PART I.

JOHN ADAMS.

[Illustration: {John Adams portrait and signature} ENGRAVED BY T.B.

WELCH FROM A PORTRAIT BY G. STUART.]

The history of men should interest every reader. It is the mirror of

mind--imparting lessons of thrilling interest, essential improvement,

exquisite pleasure--substantial advantage. It is a matter of deep

concern to the investigating student. Remoteness increases veneration.

Human foibles are buried in the tomb. Faults are often eclipsed by

towering virtues--find no place on the historic page and after

generations gaze upon a picture of rare perfection, which, as time

advances, assumes shades--richer and holier--until it commands the

reverence of every beholder. The names of many of the ancients, whose

crowning glory was virtue, over whose ashes centuries have rolled, are

often referred to with as profound respect as if angel purity had given

the impress of Divinity to their every action. A country--a nation may

be lost in the whirlpool of revolution--the fame of good and great men

is enduring as time. In the persons of the Sages and Heroes of the

American Revolution, ancient and modern wisdom, patriotism and courage

were combined. Let us join the admiring millions who are gazing on their

bright picture and impartially trace the character of those who pledged

their LIVES, FORTUNES AND SACRED HONORS in behalf of FREEDOM.

Among them, John Adams was conspicuous. He was a native of Quincy, Mass.

born on the 19th of Oct. (O.S.) 1735. He was the fourth in descent from

Henry Adams, who removed from Devonshire Eng. with eight sons and

located near Mount Wollaston.

During his childhood he was under the instruction of Mr. Marsh of

Braintree and made rapid progress in his education. At the age of

sixteen he entered Harvard college at Cambridge and graduated at the age

of twenty-one with high honors.

At Worcester he commenced the study of law under Mr. Putnam, finished

with Mr. Gridley, supporting himself by teaching a grammar class. Wisdom

to discern the path of rigid virtue and uncompromising justice, with

moral courage to _act_, marked his career from the dawn of manhood. He

boldly grasped the past, present and future and made deductions truly

prophetic. On the 12th of Oct. 1755, he wrote the following paragraph in

a letter.

"Soon after the reformation, a few people came over into this new world

for conscience sake. Perhaps this apparently trivial incident may

transfer the great seat of empire into America. It looks likely to me,

if we can remove the turbulent Gallics, our people, according to the

exactest computation, will, in another century, become more numerous

than England herself. Should this be the case, since we have, I may say,

all the naval stores of the nation in our hands, it will be easy to

obtain the mastery of the seas and then the united force of all Europe

will not be able to subdue us. The only way to keep us from setting up

for ourselves, is--_to disunite us_. Keep us in distinct colonies and

then some men in each colony, desiring the monarchy of the whole, will

destroy each other's influence and keep the country in equilibrio."

Mark two things referred to in this letter. He plainly saw that the navy

is our right arm of defence and yet treated, by our government, with a

parsimony that has long astonished the old world. "TO DISUNITE US"--the

only thing that can _ruin us_ now that we _have_ set up for ourselves.

Lay this to heart ye demagogues who are sowing broadcast the seeds of

disunion and no longer court a monarchy.

At the end of three years study Mr. Adams was admitted to the practice

of law and commenced a successful professional career at Braintree.

Constitutional law had become a subject of investigation. Disputes had

commenced between the people and the officers of the crown who were

employed in the custom-house and claimed the right to search _private_

dwellings for the pretended purpose of discovering dutiable goods. This

preliminary act of usurpation was frequently prompted by personal

animosity without a shadow of evidence to raise even suspicion. The

right of search was vigorously resisted. Writs of assistance were

issued--the seeds of the revolution were sown. Mr. Gridley, the friend

and admirer of Mr. Adams, defended the officers--not on constitutional

ground but from the necessity of the case to protect the revenue, from

which Mr. Adams strongly dissented. The question was argued before the

Superior Court at Boston--Mr. Gridley for and Mr. Otis against the

crown. Mr. Adams listened to both gentlemen with intense interest and

has often been heard to say--"The oration of Mr. Otis against writs of

assistance breathed into this nation the breath of life. American

independence was then and there born."

The court _publicly_ decided against the writs but _secretly_ issued

them. No richer fuel could have been used to increase the volume and

force of the revolutionary fires already kindled. Mr. Adams was roused

by the hypocrisy of the court and the audacity of the crown officers and

at once took a bold stand in favor of justice. The Assembly interfered

in behalf of the people and in 1762, prepared a bill to prevent the

issue of these volcanic writs only upon specific information on

oath--which was vetoed by the governor. The Assembly retaliated by

reducing the salary of the judges.

