wyoming Valley is the Paradise of Pennsylvania. Captivating in its

location--rich in its soil--irrigated by the crystal

Susquehanna--bordered with magnificent scenery of romantic

grandeur--enlivened by beautiful farm-houses and productive

fields--crowned with the flourishing town of Wilkesbarre--ornamented by

several small villages of tasteful neatness--refreshed by cooling

springs and mountain streams filled with sportive trout--evergreen

forests adjacent towering to the clouds and full of game--graduated

hills on every side rich with minerals and reaching to the mountains--a

healthful atmosphere rendered pure by the untiring operations of

nature's laboratory--inhabited by intelligent, enterprising, hospitable

people--it is one of the most beautiful and delightful valleys in our

expansive country. Its early history renders it sacred to the

philanthropist and is read with thrilling sensations of painful

sympathy. It has engaged the pens of our best historians--our ablest

poets. It has been painted with the finest touches of our boldest

artists. When strangers pass the narrow confines of the majestic

mountains on the south and are ushered into this grand amphitheatre of

creative wisdom--they gaze with pleasing surprise and wonder at the

weakness of the most vivid descriptions they have read, compared with

the sublime reality of the enrapturing view before them.

In this far-famed valley Zebulon Butler acted a conspicuous, brave and

noble part. He was born at Lyme, Conn. in 1731. He received a good

common school and religious education. The New Testament was then an

approved school-book. He early planted himself on the firm basis of

moral rectitude and primitive religious truth. Without these the

laurels of the hero are less fragrant--the talents of the legislator

less brilliant--the noblest attributes of man less perfect. By these

remarks I do not mean Pharisaical religion, poisonous fanaticism nor

blighting sectarianism. It is the honest, consistent, Golden Rule man I

admire. Such a man was Zebulon Butler. He was one of the first patriots

who opposed British tyranny and dared to be free. He entered early into

the Provincial service and served the mother country through the French

war. He commenced his military career an Ensign and soon rose to the

rank of Captain. He participated in the memorable hardships of the

campaign of 1758 on the frontiers of Canada--at Fort Edward, Lake

George, Ticonderoga and Crown Point. In 1762 he was at the protracted

siege of Havana. On his way he was on board one of the six vessels that

were shipwrecked. All on board narrowly escaped a watery grave. They

were on the beach nine days before they were relieved. On the 9th day of

August the last of the fleet arrived before Havana. The defence was

obstinate--the sufferings of the besiegers great.

Capt. Butler shared largely in the dangers of the attack--the glories of

the victory. He sailed for his long absent home on the 21st of the

ensuing October in the Royal Duke. He encountered many perils during the

voyage. On the 7th of November the ship began to leak so rapidly that it

was with difficulty that her crew were transferred to another vessel

near by before she went to the bottom. He arrived at New York on the

21st of December and once more met the warm embrace of anxious relatives

and friends. He had won enduring laurels--he stood high as a brave and

skilful officer--an esteemed and valued citizen. He then left the army

and enjoyed the peaceful pleasures of private life until the

revolutionary storm began to concentrate its fearful elements. He was

ready to brave its pitiless peltings. He had rendered arduous and

valuable service to the mother country--he was well qualified to repel

her ungrateful conduct and render efficient aid in the defence of his

native soil. The goadings and insolence of British hirelings had deeply

penetrated his patriotic soul and prepared him for bold and noble

action. When the tocsin of war was sounded from the heights of Lexington

he promptly tendered his services--was appointed a lieutenant-colonel in

the Connecticut line and repaired to the post of honor and danger. He

was actively engaged in the campaigns of 1777-8-9. During the last year

he was commissioned colonel of the 2d Connecticut regiment. He was with

Washington in New Jersey and greatly esteemed by him.

A short time previous to the revolution he was one of a company from

his native place that had purchased Wyoming Valley from the Indians for

a fair consideration. Many settlers had located there and cleared up

much of the forest. Although fully remunerated for their lands pursuant

to contract made with the Chiefs in grand council assembled--the red men

were unwilling to leave a place so enchanting and congenial with their

views of happiness. In that salubrious vale, fringed with hills and

mountains on all sides, they fancied the Great Spirit had his

dwelling-place and gave them audible audience as echo reverberated their

stentorian yells from hill to mountain and back to the shores of the

majestic Susquehanna. As the towering forest fell before the axe of the

white man the Indians murmured and designed the extermination of the

pale faces. In this they were encouraged by the British and

black-hearted tories--most of the inhabitants having declared for

liberty. Most of their effective force of near 200 men was in the

American army. Soon after the departure of these troops the savages

assumed a menacing attitude--manifesting a disposition to violate the

terms of peace they had solemnly sanctioned when paid for their lands.

Several stockade forts were erected--a company of rangers organized and

placed under the command of Captain Hewitt. Every precaution was taken

to guard against surprise--the movements of the red men were narrowly

watched, their apparent designs closely observed. It soon became evident

that they were preparing for a bloody sacrifice. An express was

despatched to the board of war representing the approaching danger

requesting the return of the troops who had recently joined the

army--leaving their homes exposed to all the horrors of savage cruelty

rendered more awful by the more bloodthirsty tories. The request was

promptly granted but too late to ward off the fatal slaughter and

carnage that took place when these brave men were within two days' march

of their murdered wives, children and friends who slumbered in death

deeply gashed with the tomahawk.

About the 1st of June 1778, a number of canoes were discovered

descending the river just above the valley filled with Indian warriors.

They attacked a party of the inhabitants who were at work on the bank of

the Susquehanna--killing and making prisoners of ten. They were

evidently concentrating their forces for the purpose of an attack upon

the settlement. At that critical juncture Col. Butler arrived. A large

body of the savages had assembled at the mouth of the Lackawanna at the

head of the valley. The militia under the command of Col. Dennison

assembled in the fort at Wilkesbarre on the 1st of July. They scoured

the borders of the valley--discovered the bodies of those who had been

massacred a few days before--killed two Indians and returned. Not

supposing danger so near each man repaired to his own house for

provisions. On the 3d most of the men able to bear arms assembled at the

fort amounting to about 350. Some remained in the smaller forts with

their families presuming on the delay of an attack. The command of the

troops was given to Col. Butler. They were poorly armed and had but a

small supply of ammunition. But few of them had ever been engaged in

battle and were not familiar with military tactics. In a few moments

after Col. Butler had assumed the command news was brought that the

enemy had entered the upper end of the valley and were advancing

rapidly. Fort Wintermote and another stockade fort was then in flames

and their inmates weltering in blood and struggling in death. A council

of war was held and an unfortunate resolve made to march out and attempt

to arrest the savages in their career of desolation and carnage. The

troops proceeded some distance from the fort and took an advantageous

position on the bank of a creek where they supposed the enemy would pass

on their way to the principal fort. There they remained for half a day

without seeing the foe. Another council of war was held which resulted

in adding to the error of leaving the fort that of attacking the enemy

in their position contrary to the opinion of several officers who were

as brave but more judicious than those who urged the fatal movement. The

order to advance was given. They had not proceeded more than a mile when

the advanced guard fired upon several Indians who were firing a house.

The force of the enemy was concentrated at fort Wintermote amounting to

near 1000 effective men commanded by Brandt, an Indian half-blood and

Col. John Butler--not a relative of Col. Zebulon Butler as some writers

have erroneously stated. Echo returned the demoniac yells of the savages

from the surrounding hills--the forest resounded with the appalling war

whoop. Another serious error was committed by the ill-fated Americans.

Not until they were upon the battle-ground did they learn the superior

force of the revengeful foe. As the little band approached they found

the Indians and tories formed in a line--the right resting on a swamp

commanded by Brandt--the left reaching to fort Wintermote headed by Col.

John Butler. Col. Z. Butler led the right and Col. Dennison the left of

the Americans to the attack. So determined was this Spartan band on

victory that the left of the enemy gave way in a few minutes closely

pursued by Col. Butler. In consequence of part of the Indians passing

the swamp to gain his rear Col. Dennison ordered his men to fall back.