In 1761 Mr. Adams rose to the rank of Barrister--in 1764 married the

accomplished Abigail Smith, daughter of Rev. William Smith, who nobly

participated with her husband in the thrilling scenes of their lives for

fifty-four years. Judge of her patriotism from the following extract

from one of her numerous and able letters.

"Heaven is our witness that we do not rejoice in the effusion of blood

or the carnage of the human species--but, having been forced to draw the

sword, we are determined never to sheathe it--_slaves to Britain_. Our

cause, Sir, I trust, is the cause of truth and justice and will finally

prevail, though the combined force of earth and hell should rise against

it."

The Stamp Act kindled an enduring flame of indignation in the patriotic

bosom of Mr. Adams. He at once became a champion for chartered rights

and rational freedom. He published an essay on Canon and Feudal Law

which proved him a fearless, able and vigorous writer. It penetrated the

joints and marrow of royal power as _practised_ and parliamentary

legislation as _assumed_. He traced the Canon law to the Roman

clergy--shrewdly planned, acutely managed and rigorously enforced to

advance their own aggrandizement. He delineated the servile dogmas of

the Feudal code, each manor being the miniature kingdom of a petty

tyrant. He exposed the unholy and powerful confederacy of the two,

aiming to spread the mantle of ignorance over mankind, drive virtue from

the earth, producing the memorable era of the dark ages, shrouded in

mental obscurity. He then ushered in the dawn of returning light,

exhibited the gigantic struggles of the reformers--the bloody scenes of

persecution and finally placed his readers upon the granite shores of

New England, where, for a century, LIBERTY had shed its happy influence

upon the sons and daughters of freemen, undisturbed by canons or feuds.

"Tyranny has again commenced its desolating course--it _must be_

arrested or we are _slaves_." This is a mere syllabus of a pamphlet of

over forty pages, strong in language, bold in sentiment, and nervous in

style.

Mr. Adams became associated with other prominent whigs, Samuel Adams,

Quincy, Otis and many kindred spirits, whose influence produced the

repeal of the Stamp Act and the removal of Mr. Grenville from the

ministry. An apparent but delusive calm ensued on the part of the crown

officers. At intervals, a cloven foot would be seen, festering wounds

would be irritated and no balm was found to restore them to perfect

soundness.

In 1766 Mr. Adams removed to Boston where his talents became so strongly

developed that the king's governor thought him worth purchasing. He was

offered the most lucrative office in the colony--Advocate General in the

court of Admiralty. He spurned the bribe with the disdain that none but

freemen can exhibit.

In 1769 he was on the committee that prepared instructions for the

legislature, which were very obnoxious to the royal governor. He had

outraged the people by quartering a mercenary army in the town--was

unyielding in his purposes and hastened a tragedy that gave a fresh

impetus to the embryo revolution.

On the 5th of March 1770, an affray occurred between the military and

citizens, in which five of the latter were killed and others wounded.

Mr. Adams thus describes the result.

"The people assembled, first at Faneuil Hall and adjourned to the old

South Church, to the number, as was conjectured, of ten or twelve

hundred men, among whom were the most virtuous, substantial,

independent, disinterested and intelligent citizens. They formed

themselves into a regular deliberative body--chose their moderator and

secretary--entered into discussions, deliberations and debates--adopted

resolutions and appointed committees. These public resolutions were

conformable to the views of the great majority of the people--'_that the

soldiers should be banished at all hazards_.' Jonathan Williams, a very

pious, inoffensive and conscientious gentleman, was their moderator. A

remonstrance to the governor, or governor and council, was ordained and

a demand that the regular troops should be removed from the town. A

committee was appointed to present this remonstrance, of which Samuel

Adams was chairman. The soldiers were removed and transient peace

restored."

Captain Preston was brought before the court charged with giving the

order to fire upon the citizens. The regulars who committed the fatal

act were also arraigned and tried. Each party charged the other with

commencing the affray. Some inconsiderate citizens had thrown snow-balls

at the King's troops who returned lead in payment. Mr. Adams was

employed to defend the accused. A delicate task he performed, but so

ingeniously did he manage the case that Captain Preston and all the

soldiers but two were acquitted and the two were only convicted of

manslaughter. When the trial closed Mr. Adams stood approved by the

citizens, having performed his professional duty to his clients and at

the same time vindicated the rights of the people.

The same year he was elected to the legislative body and boldly opposed

the arbitrary measures of the British cabinet. He was one of the

committee that prepared an address to the governor, the style of which

induces me to think that it was penned by him. After clearly pointing

out the violation of chartered rights the address concludes, "These and

other grievances and cruelties, too many to be here enumerated and too

melancholy to be _much longer borne_ by this injured people, we have

seen brought upon us by the devices of ministers of state. And we have,

of late, seen and heard of _instructions_ to governors which threaten to

destroy all the remaining privileges of our charter. Should these

struggles of the house prove unfortunate and ineffectual this Province

will submit with pious resignation to the will of _Providence_--but it

would be a kind of suicide, of which we have the utmost abhorrence, to

be instrumental in our own servitude."

A blind obstinacy on the part of the ministers increased the opposition

of the people, inducing a rapid accumulation of combustible materials,

increasing the volcanic fires by their own strong exertions. Being

alarmed at the boldness of the citizens, the governor ordered the

legislature to convene at Cambridge contrary to the law which fixed the

place of meeting--consequently, the members refused to do anything more

than to adjourn to the proper place. A war of words and paper ensued, in

which the patriots were victorious. Mr. Adams was one of the

sharp-shooters and made great havoc among the officers of the crown. Mr.

Brattle, the senior member of the council entered the field in defence

of the ministry but was put _hors de combat_ by our champion. The

governor was compelled to direct the legislature to convene again at

Boston. New causes of complaint were constantly accruing. The governor,

judges and troops were paid by England instead of the colony--thus

aiming to render the executive, judiciary and military, independent of

the people, destroying all confidence in the servants of the crown. The

tax on tea was another source of aggravation, striking more tender

chords. Wo to the ruler who rouses the fair sex. He may more safely defy

the fury of Mars and challenge the speed of Atalanta.

Tea became forbidden fruit--several vessel loads were sacrificed to

Neptune--an oblation for the sins of the British cabinet--a

jollification for the fish of Boston harbour. Royal authority increased

in cruelty--patriots increased in boldness. The message of the governor

to the legislature of 1773 maintained the supremacy of parliament. This

was denied by the members and a reply written by Mr. Adams in answer to

a second message from the governor, more strongly in favor of the crown.

The pen of this functionary was paralyzed--his arguments proved

fallacious--his mouth sealed upon this exciting subject. The reply of

Mr. Adams was an exposition of British wrongs and American rights, so

clearly presented that no sophistry could impugn--no logic confront. So

highly was it appreciated by Dr. Franklin, that he had it republished in

England--a luminary to patriots--confusion to tyrants.

On taking his seat in the legislature Mr. Adams was placed on the list

of committees. So vindictive was governor Hutchinson that he erased his

name--an act that recoiled with such force as to rapidly close his

public career in the colony. He was succeeded by Governor Gage, who was

more fully charged with ministerial fire--more successful in

accelerating the millennium of Liberty. He placed his cross upon the

name of John Adams--removed the legislature to Salem--enforced the

Boston Port Bill and seemed to tax his ingenuity to enrage the people.

On convening, the members of the legislature requested the governor to

fix a day for a general fast which he peremptorily refused. As well

might he have undertaken to extinguish a flaming fire with pitch, as to

refuse this boon to the descendants of the Puritans. The people _en

masse_ venerated religion and would not yield to the violation of

ancient custom.

The legislature then proceeded to project a general congress. Governor

Gage sent his secretary with an order to _prorogue_--the door was

locked against him--patriotic resolutions were passed and five delegates

appointed to meet a national convention, one of whom was John Adams.

At the appointed time he repaired to Philadelphia--took his seat in that

assemblage of sages, whose wisdom has been sung by the most brilliant

poets, applauded by the most eloquent orators--admired by the most

sagacious statesmen of the civilized world. On reading the proceedings

of the first congress in 1774, Chatham remarked, "I have studied and

admired the free states of antiquity, the master spirits of the

world--but, for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity and wisdom of

conclusion, no body of men can stand above this congress."

Some supposed the ardent zeal of Mr. Adams might induce rashness. Not

so--he was calm as a summer morning but firm as the granite shores of

his birth-place. He was discreet, prudent--the last man to violate or

submit to the violation of constitutional law. He kept his helm

hard-up--knew when to luff--when to take the larboard tack--when to

spread and when to take in sail. He was one of the few who believed the

mother country would remain incorrigible--that petitions would be

vain--addresses futile--remonstrances unavailing.

At the close of that congress Mr. Adams had a close conversation with

Patrick Henry in which he expressed a full conviction, that resolves,

declarations of rights, enumeration of wrongs, petitions, remonstrances,

addresses, associations and non-importation agreements--however they

might be accepted in America and however necessary to cement the union

of the colonies, would be waste water in England. Mr. Henry believed

they might make an impression among the _people_ of England, but that

they would be lost upon the government. Mr. Adams had just received a

hasty letter from Major Hawley of Northampton, which concluded with

these prophetic words, "_after all we must fight._" Mr. Henry raised his

hands and vehemently exclaimed, "I am of that man's mind." Richard Henry

Lee held a contrary opinion--Washington was in doubt. The two former

based their conclusions on the past and present from which they drew

deductions for the future. They penetrated the arcanum of human nature,

passed in review the multiform circumstances that inflated power-backed

by superior physical force--deluded by obstinacy and avarice, is callous

to the refined feelings of humanity--deaf to wisdom--blind to justice.