Many supposing he had ordered a retreat the line became confused and

broken. At that unfortunate juncture Brandt rushed upon it with such

fury that it could not be rallied. At that critical moment Col. Butler

rode towards the left and first learned the misfortune of Col. Dennison

and saw his men retreating in disorder. He was then between two fires

and near the advancing enemy. Before the troops on the right were

apprised of the fate of the left they were nearly surrounded by the

savages and compelled to retreat precipitately. The route was

general--the slaughter horrible--the scene terrific. But about 50

survived among whom were Colonels Butler and Dennison who were more

exposed than most of the others. The few who escaped from the dreadful

carnage of that fatal day assembled at Forty Fort. So heart-rending was

this defeat that the surviving inhabitants were willing to submit to any

terms to save their lives. The enemy refused to treat with any officer

of the continental army as unquestionably advised by the hyena tories.

Nor would they give them or regular soldiers any quarter but insisted on

their being delivered up to the Indians at discretion. Col. Butler at

once left and proceeded to Gradenhutten on the Lehigh. On the 4th of

July Col. Dennison entered into a capitulation with Col. John Butler and

Brandt to surrender the Fort on condition the lives of the survivors

should be preserved and not further molested in person or property.

These conditions were solemnly agreed to by tory Butler and Brandt but

most disgracefully violated. As the Indians marched in they commenced an

indiscriminate plunder. Butler was appealed to and replied he could not

control them--walked out and left them to finish their work in their own

way. The man who could urge the savages on to murder could leave them to

rob the helpless, regardless of his sacred pledge of honor.

Finding themselves still at the mercy of the Indians the inhabitants

fled to the nearest settlement towards the Delaware about 50 miles

distant through a dense wilderness and over rugged mountains. So rapidly

did they fly on the wings of terror that numbers became exhausted from

over fatigue and hunger and were carried on the last day by the stronger

ones. After their departure the savage tories and red men laid waste the

town of Wilkesbarre and most of the houses in the valley--plundering or

destroying all the property they could find. They then drove the cattle

and horses to Niagara. They had fully satiated their thirst for

blood--desolation was completed--vengeance was gorged--nature mourned

over the dismal scene.

From Gradenhutten Col. Butler communicated the sad intelligence of the

bloody massacre to the Board of War and then proceeded to Stroudsburg

then in Northampton county, where he met the returning Wyoming troops

and a few of those who had escaped on the day of the unfortunate battle.

In August he was ordered to return with such force as he could collect

and take possession of Wyoming valley. On his arrival he found a few

Indians who were collecting the cattle that the main body had left. They

fled precipitately without their plunder. Col. Butler erected a new fort

at Wilkesbarre and established a well regulated garrison which he

commanded until the winter of 1780--keeping the tories and savages at

bay--not risking a general action but killing them off in detail by

scouting parties of sharp-shooters whenever they approached the

settlement. The expedition of Gen. Sullivan in 1779 paralyzed the Indian

power upon the Susquehanna and restored a good degree of confidence in

the inhabitants.

In December 1780 Col. Butler was ordered to join the continental army

and left Capt. Alexander Mitchell in command of the fort. After serving

his country faithfully to the close of the war of Independence the

Colonel returned to the vale of Wyoming to enjoy the fruits of his

perilous toils and the gratitude of the inhabitants whom he had nobly

aided and protected. He subsequently filled sundry civil offices with

credit and fidelity. He lived to see his loved Wyoming bloom with the

fruits of industry--its inhabitants peaceful, prosperous, happy. He was

amply rewarded for the perils and hardships of the past by the full

fruition of the enjoyments of the present. His happiness was as complete

as it could be made this side of heaven. Dearly beloved by his immediate

friends, esteemed by all who knew him--the waning years of Col. Butler

were crowned with the most refined comforts of social and domestic life.

He glided down the stream of time smoothly and calmly to the 28th of

July 1795, when he threw off his mortal coil--resigned his quiescent

spirit into the hands of its Creator--fell asleep in the arms of his

Lord and Master deeply mourned and sincerely lamented. His career closed

as brightly as it had been glorious and useful. He was an amiable

companion, a virtuous citizen, a consistent Christian--a brave, noble,

worthy, honest man.

A creditable monument has been erected on the battle ground in memory of

those who fell on the memorable 3d of July 1778 in the far famed valley

of Wyoming.

CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON.

The fond and faithful parents who have guided to manhood a family of

sons whose every action is a source of pleasure and delight--who walk

in wisdom's ways--who prove virtuous, generous, bold, brave and

patriotic--whose lives shed new lustre on the world--whose achievements

on the battle field or in the senate chamber stamp their names with

enduring fame--enjoy a rich consolation, pure as the etherial

sky--refreshing as evening zephyrs. More especially do their souls

become enraptured with love if these sons deliver them from the iron

grasp of a merciless tyrant--disenthrall them from the chains of slavery

and make them free and independent.

All this was done for our country by her valiant sons who graced the

memorable era of '76. Like a blazing meteor bursting from the clouds

amidst the gloom of midnight darkness, they illuminated our nation with

light--the world with glory--raised the star spangled banner and planted

the tree of LIBERTY deep in the soil of FREEDOM. Noble sons of Columbia!

Sages and heroes of the American Revolution! Your names will be held in

grateful remembrance through the rolling ages of time. Millions yet

unborn will chant your brilliant achievements, your triumphant

victories, your unsurpassed wisdom, your god-like actions.

Among the sons of noble daring--champions of their injured country, was

Charles Carroll of Carrollton, born at Annapolis on the 20th of

September 1737. He was the son of Daniel Carroll who came from King's

county Ireland and was named for his grandfather Charles Carroll. The

elder Carrolls were highly charged with liberal principles and planted

them deeply in the minds of their sons. Nor did the precious seed fall

on barren ground. Obeying the precepts and imitating the examples of his

patriotic sire, young Charles Carroll proved worthy of the high source

from which he sprang. He was emphatically one of the same stamp.

At the early age of eight years his embryo talents shone so brightly

that his father determined on giving them an opportunity to bud, blossom

and expand amidst the literary bowers of Europe. He was first sent to a

seminary in France. His untiring application to his studies and manly

deportment at the different seminaries through which he passed, gained

for him a finished education and the esteem of all his acquaintances. At

the age of twenty he commenced the study of law in London, England,

where he ripened into manhood and returned to his native State in 1764

with a rich fund of useful knowledge, prepared to act well his part

through life.

The subject of oppression upon the Americans by the British ministry was

freely discussed in England before he left and had prepared his mind for

the exciting crisis that awaited the colonies. On his return he became

an unflinching and able advocate for freedom. He possessed a clear head

and discriminating mind. In action he was cool, deliberate, firm and

decisive. His writing talent was of a high order. This was admirably

developed in 1772. The governor had issued a proclamation derogatory to

the constitutional rights of the people. In a series of essays published

in the public papers, Mr. Carroll triumphantly vindicated the cause of

his insulted constituents--conclusively answering and confuting the

combined arguments of the governor and his cabinet in favor of the

unwarranted pretensions of their master. So fully did these essays

convince the people that the governor aimed at illegitimate power that

they hung his proclamation upon a gallows and bid defiance to the

minions of despotism. Before the writer was known the people instructed

their representatives to record a vote of thanks to the author. When it

was ascertained that Mr. Carroll was the champion who had bearded the

British lion, they repaired to his house in great numbers and made the

welkin ring with plaudits of thankful praise.

From that time he became a prominent leader of the liberal party--an

espouser of equal rights--a stern opposer of ministerial wrongs. His

benign influence radiated its genial rays upon the hearts and confirmed

the wavering minds of many in the glorious cause of LIBERTY. In bold and

glowing colors he portrayed the aggressions of the king, the corrupt

designs of his ministers and the humiliating consequences of tame

submission to their arbitrary demands. He was among the first to kindle

the flame of resistance and light up the torch of Independence. He was

among the first to sanction the Declaration of Rights--the last of the

noble band of sages who signed it who lived to see 1832.

On the 18th of July 1776 he was a member of the Maryland Convention

convened to elect delegates to the Continental Congress. He was selected

for that important station--took his seat on the 2d of August and signed

the Declaration of Independence. His talents and zeal were highly

appreciated by the members of Congress. He had previously endeared

himself to them by a voluntary mission to Canada in conjunction with

Franklin, Chase and Bishop Carroll. The object of their visit was to

persuade the people of the Canadas to unite with the Colonies in

throwing off the yoke of bondage imposed by the mother country. The

Messrs. Carrolls were Roman Catholics, the prevailing religion of the

Canadians. The other two gentlemen entertained universal charity for all

good men irrespective of manufactured creeds. It was fondly hoped their

mission would be crowned with success. The defeat of the American

troops at Quebec and the death of Gen. Montgomery had thrown so much

darkness over the future prospects of the American cause that they

refused to enter the compact. The consequences of that course have been

fearfully developed for years and the time is not far distant when the

Canadas will be free from England to the mutual benefit of both

countries.

On his return he was surprised to find that the Maryland delegates in

Congress had been instructed by a vote of the Assembly to oppose the

Declaration of Independence. His influence caused the rescinding of that

vote and a reversal of the instructions. He felt a strong desire that

his native state should do full service in the cause of freedom. To

effect this he spent more time in her legislative hall than in Congress.

In the formation of her constitution and laws he rendered efficient aid.

From 1788 to 1791 he was a member of the U.S. Senate. From that year to

1801 he served in the senate of his own state. He then retired from the

great theatre of public action in the rich enjoyment of the esteem of a

nation of freemen. For thirty years he was spared to enjoy the cheering

comforts of domestic felicity and survived all the others who had placed

their names upon the Chart of our liberty.

In his retirement he delighted in beholding the onward march of this

favored country, prospering under the care of an all-wise

Providence--populated by a free and independent people--in rank second

to no nation on earth--in enterprise traversing the globe--in genius

eclipsing the old world--in talent equal to the best. Like a majestic

oak that had long braved the raging tempest, he stood alone as a signer

of our Magna Charta calmly awaiting the time when he should be riven and

gathered to his fathers. Gradually the world lost its former charms.

More and more his mind became fixed on anticipated scenes of future and

purer bliss. He seemed to ascend the ladder of faith and reach out his

hand for that crown of unfading glory prepared for him by his Lord and

Master. In this beatific state his soul was summoned from its tottering,

trembling, falling tenement of clay on the 14th of November 1832. Calm

and resigned he entered Jordan's flood--angels escorted his immortal

spirit to Immanuel's peaceful shores whilst his grateful country deeply

mourned and strongly felt the loss of one of her noblest sons--society

one of its brightest ornaments--his relatives one of their dearest

kinsmen.

Charles Carroll was a man of consistency in everything. He was a devoted

Christian in communion with the Roman Catholic Church but decidedly

opposed to a want of charity and kind feeling. He deprecated a spirit

of persecution by one sect of Christians towards another. He was one of

the few who reasoned correctly and acted wisely upon this important

subject. It is a fact known to but few at this late day that the Roman

Catholics of Maryland were the first who placed religious toleration on

a statute book in America. [See laws of Maryland 1647.] It is also a

fact that the Protestants first introduced proscription there. After the

restoration of Charles II. in 1761, they obtained an order from him

prohibiting all Roman Catholics from holding any office, which was in

violation of the charter granted to Lord Baltimore by Charles I. upon

which the colony was based. Still more. The Protestants having become

the bride of the state, continued to draw more tightly the cords of

persecution by authority from William III. The Catholics were taxed to

support the churches of their oppressors. By an act passed in 1704, the

celebration of mass or the instruction of youth by a Catholic insured

him transportation to England. In the land of the Puritans, the Baptist

and Quaker sects were treated more rigorous, being persecuted even unto

death and by those too who fled from the very persecution they practised

the moment they obtained the power. So it ever has been--so it ever will

be until mankind become fully and feelingly sensible that _sectarianism

is not religion_--_is not a child of Heaven_--that charity is the

crowning attribute of Deity--the brightest star in the Christian's

diadem.

During the excitement in Maryland upon the unhallowed connection of

church and state, the Carrolls used their best exertions to effect a

reconciliation between the parties which was never fully done until the

revolution compelled sectarianism to hide its hydra head by uniting all

sects in the common cause against the common enemy and forever banishing

its power from our land by the adoption of our Federal Constitution. Men

are as prone to abuse power as the sparks are to fly upward.

In the life of Charles Carroll of Carrollton, we have examples rich with

instruction for youth, manhood and old age--for the lawyer, the

statesman, the patriot and the Christian. His career was guided by

prudence and virtue. His every action was marked with frankness and

honesty. He richly merited and freely received the esteem and veneration

of a nation of FREEMEN. His private and public career were prompted and

directed by a purity of motive that never fails to render a man useful

in life--triumphant in death.

SAMUEL CHASE.

Ostracism was the title of a law once in full and practical force in the

Republic of Athens. It required the banishment of any citizen when six

thousand of the people voted for his expulsion--there being about twenty

thousand voters--thus violating the fundamental principle of a

republican government--_the majority must rule and be obeyed_. Ruin was

the natural result.

Each voter wrote the name of the citizen that was to be banished on a

shell called in Greek--_Ostralcon._ These were deposited as are ballots

at our elections and were counted by persons appointed by law. To the

ruin of Athens, envy, jealousy, and intrigue caused the banishment of

several of her most illustrious sages and heroes who loved their country

more than they did political corruption. Among them was Aristides--a

noble patriot, statesman and general. When the people were voting in his

case he mingled with the crowd and met an illiterate peasant who did not

know him, who asked him to write Aristides upon his shell. _What injury

has Aristides done you?_ The peasant quickly answered--_None at all but

I am tired of hearing him called the just._ Without revealing himself

the patriot wrote his own name upon the fatal shell and handed it back

to the deluded voter. He bowed submissively to his sentence of

banishment for ten years and invoked a blessing on his enemies as he

departed.

A species of political persecution practically analogous to the law of

ostracism commenced its career in our country as early as the American

Revolution. Political cliques and venal presses have been the

executioners. No one of the sages or heroes of that eventful period was

so severely persecuted by party ostracism after the formation of our

republic as Samuel Chase who was born in Somerset County, Maryland, on

the 17th day of April, 1741. He was the son of Rev. Thomas Chase who

came from England to that province and became pastor of St. Paul's

Parish in Baltimore, then a new country village and destitute of good

schools. At the age of two years Samuel was deprived of the tender care

of his mother by her premature death. Under the instruction of his

father he became an accomplished classical scholar. At the age of

eighteen he commenced the study of law under the direction of John

Hammond and John Hull of Annapolis. At the age of twenty he was admitted

to the bar of the Mayor's Court and two years after to that of the

County Court and the Court of Chancery. He located at Annapolis and

filled up the rib vacuum by marrying the worthy and intelligent Ann

Baldwin--a very sensible and fair business transaction.

Mr. Chase was not long in acquiring the reputation of a sound lawyer and

able advocate. He was of a sanguine temperament--bold, fearless,

undisguised, independent in mind, language and action but honest,

patriotic, and pure in his motives--immovable in his purposes--qualities

that dignify a man if prudently balanced and prepare him for just such

times as the Revolution--qualities that often rouse the spirit of

ostracism in those who aim to ruin those they cannot rule. These leading

traits, constitutional with Samuel Chase, with the times and

circumstances that influenced his judgment and governed his actions must

be kept constantly in view to enable the reader to form a just estimate

of his character which I will impartially and plainly portray.

On the flood tide of a prosperous business--celebrated for his legal

acumen and forensic fame--in the full enjoyment of domestic felicity and

social intercourse with friends--Mr. Chase glided smoothly along until

his country began to writhe under kingly oppression. The Stamp Act, the

first born of the scrofulous revenue system devised by the putrescent

British ministry, met with a hostile reception at Annapolis. Mr. Chase

and a band of kindred spirits under the cognomen of "Sons of Liberty,"

forcibly seized and destroyed the newly imported stamps and burned in

effigy the stamp distributer. No further violence was then committed.

The king's officers opened a newspaper battery against this "furious

mob" directing their whole artillery against Mr. Chase complimenting him

with the courtly names--"busy restless incendiary--ringleader of

mobs--foul mouthed inflaming son of discord and faction--a common

disturber of the public tranquillity--a promoter of the lawless excesses

of the multitude" and other similar emphatic appellations--conferring

upon the young patriot a diploma of distinction little anticipated by

them. His answers to these vituperations were manly, charged with strong

and conclusive logic--keen and withering sarcasm. The attack brought him

fairly into the political field. So delighted were the people with the

manner he handled the hirelings of the crown that they elected him to

the colonial assembly. There he took a conspicuous part and became the

uncompromising opposer of all measures that were not within the pale of

the constitution or were tinctured with oppression. So strongly was he

in favor of liberal principles that he gave his whole influence and vote

in favor of the repeal of the law that compelled the people to support

the clergy by which the stipend of his father was reduced one-half.