Lee, equally determined to vindicate _right_ and oppose _wrong_, could

not believe the ministry would dethrone reason and court ruin.

Washington, deep in reflection, an impartial and strong

investigator--his soul overflowing with the milk of human kindness, did

not arrive rapidly at conclusions on so momentous a subject. In weighing

the causes of difference between the two countries--reason, justice and

hope, on the one side--power, corruption and avarice on the other--at

that time held his mind in equilibrio. He clearly perceived the right

and fondly but faintly hoped England would see it too and govern herself

accordingly. He was as prompt to act as the others when action became

necessary.

Mr. Adams returned among his friends and stood approved by his

constituents and his country. His pen was again brought into service, in

answering a series of ingenious essays written by Mr. Sewell in favor of

the supremacy of Parliament. Over the name of "Nonvanglus," Mr. Adams

stripped the gay ornaments and gaudy apparel from the brazen image Mr.

Sewell had presented to the public gaze. A meagre skeleton of visible

deformity was all that remained. Attorney General Sewell trembled us he

received the deep cuts from the falchion quill of this devoted patriot.

So profound was his reasoning--so learned were his expositions--so clear

and conclusive were his demonstrations--that his antagonist exclaimed,

as he retired in a rage from the conflict, "He strives to hide his

inconsistencies under a huge pile of learning."

The pile proved too "huge" for royal power and supplied the people with

an abundance of light.

The supremacy of parliament was an unfortunate issue for ministers. It

placed the patriots in a position to hurl their darts at _them_ without

refusing allegiance to the _king_. The British cabinet worked out its

own destruction with regard to the American colonies--if not with fear

and trembling it was with blindness and disgrace--impolicy and

injustice--obstinacy and infatuation.

In May, 1775, Mr. Adams again took his seat in Congress with renewed

responsibilities resting upon him. Revolution was rolling fearfully upon

his bleeding country--hope of redress was expiring like the last

flickerings of a taper--dark and portentous clouds were

concentrating--the ministerial ermine was steeped in blood--the dying

groans of his fellow-citizens and the lamentations of widows and orphans

had fallen upon his ears and the prophetic conclusion arrived at by him

and Henry but a few months previous, was forced upon the mind of every

patriot, "_after all we must fight._"

As a preliminary measure it was necessary to appoint a leader of the

military forces to be raised. To fix upon the _best_ man was of vital

importance. Some thought the measure premature. Not so with the sons of

New England. When the blood of their friends was wantonly shed upon the

heights of Lexington they hung their siren harps upon the weeping

willows that stood mournfully over the graves of their murdered

brethren. In their view, war was inevitable. A commander-in-chief must

be appointed. Several prominent persons were named in private

conversations. John Adams, alone, had fixed his mind upon George

Washington, in whom he saw the commingled qualities of philanthropist,

philosopher, statesman, hero and Christian. All opposed his appointment

at first but gradually yielded to the reasons urged by John Adams.

Satisfied that the measure would be approved by a majority, he rose in

Congress and proposed that a commander of the American armies should be

appointed. When his resolution passed, he described the requisite

qualities of the man to fill this important station and remarked with

great emphasis--"_such a man is within these walls._" But few knew to

whom he referred, no one believing himself duly and truly prepared or

properly vouched for as a military man. A pause--a painful

suspense--then the name of Col. GEORGE WASHINGTON of Virginia was

announced by Mr. Adams. No one could be more surprised than the nominee.

No intimation of the intended honor had been made to him. The vote was

taken the day following and was unanimous in his favor. So judicious was

this selection that La Fayette remarked--"It was the consequence of

Providential inspiration." Be it so--John Adams was the patriot who

nominated him--thus placing at the head of the American armies just such

a man as the crisis required--prudent, dignified, bold, sagacious,

patient, persevering--universally esteemed by the friends of

FREEDOM--admired by the most fervent friends of the crown.

In 1776 Mr. Adams again took his seat in the National Assembly. The

period had arrived for decisive measures. Massachusetts had been

disfranchised by Parliament. England had hired legions of soldiers from

German princes to subdue rebels in America. The last note of peace had

been sung by echo--every patriot became convinced that _resistance or

slavery_ were the two horns of the dilemma presented. INDEPENDENCE had

been conceived but by a few. It was a startling proposition. At this

juncture Mr. Adams marked out a bold course and had the moral courage to

pursue it. On the 6th of May he offered a resolution, proposing that the

colonies should organize a government independent of England. On the

10th of the same month it was modified and adopted, recommending such

government by the colonies "as might be conducive to the happiness and

safety of their constituents in particular and America in general." All

admitted the justice of this measure but some opposed it on the ground

of the physical imbecility of the colonies--already crowded with a

hireling army and their shores lined with a powerful navy. Mr. Adams

knew no middle course. He had succeeded in obtaining the adoption of the

preface to his broad folio of an independent compact--he then proceeded

to prepare the text. He had commenced the work of political

regeneration. Each day new and genuine converts were made. The

legislature of his own state encouraged him to strike for independence.