Pursuant to the law of primogeniture then in force this was voting money

out of his own pocket. His bold and independent course made him a

subject of persecution with the creatures of the crown and an object of

pride and admiration with the people. His enemies found him a bramble

full of the keenest thorns and were awfully scarified every time they

approached him. His tongue, pen, logic, sarcasm--all were blighting as a

sirocco wind.

After the repeal of the Stamp Act a calm in the public mind ensued but

it was a calm of delusion such as precedes a tornado. The inquisitorial

rack of the ministry was again put in motion--fresh impositions

commenced--the fire of discontent was again blown to a blaze. The Bill

closing the port of Boston with directions to the King's officers to

seize and send to England for trial those who dared resist the royal

authority--roused the indignation of colonies that had been rather

passive. The Congress of 1774 was then devised of which Mr. Chase was a

member. The deep solemnity, unparalleled wisdom and patient

deliberations that marked the proceedings of that Congress--shed a

lustre upon the cause of liberty then in embryo that forced applause

from its most violent opposers. Had not the cabinet of Great Britain

been blinded by sordid avarice, mad ambition and political delusion--had

not the King been a mere automaton, scarcely a moving, walking, talking

machine--the loyal and logical appeals from that august body of sages

would have been treated with merited respect and quiet restored. The

colonists asked for nothing but what was clearly right and asked in the

most respectful and even suppliant manner. Ministers were left without

excuse for their subsequent course. _Their_ sacrilegious hands broke the

great seal of the social compact--_their_ agents sowed the seeds of

rebellion--_their_ cruelty kindled the flame that devoured them--_their_

visionary policy severed the cords of maternal affection--_their_

treachery spread the mantle of righteousness over the cause of the

Revolution. We justly censure them for their corrupt designs but rejoice

in the glorious result of their plans. Haman erected his own gallows.

Grenville and North destroyed their own power.

In 1775 Mr. Chase was returned to Congress with instructions to pursue a

conciliatory course contrary to his judgment but which he implicitly

obeyed. He was active and persevering on committees and took a deep

interest in every measure proposed in favor of freedom. He was returned

to Congress the next year still trammelled with instructions which he

truly predicted would soon be removed. In the spring of 1776 he was

associated with Messrs. Franklin, Charles and Bishop Carroll on a

mission to Canada to induce the people there to join in the struggle for

liberty. They wanted courage to be free and still wear the yoke of

bondage. On his return he was delighted to find the question of final

separation from mother Britain under consideration and boldly advocated

the measure. It was the very proposition to animate the soul of Samuel

Chase. His instructions became burdensome as the discussion increased.

They were removed just in time for him to record his vote in favor of

that imperishable instrument that has immortalized the names of the

signers and is the pride of every true American. The act of signing the

Declaration of Rights gave him more joy than any public duty he had ever

performed. A short time previous to the glorious 4th of July Mr. Chase

discovered that a Judas was among them in the person of Rev. Dr. Zubly

of Georgia who was clandestinely corresponding with the enemy. So bold

and so suddenly did he expose the traitor on the floor of Congress that

"the gentleman from Georgia" plead guilty and suddenly retired. His

arrest was ordered but when the officer went to his cage the bird had

flown and was never bagged. As an able statesman recently remarked, he

was left in the very worst company--with himself. Mr. Chase was all

industry in every position in which he was placed. In the discussions

upon the Articles of Confederation he took a deep interest and active

part. He considered their adoption indispensable in carrying on the good

work of political regeneration. The basis of representation and the mode

of voting were the two great points at issue that consumed the most time

in argument.

In the fall of 1776 Messrs. Chase, Wilson, Clymer, Stockton and Smith

were made a committee to take charge of the War Department--then the

most important of either. Mr. Chase was upon the committee for

suppressing internal enemies and became a terror to the tories and

certain Quakers in and adjacent to Philadelphia who were circulating

papers adverse to the American cause and were in communication with the

enemy. A report, with documents proving the charge was submitted to

Congress. Several leading members of the Society of Friends were

confined--the seditious papers suppressed and a respectful neutrality

induced on the part of that very respectable Society whose creed

opposing war had led some of its members into an erroneous interference.

The tories took shelter under the wings of the British army. The course

pursued by Congress was then deemed harsh by some and will still appear

so to a casual reader who is not familiar with the rules of war.

Agreeably to the martial code of other nations--then the precedent guide

for Congress--the punishment would have been much more severe. The

mildness of the sentence was an antepast of a more enlarged liberty

under the new form of government. By the religious tenets of the Friends

it can never be sanctioned--by every friend of liberty the necessity of

such a case is always regretted. Each social compact and individual in

every government must be subject to the laws of the land--must submit to

the ruling power that order may be maintained.

In 1778 the British Parliament devised a stratagem by which they hoped

to create a division among the patriots. Printed papers were circulated

among the people containing conciliatory and flattering propositions and

announcing the appointment of commissioners to perfect these inglorious

terms of peace. So ingeniously were these papers worded that it was

deemed necessary to prepare an answer. This important task was imposed

upon Mr. Chase. Most ably did he perform his duty. He unmasked the base

hypocrisy of the scheme--exposed the delusive gull-trap to the consuming

fire of sarcastic logic--poured upon it the burning lava of ridicule and

raised the indignation and scorn of the people against it to ninety

degrees above zero. So well was it received by Congress that a larger

number than usual was ordered printed and a resolution passed

recommending all the clergy to read it to their congregations after

service on Sunday. Like all the other plans the British ministers

devised to enslave the colonies--it recoiled upon their own heads with

all the force of fearful reaction.

This brilliant display of talent closed the congressional labors of this

devoted friend of liberty. He retired crowned with the rich honors of an

able statesman, sage, patriot and honest man. He had stood firm at his

post--a faithful public servant, a bold advocate for freedom, a safe

counsellor in every emergency, a fearless champion when danger pressed,

an ornament to his country, a terror to the enemies of liberty. As a

working man he had no superior--as a debater he had few equals. Without

the mellifluous elocution of a Cicero--free from pleonastic parade--he

spoke forcibly, reasoned closely, demonstrated clearly, deduced

conclusively. He sought to inform the judgment, enlighten the

understanding and convince by sound argument. Until the close of the

struggle for freedom he continued to render efficient service to the

glorious cause and then resumed his profession in the full enjoyment of

the confidence of his constituents and the consolation of an approving

conscience.

Soon after the close of the Revolution Mr. Chase was employed by the

state of Maryland to prosecute a claim for bank stock in England and

obtained for it six hundred and fifty thousand dollars. His journal

shows that he was a minute observer of men and things. His high legal

attainments, scholastic and legislative reputation, gentlemanly

deportment, thorough business habits--combined to make a favorable

impression upon parliament, the English courts and barristers generally.

He was absent less than a year and accomplished more business than some

would have done in five. On his return he again took his place at the

Bar.

In 1786 his worthy friend, Col. Howard, conveyed to him a square of ten

lots in the city of Baltimore near the site of the public buildings, on

condition of his locating there. He accepted the proposition and changed

his residence to that city. This square is bounded by Eutaw, Lexington,

Fayette and Paca streets. The mansion-house built by Mr. Chase is still

owned by his descendants. In 1788 he was appointed Chief Justice of the

new criminal court organized for the county of Baltimore. The same year

he was a member of the Maryland Convention that ratified the Federal

Constitution. In 1791 he was appointed Chief Justice of the General

Court of Maryland. In 1796 he was appointed an Associate Judge of the

Supreme Court of the United States by President Washington which

dignified station he filled with great ability to the time of the

illness which terminated his life. He was considered one of the ablest

judges upon the bench. When he presided in the lower courts his

decisions, when carried up to the higher legal tribunals, were seldom

reversed. His expositions of law and charges to juries were plain,

learned, luminous, logical, profound. His manner was forcible,

impressive, commanding. With all this lustre clustering around him,

encircled by the sacred halo of great and acknowledged services in the

cause of Independence, still green and fresh in the memory of

millions--Judge Chase was placed in the crucible of unrelenting

ostracism prompted by political animosity created by the lofty

independence of thought and expression constitutional with him and which

prompted him to act a bold and conspicuous part when the vials of

British wrath were poured out upon our bleeding country. As I shall

attempt carrying him through his persecutions unscathed the critical

attention of the reader is requested. He was a federalist--I am an old

school democrat and go for the compromises and our UNION.