North Carolina had openly started the ball--Virginia gave it a now

impetus and on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee became the organ to

present the proposition to Congress. A most animated discussion ensued.

Then the powers of Mr. Adams were more fully developed. Mr. Jefferson

said of him, in alluding to his debates on the Declaration of

Independence--"John Adams was the pillar of its support on the floor of

Congress--its ablest advocate and defender against the multifarious

assaults it encountered. He was our Colossus on the floor--not graceful,

not elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses--yet he came out

with a power, both of thought and expression, that moved us from our

seats."

The noblest powers of his soul were raised to the zenith of their

strength, determined to accomplish the mighty work he had commenced.

Although one of the committee to prepare the instrument of eternal

separation, he confided the labor to his colleagues--spending his whole

force upon the opponents of the measure. Manfully did he

contend--gloriously did he triumph. He bore down upon his adversaries

like a mountain torrent--a rushing avalanche--hurling the arrows of

conviction with such precision and effect that a majority soon became

converted to the measure.

The day for decision arrived. The 4th of July, 1776, dawned auspiciously

upon the patriots. At the appointed hour they assembled. The past, the

present, the impenetrable future, big with coming events--rushed upon

their minds. Moments flew--the pulse quickened--the heart-throb

increased--bosoms expanded--eyes brightened--patriotism rose in majesty

sublime--the question was put--the Gordian knot was

sundered--INDEPENDENCE was declared--the colonies were free--LIBERTY

was proclaimed--a nation was redeemed--regenerated--disenthralled and

born in a day.

[Illustration: Signatures: Rob't Morris; John Hancock; Benjamin Rush;

Benj. Franklin; Elbridge Gerry; Oliver Wolcott; Samuel Chase; Carter

Braxton; John Morton; Joseph Hewes; Casar Rodney; Geo. Read; George

Wythe; John Penn; Richard Henry Lee; Tho. McKean; Wm. Hooper; Tho.

Heyward, Jr.; Wm. Paca; Thomas Lynch; Francis Lightfoot Lee; Wm.

Floyd; Arthur Middleton; Abra. Clark; Button Gwinnett; Philip

Livingston; Lyman Hall; Wm. Whipple; Fran. Lewis; Geo. Walton; Sam'l

Adams; Lewis Morris; Edward Rutledge; Geo. Ross; John Adams; Rob't

Treat Paine; Sam'l Huntington; Wm. Williams; Geo. Clymer; Jas. Smith;

Josiah Bartlett; Matthew Thornton; Rich'd Stockton; Step. Hopkins;

Jno. Witherspoon; Fra's Hopkinson; William Ellery; John Hart; Roger

Sherman; James Wilson; Charles Carroll of Carrollton; Th. Jefferson;

Tho's Stone; Geo. Taylor; Benj. Harrison; Tho's Nelson, Jr.]

Early in the winter of 1776 Mr. Adams wrote a form of government for the

colonies which was substantially the same as the present constitutions

of the states. It was first submitted to Richard Henry Lee in a letter

with these remarks.

"A constitution founded on these principles introduces knowledge among

the people and inspires them with a conscious dignity becoming freemen.

A general emulation takes place which causes good humor, sociability,

good manners and good morals to be general. That elevation of sentiment,

inspired by such a government, makes the common people brave and

enterprising. That ambition which is inspired by it makes them sober,

industrious and frugal. You will find among them some elegance, perhaps,

but more solidity--a little pleasure but a great deal of business--some

politeness but more civility. If you compare such a country with the

regions of domination, whether monarchical or aristocratical, you will

fancy yourself in Arcadia or Elysium."

Here is inscribed upon the tablet of truth the blessings derived from a

government like our own in its principles--faithfully adhered to by

every _true_ patriot but trampled under foot by the demagogues of the

present day and the aristocracy of all time.

Among all the great men of our country, no one has exhibited a more

clear and minute conception of human nature and human government, than

John Adams. He traced causes and effects through all their labyrinthian

meanderings and deduced conclusions that seemed the result of

inspiration. Many of his predictions of the future bear the impress of

prophecy and show how deeply he investigated--how clearly he perceived.

On his return from Congress, Mr. Adams was elected to the legislature of

Massachusetts under the new constitution. He was also appointed Chief

Justice which he declined.

In 1777 he resumed his seat in Congress and performed an amount of

labor, which, if imposed upon any ten _demagogue_ legislators of the

present day might induce suicide. He was an active member of ninety

committees--chairman of twenty-five--chairman of the board of war and

appeals, discharged all his duties promptly and was uniformly in his

seat when any important measure was under discussion.

In December, 1777, he was appointed a commissioner to France. In

February following he embarked on board the frigate Boston. During the

voyage a British armed ship hove in sight--an action commenced--Mr.

Adams seized a musket, gave the enemy a well-directed shot but was

immediately deprived of this recreation by Capt. Tucker, who led him out

of danger, pleasantly remarking--"I am commanded by the Continental

Congress to carry you in safety to Europe and I will do it."

Before his arrival, Dr. Franklin and his colleague had succeeded in

concluding a treaty of alliance with the French nation. After an absence

of a little more than a year he returned and was elected to a convention

of his native state, convened for the purpose of perfecting a

constitution and the full organization of government. The original draft

of the constitution of Massachusetts is from his pen. Before his term

closed in this convention he was appointed by Congress--"A minister

plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace and a treaty of

commerce with Great Britain." In Oct. 1779, he embarked from Boston. The

passage was boisterous, it being February before he arrived at Paris.

Chagrin and pride prevented the British ministry from at once placing

themselves on an equality with our own. The negotiation, on their part,

commenced with equivocations. Mr. Adams could not be ensnared and was

determined to submit to nothing wrong and left them to farther

reflection.

On learning that Mr. Laurens, American commissioner to Holland, had been

captured, Mr. Adams repaired to that kingdom. In August he received a

commission from Congress to negotiate a loan--to conclude a treaty of

amity and commerce and to accede to any treaty of neutral rights that

might arise from regulations to be made by a congress of the European

states then in contemplation. In a few months he was overwhelmed with

important duties. Minister to Great Britain--to the States General of

Holland--to all the European states for pledging the United States to

the armed neutrality--with letters of credit to the Russian, Swedish and

Danish envoys in Holland and a commissioner to negotiate a loan of ten

millions of dollars for the support of the Home department and foreign

embassies. All these duties he discharged with skill and approbation, a

lasting monument of the gigantic powers of his mind. At every point he

encountered intrigue which he uniformly discovered and crushed in

embryo.

In July, 1781, he was directed to repair to Versailles to make a further

attempt at negotiation with England. The terms offered did not fully

recognize the rights of the United States as an independent nation.

Peace was desirable and ardently urged by the Duke de Vergennes, who was

the head and front of the French cabinet. Mr. Adams was anxious for

peace--but only on just, dignified and honorable terms. The Duke, who

had uniformly manifested a disposition to make the United States _feel_

a dependence on France, dictated to Mr. Adams, placing him in the

position of a subordinate agent. This was a _French_ bull. Mr. Adams

recognized no dictator but the Continental Congress and his own keen

perception and penetrating judgment. This independence of the American

minister enraged the Duke. He wrote to the minister of France in the

United States to lay a formal complaint before Congress against the

recusant for insubordination. This the minister did ingeniously but not

successfully. As a matter of respect for their new and important ally,

Congress partially modified the instructions of Mr. Adams but did not

place him under the dictation of the Duke as requested. They knew the

granite man too well to suppose he would ever compromise the dignity of

his country. They had full confidence in his capacity to perceive

right--in his moral courage to enforce it.

From all the evidence in the premises I am fully convinced that the

motives of the French _Court_ in aiding our country during the

revolutionary struggle, were not based on patriotism but had ulterior

objects in view. Not so with the noble La Fayette and others who came to

the rescue.

Again Mr. Adams left ministers to arrive at a second sober thought and

learn their true position. He then returned to Amsterdam.

Owing to sad reverses in the cause of freedom the French minister made

such an impression in favour of the position of the French cabinet as an

umpire between England and the United States, that congress added to the

commission of Mr. Adams--Dr. Franklin, Jefferson, Jay, and Laurens--with

the humiliating directions, "That they should govern themselves by the

advice and opinion of the ministers of the King of France." The Duke de

Vergennes was elated with triumph. He was virtually made sovereign

minister of the United States. This act is the darkest spot upon the

proud escutcheon of the Continental Congress--an act that I would gladly

"expunge from the record." No full apology can be found. The tremendous

revolutionary tornado that was then sweeping over our country, charged

with the dismaying materials of terror, is a _partial_ one and the true

cause of this quailing error.