In January 1804, John Randolph obtained the passage of a resolution in

the House of Representatives of the United States instituting an inquiry

into the official conduct of Judge Chase. As a hypocritical salvo the

name of Judge Peters was joined with his. No one was more competent and

no one could be more persevering than was Mr. Randolph in his gigantic

efforts to destroy Judge Chase. The committee to which the resolution

was referred reported on the 6th day of the ensuing March, acquitting

Judge Peters and recommending the impeachment of Judge Chase, the real

object of political revenge. On the 26th of the same month articles of

impeachment were reported based upon the following premises.

In 1800 Judge Chase presided on the bench of the U. S. Circuit Court at

Philadelphia, assisted by Judge Peters of the District Court of

Pennsylvania when and where John Fries was put upon his trial a second

time for high treason against the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, owing to

some informality in his previous trial before Judges Iredell and Peters.

Having been fully informed of the points of law at issue and of the

proceedings at the first trial, Judge Chase had prepared an elaborate

exposition of the law upon treason without referring to a single fact in

the case. With the approval of Judge Peters he furnished a copy to the

counsel for defendant, the District Attorney and reserved one for the

jury after the trial should be completed. Messrs. Lewis and Dallas,

counsel for the prisoner, affected to consider this a pre-judgment of

the case and permitted Fries to be tried without the aid of

counsel--unquestionably intending and successfully succeeding in

creating a general sympathy that procured his pardon immediately after

conviction. Fries subsequently called on Judge Chase and thanked him for

his impartial and generous course upon the trial. The whole matter was

then looked at in its true light--a _ruse_ of ingenious counsel. No one

attributed bad motives to the bench. The approval of honest clear-headed

Judge Peters is conclusive proof that Judge Chase was judicially

right--_prima facie_ evidence that his motives were pure. He had written

an opinion upon the _law_--not upon the _facts_ of the case. This he had

frankly furnished to the counsel--not to the jury before the trial. He

was bound to explain the law to the grand jury before they should

proceed to their business--to the traverse jury when he gave them their

charge. This constituted the first charge in the articles of

impeachment.

Shortly after the trial of Fries he presided at Richmond, Virginia, when

and where one Callendar was tried under the Sedition Law for publishing

a libel upon the President. During the trial Judge Chase refused the

admission of certain testimony offered on the part of the prisoner which

exasperated those who were opposed to the law in question. He honestly

believed the law salutary as a check upon the venality of the

press--others thought differently. Right or wrong--his oath of office

bound him to act _under_ the law so long as it remained in force. That

his decision was legally correct must be presumed from the fact that

under the great excitement then existing no writ of error was taken in

the case. This formed the foundation of the second charge.

From Richmond he proceeded to New Castle, Delaware, where he presided,

aided by Judge Bedford. In his charge to the grand jury he gave his

views frankly upon the Sedition Law that they might fully understand

what constituted a breach of its provisions, knowing that one or more

cases of its violation would come before them. As an illustration he

alluded to certain matter published in a high-toned party paper printed

in that district that violated the provisions of this law. This gave

great offence to the opposite party. The allusion to the paper was legal

under any circumstances by way of explanation but may be considered

uncourteous until we understand that it went immediately into the hands

of the grand jury as testimony which made it in all respects a

legitimate document to be alluded to by him. Ingenuity could not _then_

nor with its prolific growth could it _now_ construe the act into a

pre-judgment of the case. The publication was before him--he alluded to

_that_ but to no individual. It was clearly a violation of the meaning

and intent of the law--who published it was left for the jury to

determine if they could. This constituted the ground of the third

article of impeachment.

In delivering his charge to the grand jury in 1803, Judge Chase made

sundry remarks upon the polities of the day reflecting upon certain acts

of the democratic party. This was a surplusage of duty but not cause for

impeachment. It resulted from his sanguine temperament, the great

political excitement of that period--not from any impurity of motive. He

believed laws had been passed for party purposes that were

unconstitutional. If _he_ was in error then, his position has often been

verified since. Freedom of speech is a constitutional privilege--he used

the same liberty practised by his opponents and which was not then

trammelled by the obnoxious Sedition Law. It was not a proper time or

place to read a political lecture but it does not follow that his

designs were corrupt or his conduct criminal. The ermine of a judge is

not beautified by being powdered with the farina of politics--his right

to think and speak upon the subject none will question. If he speaks at

an improper time and place it is an error--not a crime. He animadverted

upon the change of the right of suffrage in the constitution of his own

state to which he had strong objections. With him many of the devoted

patriots of the revolution deemed the elective franchise unsafe with

ignorant men who did not fully comprehend and appreciate their rights.

The reasons for this opinion grow less as intelligence increases. In

some of the states a property qualification is still necessary to

entitle a man to vote and in others he must be a freeholder to entitle

him to hold certain town offices. An anxiety to preserve the government

pure unquestionably pervaded the bosom of Judge Chase.

In concluding his charge he spoke strongly against the changes that had

been made in the judiciary system of the United States. He attributed

them to party politics--deemed them personal in their object and not

conducive to public good in their operations. As these related to his

official duties they were legitimate points for remark. It was a matter

of course that a man like him should comment freely and severely upon

what he conceived a personal and public wrong. He never dined at the

half-way house. In all that has been presented I can find nothing to

impugn the honesty of his intentions or the purity of his motives.

Upon these premises six articles of impeachment were framed at first and

at the next session of Congress two more were added--the natural

increase of a year. On the 2d of January 1805 Judge Chase was arraigned

before the Senate of the United States. A majority of the members were

politically opposed to him but amongst them were men who loved justice

more than party. The herculean powers of John Randolph were brought to

bear upon him in the full plenipotence of their force. The trial

continued until the first of March except a short recess. A portion of

this time the Judge was confined by illness. He was ably and

successfully defended by Messrs. Martin, Hopkinson, Harper and Key. Of

five of the charges he was acquitted by a majority of the Senate. A

constitutional number could not be obtained to convict him on the

others--he stood approved, acquitted, triumphant over his enemies at the

highest tribunal of his country--looking upon his colossal vanquished

political foes, with mingled pity and contempt. He had never doubted the

favorable result and properly regarded the prosecution as a political

bagatelle.

From that period to the time of his last illness his peace was

undisturbed. He continued to be an ornament to the judiciary, an honor

to his country, the faithful friend of human rights and equal justice.

On the 19th of June 1811, surrounded by his family and friends, he bade

a last farewell to sublunary things and died peaceful and happy. A large

number of relatives, an extensive circle of friends and a grateful

nation mourned his loss.

In the character of this great and good man we find no corruption to

condemn--many strong and brilliant traits to admire. As a revolutionary

patriot he stood on a lofty eminence--as a statesman he rendered many

and important services--as a lawyer he enjoyed a high reputation--as a

judge he sustained an exalted position. All the charges against him have

been faithfully spread before the reader. The result of their

investigation caused his powerful enemies to weave for him a higher

eulogium than language can express. I find no evidence of guile in his

heart. He felt strongly--expressed his opinions freely and acted

sincerely so far as we can judge from the record.

Against his private character slander and malice never directed an

arrow. He was in all respects above suspicion. He was a kind husband, an

affectionate father, a warm friend--an open, honorable, scarifying

opponent. His sanguine temperament was calculated to gain strong friends

and violent enemies. He handled his political opposers with great

severity which accounts for the mighty effort made to ostracise him from

the Bench. He possessed a noble and benevolent disposition--was a friend

to the poor and needy, to education and to everything that enhanced the

happiness of those around him and the human family. Under his

benefaction the celebrated William Pinkey was educated and made a man.

He often referred gratefully to his benefactor in after life. He was an

active member of St. Paul's church and did much to promote practical

piety, sound morals and social order. His force, vigor, decision of

character and stern integrity were well calculated for the period in

which he lived. If he sometimes offended by soaring above the

non-committal system of technical politics, it resulted from the strong

combination of conflicting circumstances that uniformly attend the

period of a revolution, the formation of a new government and the

asperity of high toned party feeling operating upon the sensitive

feelings of an ardent, patriotic, honest, independent mind.

ABRAHAM CLARK.