The exultation of the Duke was transient. Adams and Franklin were there,

masters of ceremony. They dared to disobey instructions believing they

had been improperly extorted by an intriguing and designing court. They

at once took a bold stand and were promptly sustained by their

colleagues and ultimately by congress, to which Adams communicated the

chicanery of the Duke and the duplicity, or rather the _toolicity_ of

the French minister in the United States. The result was glorious. An

honourable peace was obtained--the dignity of our nation preserved. A

provincial treaty was signed at Paris on the 30th of November, 1782 and

a definitive treaty on the 3d day of September, 1783 and all without the

advice or consent of the Duke de Vergennes, whose golden schemes of

finesse proved abortive. He addressed a bitter letter of reproach to the

American commissioners, expressing great astonishment at their

presumption in daring to act independent of him, which was not answered.

Among the golden schemes of the court of France, two are worthy of

particular note. 1. To secure to France and Spain the fisheries of the

United States. 2. To secure the perpetual and uninterrupted navigation

of the Mississippi. Very modest. Other propositions were made, equally

absurd, all of which form an unanswerable excuse for our commissioners

in disobeying instructions.

After the important commission of concluding peace with England was

completed, Mr. Adams returned to Holland where he had negotiated a loan

of eight millions of guilders in September, 1782, which was one of the

means of terminating the war by enabling the United States to prosecute

it with more vigor. It had a direct influence on England, inducing Lord

Shelburne to make proposals of peace soon after this was known.

During the same year he was placed at the head of a commission empowered

to negotiate commercial treaties with all foreign nations. He returned

to Paris where he met Franklin and Jefferson who were associated with

him--forming a trio of combined, versatile and exalted talent--never

surpassed if ever equalled.

In 1785 Mr. Adams was appointed the first minister to Great Britain

after the acknowledgment of the Independence of the United States. He

was received with marked attention and courtesy so far as courtly

etiquette was concerned but found the ministry morose and bitter towards

the new Republic. They seemed disposed to treat the peace as a mere

truce between the two nations. Mr. Adams performed the delicate duties

of his station with great sagacity and wisdom--patiently removing

subsisting difficulties. Nor did he forget the internal interests of his

country at home. To win independence was _one_ thing--to preserve it

_another_ and more important matter. The theories of a Republican form

of government by Thurgot and others, had been freely circulated in the

United States. These he deemed wild and visionary. This was proved by

the transient existence of the first French Republic and has been more

fully demonstrated recently in Europe and South America. More success

might attend these experiments, even with imperfect skeletons of a free

government were the people as well prepared to receive it as were the

colonists at the time of the American Revolution. _Intelligence and

primitive Christianity must pervade the mass._ The European pioneers

came to this country with the bible in their hands and based our

government upon its eternal principles, where it will securely rest

until ignorance darkens intellect and the bible is banished. Let _all_

read its plain truths, teaching, as they do, freedom in religion,

freedom of conscience--pointing us to our high origin and final

destiny--then our Republic cannot be destroyed by kingly influence,

aristocratic corruption, ultra fanaticism, reckless demagogues, or

heartless politicians. Troubles have arisen, now exist, may continue to

occasionally break out--but they ever have been and I trust ever will be

confined to a small portion of the great and accumulating mass--_the

bone and sinew of our beloved country_.

To strip from these delusive theories of a free government their

sophistry, Mr. Adams published a learned and able disquisition on

Republican constitutions which became a polar star to his own country

and operated powerfully in correcting error and allaying prejudices in

England adverse to the United States. His "DEFENCE OF THE CONSTITUTION"

placed him on a lofty literary eminence in view of the _literati_ of

Europe.

In 1788 he obtained permission to return home and in the autumn of that

year was elected the first Vice President of the United States. He

became the confidential counsellor of Washington on all important

questions. He was re-elected in 1792 and in 1796 was elected President

of that Republic for which he had freely periled life, fortune and

honor.

At that time party spirit had commenced its reckless career which

afforded an example set by Adams and Jefferson worthy of all praise and

imitation. No bitterness of party spirit, no abuses from their partisans

and party press, could sever the patriotic and moral ties of friendship

that bound them together up to time death removed them from the theatre

of life. So high did party spirit rage that Mr. Jefferson thus rebuked a

clique of politicians who were hurling slanders against Mr. Adams.

"Gentlemen, you do not know that man. There is not upon earth a more

perfectly honest man than John Adams. Concealment is no part of his

character. Of that he is utterly incapable. It is not in his nature to

meditate anything he would not publish to the world. The measures of the

general government are a fair subject for difference of opinion--but do

not found your opinions on the notion that there is the smallest spice

of dishonesty, moral or political, in the character of John Adams for I

know him well and I repeat--that a man more perfectly honest never

issued from the hands of the Creator." Demagogues--read the above just

encomium upon his opponent by a candidate for an office--then search for

a parallel case of magnanimity among modern politicians--if you find

one, proclaim it to the people of our vast country that they may be

convinced a true patriot is in our midst--a lump of genuine salt in the

body politic.