A large proportion of the most substantial and useful men who have

filled the measure of their country's glory and enrolled their names on

the scroll of fame, were not ushered into public notice under the

streamer of a collegiate diploma fluttering in the fickle wind of

popularity. A clear head, strong common sense, an investigating and

analyzing mind, with a judgment matured in the school of experience, are

the grand requisites to prepare a man for sterling usefulness. Without

these you vainly pour upon him the classic stream. It is like water

poured upon the interminable sand--it invigorates for a moment, then

sinks and leaves the surface dry and unproductive. If there is no

substratum to retain the appliances of irrigation, the soil is not worth

the labor. I do not undervalue high seminaries of learning and highly

appreciate a liberal education. I only wish to correct the opposite

extreme that is gaining rapidly among us, of placing too _high_ a value

upon them, making a classical course the grand requisite of prospective

usefulness. I also wish to encourage those who have talent and only a

good English education, to expand their wings of usefulness and imitate

the examples of Franklin, Sherman, Abraham Clark and others who have

graced the theatre of human action without the aid of a collegiate

education. If they do not soar like eagles they may still be useful for

there is more good to be achieved and more need of labor in low life

than high. An humble bird saved Rome.

Abraham Clark was born at Elizabethtown, Essex county, New Jersey on the

15th of February 1726. He was the only son of Thomas Clark who held the

office of Alderman, at that time a dignified station filled by men of

merit. He was a farmer, a man of strong common sense and instilled into

the mind of his son the enduring principles of moral rectitude that

governed his actions through life. He received a good English education

and was designed for the ennobling pursuit of agriculture. Of a slender

frame and feeble constitution he was unable to endure hard labor but

continued to superintend the improvement of the paternal domain left him

by his father. He was an accomplished mathematician and was extensively

employed in surveying and conveyancing. He was also an elementary lawyer

and a safe gratuitous counsellor. He often saved his friends from the

vexatious labyrinth of litigation by assuaging the angry elements of

passion and leading them to the pure fountain of equal justice. He was

called the poor man's counsellor and did much to allay disputes and

promote harmony among his neighbors. He enjoyed the blessing pronounced

on peace makers. His decisions were based on correct legal principles

and impartial justice. He was often selected an arbitrator in different

counties to settle disputed land titles. His knowledge and legal

acquirements, united by an acute judgment, became so highly appreciated,

that he was appointed by the Assembly to settle the claims to undivided

commons. He filled the office of sheriff--was appointed clerk of the

Legislature--doing credit to himself and dignifying every station he

occupied. As he became known to the public his talents were more highly

appreciated--not because they kindled to a blaze calculated to excite

the huzzas of the multitude one day and possibly receive their

execrations the next--but because they exemplified unwavering rectitude,

strict justice, moral worth and disinterested patriotism.

When the vials of oppression were poured upon his native colony by the

mother country Mr. Clark was among the first to contend for liberal

principles and equal rights. Cool, reflective and deliberate--he had the

confidence of his fellow citizens and exercised a wise and salutary

influence over them. His actions flowed from the pure fountain of a good

heart guided by a clear head and a mature judgment. He weighed

impartially and felt most keenly British injustice towards the colonies.

He was an active and bold leader in primary meetings firmly opposing the

unreasonable claims of the crown. He was a prominent member of the

Committee of Safety and did much to consolidate that phalanx of sages

and heroes which stood firm and unbroken amidst the storms of wrath

poured on them for seven years. He had a peculiar talent to rouse his

fellow citizens to action on all proper occasions, always moving within

the orbit of sound discretion.

In June 1776 he took his seat in the continental Congress where he fully

sustained his previous high reputation for patriotism and good sense. To

such men as him we owe the liberty we now enjoy. Revolution is too often

the offspring of faction. When so, the successful actors, after

annihilating the power assailed often plunge into tenfold corruption.

Demagogues may rouse the angry passions of the multitude to a curling

flame but it requires such men as Franklin, Sherman and Clark to ride

upon the whirlwind, direct the tornado and rule the storm of passion.

They could guide the liquid streams of mental fire and conduct them

harmless in their course.

Although the American Revolution did not originate in fanaticism--the

centrifugal zeal of many of its able advocates carried them beyond the

orbit of prudence. Upon such men Mr. Clark exercised a happy influence.

Although they may not be able to make a flowery speech of three hours or

three days at the expense of thousands to our nation--yet it is to such

men we must look for the perpetuity of our UNION. It is for them to

steer the ship of State clear from the rocks and shoals of error and

avoid the breakers of rashness, intrigue and corruption. They are the

neutralizers of the inflammatory gases that fly from the fiery craniums

of many of our legislators who are more classical than discreet--more in

the forum than in the committee room--more anxious to advance their

_party_ than the good of their country.

Mr. Clark was warmly in favor of the Declaration of Independence. For

this strong and important measure he had long been prepared from a

strong conviction that no reasonable or honorable terms would be

sanctioned by the ambitious and haughty ministry of Great Britain. He

believed that abject slavery awaited the colonists unless the gordian

knot of allegiance was cut at one bold stroke. On the 4th of July 1776,

his affirmative vote and signature upon the chart of Liberty proved his

sincerity and gained for him the approval of his conscience and the

approbation of admiring millions.

He was continued in Congress for seven consecutive years, except

spending one session in the state legislature. Owing to his naturally

strong and highly cultivated mind, great industry and extensive fund of

practical knowledge, he was one of the most useful members of the

national legislature. From 1783 to 1788 he was a member of the

legislature in his own state. So great was his influence that every act

that excited public attention was attributed to him.

Mr. Clark was a strong advocate for the Convention that framed the

Federal Constitution. He was appointed a member but extreme illness

prevented his attendance. In 1788 he was again elected to Congress. At

the next congressional election he was defeated for the first time. This

reminds me of the law of Ostracism in the Republic of Athens under which

many of its citizens were banished by the same demagogue party spirit

that has banished many of our best men from the political arena. Mr.

Clark was then appointed to the important station of commissioner to

settle the state accounts with the general government. At the ensuing

election the people, upon a sober second thought, again elected him to

Congress of which he remained a member up to the time of his death. He

died in June 1794 from the effects of _coup de soleil_ [a stroke of the

sun] in two hours from the time he was taken ill.

Mr. Clark was truly pious, a pure patriot and an honest man. He was a

faithful public sentinel, a kind and affectionate friend, an honorable

and generous opponent. His death was deeply mourned by our nation and

most keenly felt by his numerous personal friends. His fame is worthy of

the highest encomiums--his example should be more closely imitated.

GEORGE CLYMER.

Learning makes the man, is an adage too old to be used as a quotation

but which time or angels can never stamp with truth. Unless the _man_ is

made by the Creator of all good, learning cannot do it. The mental

powers of man are as diversified as the soils of earth and as well

deserve classification. Upon the minds of some we may pour a continued

stream from the fountain of knowledge but like the desert of Sahara they

are barren of fruit or flower. Upon other minds laborious efforts

produce an improvement but never enrich them. Their upper crust is too

light--their substratum too porous to retain the fructifying substances

lavished upon them. Others yield a liberal harvest by good culture and

become valuable by use. Like the alluvial prairies, others are adorned

with fruits and flowers. They only require the introduction of seed to

afford all the rich varieties of products that may be desired. Expose

them to the genial rays of the sun of science--the germs of genius will

immediately spring up--the embryo forms will bud and blossom like the

rose.

The mental powers of George Clymer were composed of a deep and prolific

mould capable of producing the richest fruits. Fortunately for our

country it was not appropriated entirely to ornamental flowers and

blooming shrubbery but to the substantial fruits that invigorate and

support life. He was born in Philadelphia, Pa. in 1739. His father

removed to that city from Bristol, England and died when George was but

seven years old. William Coleman, his maternal uncle, took him into his

family, treated him as a son and made him heir to most of his property.

Being a literary man he gave his nephew every facility for the

acquirement of a good education. He had an extensive library and

rejoiced to see it explored by young George who manifested an early

taste for reading and investigated critically every subject that came

before him. He traced it through all its meanderings to its primeval

source. This trait in his character rendered him vastly useful in the

momentous concerns of his subsequent life. He dug deep and laid firmly

the foundations of his education--the superstructure was on a firm

basis.

From the seminary George went into the counting-house of his uncle and

became thoroughly acquainted with the mercantile business in which he

finally embarked. This calling was too precarious to suit his equipoised

mind. He was opposed to sudden gains or losses--the one elated the mind

too much--the other depressed it too low--destroying the divine

equilibrium calculated to impart the greatest happiness to man and

assimilate him to his Creator. He believed a virtuous equality in life

more conducive to the prosperity of a nation than to have the majority

of wealth wielded by a favored few. The former tended to

republicanism--the latter to aristocracy. He was in favor of equal

rights, a patriot of the Roman school, a philanthropist of the first

water--opposed to all monopolies. His genius was of that original order,

that, like some comets, visit our world only at long intervals. It

traversed the circuit of human nature, metaphysics, philosophy,

physiology, ethics and general science without an apparent

effort--drawing from each conclusions peculiarly its own. He was a

_virtuoso_, an amateur, a deep logician and an acute mathematician. A

love of liberty was innate with him. His mind was richly stored with the

history of other times and nations--he was well versed in the principles

of law and government--he understood the chartered rights of his country

and felt, most keenly, the increasing infringements upon them by the

very power that was bound by the laws of nature, man and God to respect

them. He was among the first to resist the oppressors of his country and

proclaim to his fellow-citizens the principles of freedom. At the _tea

meeting_ held by the people of Philadelphia on the 16th of Oct. 1773,

his powerful reasoning, deep sincerity, ardent zeal and enthusiastic

patriotism--commanded the admiration of all who heard him. Free from

pedantry and naturally retiring--his powers of mind were known only to

his immediate friends. From that time his talents were claimed as public

property. He was compelled to surrender possession without the formality

of a _mandamus, quo warranto certiorari_ or appeal.

When the final crisis arrived--when the shrill war-cry came rushing

through the air from the heights of Lexington, Mr. Clymer took command

of a company under Gen. Cadwalader and repaired to the tented field. He

was a member of the Council of Safety and had served on most of the

committees to prepare petitions, remonstrances and other measures of

redress. On the 29th of July 1775 Congress called him from the camp to

aid Michael Hillegas in managing the public treasury. He subscribed

liberally to the loan raised for the public service and placed all the

specie he could raise into the public chest and took in return ephemeral

paper. His examples and influence caused many to rush to the rescue

regardless of consequences. In July 1776 he was elected to Congress

after the 4th and on taking his seat placed his name upon the

Declaration of Independence. A part of the preceding delegation from

Pennsylvania, finding the Declaration of Rights would be adopted, were

seized with crown fits and nothing but absquatulating powders promised

any relief to the spasmodic attack. As security for the payment of this

medicine they put in leg bail and vanished. The people promptly filled

their places with men who dared to be free.

In September of that year Messrs. Clymer and Stockton were sent by

Congress to visit the northern army and confer with Gen. Washington upon

future arrangements. In December of the same year Congress retired to

Baltimore in consequence of the approach of the enemy, then devastating

New Jersey. Mr. Clymer was one of the committee left to superintend the

public interests and brave the perils that were rushing on like a

tornado. He was re-elected to Congress and in April 1777 was again upon

a visiting committee to the army to confer with Washington upon all

subjects that required prompt attention which were neither few, small or

far between. In the autumn of that year a fresh momentum was given to

the patriotism of Mr. Clymer. He had removed his family and goods to

Chester county. Immediately after the battle of Brandywine the tories

led the British to his house who destroyed a large amount of his

property. His family fled just in time to be saved the worse than savage

tortures inflicted upon every prominent patriot's wife and mother they

could seize. This sacrifice upon the altar of liberty strengthened him

in the cause of freedom imparting fresh vigor to his exertions. Such

conduct on the part of the British operated as a talisman in

consolidating the colonies in one solid phalanx of unyielding

opposition. Its eloquence soared above all words--it was

action--action--action--demoniac action.

In December 1779 Mr. Clymer was one of a committee sent to Fort Pitt to

induce the Indians to desist from hostilities. The mission consumed four

months and was principally executed by him alone, narrowly escaping the

tomahawk during his absence. It was found necessary to carry the war

into the Indian settlements. During the year after his return he devoted

his time in raising supplies for the army then in a very destitute

condition. In 1780 he was again returned to Congress and served until

November when he was associated with John Nixon in the organization of

the Bank of North America which contributed largely in raising the

prostrate credit of the government and yet stands upon a firm basis with

fair prospects of surviving whilst our Republic continues. In May 1782

he was associated with Mr. Rutledge on a mission through the Southern

States to induce them to meet more promptly the requisitions for

supplies. During the entire period of the Revolution he devoted his

whole time to the service of his country and discharged every duty

faithfully. He stood high as an able and efficient co-worker in the

vineyard of Liberty and when the harvest was past and the war ended, he

retired from the field crowned with living honors enduring as the

historic page.

When peace was proclaimed he removed to Princeton, N. J. for the purpose

of resting from his toils and educating his children. The ensuing year

he was persuaded to return to Philadelphia. He was immediately elected

to the legislature and contributed largely in cutting from the old

Constitution and laws of his native state the obnoxious branches of

tyranny that still clustered around them. He stripped the penal code of

its inquisitorial features and originated and successfully advocated the

abolishment of death in all cases except for murder in the first degree.

He was the father of the salutary penitentiary system now in full force

at Cherry Hill near the city of Philadelphia--solitary confinement and

labor. It may not be known to every reader that prisoners were formerly

compelled to labor in chains, often in public places. The superiority of

solitary confinement over all other modes of punishment has been fully

demonstrated and is in a slow course of adoption throughout the confines

of civilized humanity.

The mind of Mr. Clymer was prolific and happy in plans of usefulness and

utility. To benefit his country and better the condition of mankind was

his constant aim. To effect this he saw the necessity of reducing every

department of government to system and order. American Independence was

achieved--to preserve it by reconciling conflicting interests,

green-eyed jealousies, incongruous clamors and imaginary evils, was a

herculean task only in embryo. He hailed with joy the convention to form

the Federal Constitution and had the pleasure of being a member. The

result of the labors of that body was charged with a deeper interest

than the war-struggle for victory over the invading armies of England.

It involved the fate of our infant Republic--then trembling on the verge

of ruin. One more plunge and it would have been lost in the gulf of

primeval chaos. The conflict was between members of the same family who

had fought the enemy in one solid unbroken phalanx--now this band of

brothers were separated by local interests and sectional jealousies. To

bring the issue to a safe termination it required the deepest sagacity,

the acutest wisdom, the most matured judgment, the profoundest legal

learning, the most disinterested patriotism, the most exalted charity

and the purest spirit of conciliation. Happily for our country and the

cause of liberty these noble principles predominated--the glorious work

was accomplished in which Mr. Clymer participated largely.

This noble patriot was elected to the first Congress that convened under

the Federal Constitution. He was a stern republican in every thing. He

was very properly opposed to tacking any titles to the name of any

public man except that of the office which he held. Excellency,

Honorable, &c., he considered to be what they really are--shadows of a

shadow, too vain and imbecile for a freeman. He was wisely opposed to

the right of instruction from his constituents because they must decide

without hearing evidence or argument and were themselves uniformly

directed by a few designing men actuated by motives based on prejudice

or ignorance. He could not be made the passive tool of demagogue power

or the automaton of party spirit. We greatly need many more of the same

sort at the present time. In the organization of the general government

he took a very active part. Every subject presented to Congress he

analyzed with the acumen of a sage, philosopher and statesman. He was

continued a member until 1790, when he made an effort to close his

public career. But this he was not permitted to do. Under the Act of

Congress passed in 1791, imposing a duty on distilled spirits Mr. Clymer

was appointed to enforce its collection in his own state. In

Pennsylvania this law produced the _whiskey rebellion_ which required

military force to restore order. No display of force could prevent Mr.

Clymer from the performance of his duty. He appointed collectors in the

different counties, advising the people to submit to the law whilst in

force and pursue the constitutional remedy for its repeal if they

believed it wrong. During the height of the excitement he mingled freely

with the mobocracy when but few men would have been spared if clothed

with the same office. When order was restored he resigned his situation.

The last public service he consented to render was in conjunction with

Colonels Pickens and Hasskins in negotiating a treaty with the Creek

Indians which was consummated on the 29th of June 1796. He then retired

to enjoy the fruits of his labors without any to disturb or make him

afraid. He had periled his life, fortune and honor for his country--he

had been her fearless advocate amidst the storms of revolution, civil

discord and open rebellion--in his retirement he saw her peaceful,

prosperous and happy with the illustrious Washington directing her

destiny to fame and glory. The measure of his ardent desires was

filled--he asked no more.

Although retired from the more prominent public arena, Mr. Clymer did

not seek for inglorious ease--he remained active through life. He took a

deep interest in every kind of improvement and to many extended his

fostering care. He was a friend to the laboring classes and became

familiar with the principles of agriculture and the mechanic trades.

Among his private papers are many drawings of plans for bridges, canals,

and various kinds of machinery and implements of husbandry with numerous

recipes relative to the fine arts. Like Franklin he extended his

researches to almost every subject within the grasp of man and extracted

the essential oil from each. He always sought for solid substance that

was of substantial use. He was opposed to pedantry, pomp and parade. He

was what would now be called a plain blunt man. His bluntness was not of

an offensive kind to common sense men. It consisted in laconic truth

dressed in republican simplicity--a garb that was much admired _then_

but is quite out of fashion _now_--a change of rather doubtful utility.

Although he originated many important measures in the national and state

legislatures, he seldom spoke in the forum and was often unknown to the

public when the author of wise and salutary propositions. He was

ambitious only to do good and was not anxious that his name should be

wafted on the breeze of popular applause or sounded in the high places

of the earth. To be instrumental in benefiting the human family was the

_ultimatum_ of his soul.

When the importance of a subject induced Mr. Clymer to rise in debate he

was listened to with profound attention. As a speaker his example is

worthy of all imitation. Without any effort at refined eloquence he

expressed in strong language what he strongly felt. He came directly to

the point--adhered closely to it in a strain of keen, cutting,

conclusive and laconic reasoning avoiding recrimination--was always

brief, often casting into the shade in a few moments the labored and

finely dressed speeches of his opponents that had cost them days,

perhaps weeks to prepare and hours to deliver. He aimed his blows at the

syllabus of their finely spun arguments and often demolished their

ornamented superstructure at one bold stroke with the damask blade of

sound logic drawn from the scabbard of plain common sense and wielded by

the vigorous arm of lucid reason.

This useful man closed his earthly career at the residence of his son in

Morrisville, Berks County, Pa., on the 23d of January 1813--most deeply

mourned by those who knew him best. He was of the middle size, well

formed, fair complexion, with a countenance attractive, intelligent,

ingenuous, pleasing and expressive of a strong mind. In the private

walks of life he was a model of human excellence. He was proverbial for

punctuality in all things, if only to take a walk with a friend or

present a promised toy to a child. In conversation he was agreeable and

instructive--illuminating and enlivening the social circle with

apothegms, aphorisms and pungent anecdotes--imparting pleasure and

intelligence to all around him. In all this he was modest, chaste and

discreet--avoiding any appearance of superiority, never making personal

allusions even to his opponents. He spoke ill of no one and rebuked

slander whenever he discovered it. His morals were of the purest

order--his philanthropy of the loftiest kind. As a public servant, a

private citizen, a kind husband, a faithful father, a warm friend, an

honorable opponent and a noble patriot--George Clymer had no superior.

He visited the widow and the fatherless in their distress and relieved

them. He kept himself unspotted from the world and did all the good in

his power. His were the fruits of primitive Christianity as taught by

the Apostles. Let his examples be imitated by all--then our UNION is

safe.

JOHN DICKINSON.

Frugality is an old fashioned virtue that is deeply covered with the

alluvion of modern extravagance. With a large proportion of the

community--economy is no longer a governing principle. More generally is

this the case with public bodies and associations. When we look at the

enormous and worse than useless expense of public buildings a large

proportion of them are marked with an extravagance far from republican

simplicity--large expenditures without enlarging comfort or convenience,

Girard College is an example in point. A large portion of the money

expended on that too splendid structure, was diverted from its

legitimate channel--_the support and education of the poor orphan_. It

is a tolerated--not an excusable error. So with many other public

buildings erected with money drawn directly and indirectly from the hard

earnings of the people. As inconsistent as it is--professing Christians

have adopted this error with a vengeance--although the great Author of

Christianity was born in a stable--cradled in a manger and preached his

thrilling soul-cheering sermons in the open air. As churches are now

conducted--how great the change--how alarming the contrast. The

landmarks of primitive Christianity are buried by the alluvion of human

inventions. Millions are expended in building extravagant

edifices--furnishing them with velvet, damask or other cushions--the

congregation involved in debt--the poor necessarily excluded--when half

the amount contracted would have been sufficient and the other half

should have been expended to alleviate the wants of the suffering poor

and in sending the Gospel of Peace to the destitute. Extravagant

professed followers of the lowly Jesus--think of this when you rise from

reposing--perhaps _sleeping_ on your gaudy church cushions. Think of the

birth place of your Lord--of his life of poverty--his friendship to the

poor--his constant efforts to do them good--of the habits and limited

comforts of his disciples--and more--think how destitute you are of the

very foundation of true religion--HUMILITY. How will you answer for

these things at the searching tribunal of the great Jehovah? Even your

funerals are marked with an extravagance that should be reduced to an

amount that would leave a sum sufficient to make your poor neighbors

comfortable for a long time. If you would honor the religion of the

immaculate Redeemer--learn and practice frugality--enlarge your charity

and adorn your conduct with consistency.

With the _true_ patriots of the American Revolution frugality was

proverbial. Independence Hall, built of plain brick and mortar, was

deemed sufficiently splendid for the accommodation of the master

spirits of that eventful era. A plain yard, with native forest trees for

an ornament, was satisfactory. Now nothing but a marble structure,

surrounded by extensive highly ornamented pleasure grounds, at an

expense of MILLIONS, will answer for the legislators of this

anti-republican era. The dear people are no longer consulted relative to

the expenses of our government--to _pay_ is their only privilege.

Imported extravagance--imported customs--apish imitations of European

usages--are fast driving republican simplicity from our once happy land.

If the people tamely submit to these gross innovations they will

ultimately reap the bitter fruits of their culpable neglect of duty.

Among the sages of the American Revolution, John Dickinson figured

conspicuously. He was born in Maryland in 1732. After acquiring a good

education he read law and had a lucrative practice in the city of

Philadelphia. He was elected to the legislature at an early age and

became a prominent member--an eloquent speaker and ready writer. He was

a member of the General Congress in 1765 when he boldly exposed the

unwarranted conduct of crown officers urged on by corrupt ministers. In

1767 he published a series of letters--boldly exposing the

unconstitutional features of sundry acts of parliament. They contributed

largely towards preparing the people for that resistance which resulted

in FREEDOM.

Mr. Dickinson was a member of the important preliminary Congress of 1774

and wrote the lucid petition to the King that emanated from that body.

He was the author of the declaration published by the Congress of 1775

which ably set forth the causes that impelled the down-trodden colonists

to take up arms and resolve on victory or death. The second petition to

the King was from his pen and adopted by Congress. All his writings were

well suited to the occasions that induced them and were eminently

calculated to advance the cause of the patriots. He was slow to believe

England could not be brought to see and relinquish her suicidal course.

He believed the Declaration of Independence premature and did not vote

for it. He had great confidence in his own persuasive powers. His

opposition to the Declaration of Rights caused his constituents to give

him leave of absence. He subsequently sanctioned it and repented of his

error. In 1779 he was again elected to Congress and became a zealous,

active, useful member. The following extract from an address, adopted by

Congress on the 26th of May 1779, is from his pen.

"Infatuated as your enemies have been from the beginning of this contest

do you imagine they can flatter themselves with a hope of conquering

you unless you are false to yourselves? When unprepared, undisciplined

and unsupported--you opposed their fleets and armies in full conjoined

force--then, if at any time, was conquest to be apprehended. Yet, what

progress towards it have their violent and incessant efforts made? Judge

from their own conduct. Having devoted you to bondage and after vainly

wasting their blood and treasure in the dishonorable enterprise--they

deigned at length to offer terms of accommodation with respectful

addresses to that once despised body--the Congress--whose humble

supplications, only for peace and safety, they had contemptuously

rejected under pretence of its being an unconstitutional assembly. Nay

more--desirous of seducing you into a deviation from the paths of

rectitude from which they had so far and rashly wandered, they made most

specious offers to tempt you into a violation of your faith given to

your illustrious ally."