Mr. Adams proceeded to the conscientious and independent discharge of

his presidential duties, prompted by the best motives for the good and

glory of the infant Republic. He was an open, frank old-school

federalist. During his administration the ranks of the democratic party

increased rapidly, which defeated his re-election. Much has been written

and more said relative to the causes that produced his political

overthrow. To my mind the solution is plain and brief. His cabinet was

not of his own choice--he was too independent to bend to party

intrigue--he opposed the humiliating demands of the then self-styled

democratic France--he advocated the augmentation of the navy of the

United States and recommended the law for the suppression of the

venality of the press. In the two first points he was impolitic as the

head of a party--in the two next he did what all now acknowledge to be

right in principle. On the last, he took the wrong method to correct an

evil that has caused unceasing trouble from that time to the present--an

evil that will ever exist in a government like ours, because, in

annihilating this, we should destroy an essential part of our political

machinery--A FREE PRESS. The three last were the strong points seized

upon by his opponents, which enabled them to achieve an easy victory. He

retired with a good grace on the best of terms with his successful

opponent and his own conscience. He supported the policy of Mr.

Jefferson towards England and approved of the declaration of war in June

1812. He attributed the opposition of the eastern states to the impolicy

of our government in neglecting the navy. He compared them to Achilles,

who, in consequence of his being deprived of Briseis, withdrew from the

Grecian confederacy. The increase of the navy was a long-nursed theory

of his national policy. Had his views been carried out by our country,

our nation would now have been mistress of the seas. As it is, we have

scarcely armed vessels enough to protect the expanding commerce of our

enterprising merchants--a fact that is often tauntingly referred to by

Englishmen and has often crimsoned the cheeks of liberal-minded

Americans. If all the money that has been expended within the last

twenty years in worse than useless legislation and speech-making

throughout these United States had been appropriated in building ships

of war, our navy would now be larger than that of Great Britain. Add

what has gone into the hands of peculators since the formation of our

Republic--it would sustain that navy for thirty years. Some of our

people have been occasionally a little _too_ free.

Soon after his retirement from the presidential chair, Mr. Adams was

solicited to become the governor of his native state, which he declined

on account of his advanced age. In 1817 he was placed at the head of the

list of presidential electors. In 1820 he was elected president of the

convention that revised the constitution that he had written forty years

previous. The compliment was duly appreciated by him but his infirmities

did not permit him to preside. He imparted much counsel and rendered

special aid in the revision. This was the last public act of this great

man. Two years before this, the partner of his bosom had gone to her

final rest--an affliction most keenly felt by him. She was a

Christian--to know was to love her.

Surrounded by friends who delighted to honor him--his country prosperous

and happy--enjoying the full fruition of divine grace which had produced

the green foliage of piety through a long life--political animosities

buried in oblivion--his now frail bark glided smoothly down the stream

of time until the fiftieth anniversary of Independence dawned upon our

beloved country. On the morning of the 4th of July 1826, an unexpected

debility seized him but no one supposed he was standing on the last inch

of his time. He was asked for a sentiment to be given for him at the

celebration on that day. "INDEPENDENCE FOREVER," burst from his dying

lips, which were the last words he ever uttered with a loud and animated

voice. He expired about four in the afternoon without a groan, sigh,

murmur or apparent pain, with a full assurance of a happy reception in

that brighter world where sin and sorrow never interrupt the peaceful

joys of the angelic throng.

On the same day and but a few hours previous, the immortal spirit of the

illustrious Jefferson had left its tenement of clay, thrown off its

mortal coil and returned to Him who gave it. Perhaps these kindred

spirits met in mid air and ascended together to an ecstatic meeting with

the friends they had loved and lost and whom they should gain, love and

never lose.

This unparalleled coincidence in death produced a deep sensation in the

United States and in Europe. The simultaneous departure of two of the

noblest spirits that ever graced the theatre of human life--illuminating

the world with freedom--whose acts had elicited the admiration of all

civilized nations--whose mighty deeds will be a theme of praise through

all time--was an incident that seemed designed by the great Jehovah to

impress their precepts--their examples and their names upon the minds of

the human family with all the force of Divinity.

Mr. Adams was a plain man, low in stature, not graceful in his

movements--at times rather repulsive. In public he was austere but in

the social circle, familiar, pleasing and instructive. He disliked

formal ceremony and abhorred pedantry. He admired and exemplified strong

common sense. He spoke his sentiments freely and could not have been

transformed into a modern _technical_ politician. His open frankness was

proverbial. He called it one of his failings. When looking at Stuart's

fine paintings, he fixed his eyes upon the portrait of Washington with

compressed mouth--then upon his own, with open lips, and facetiously

remarked--"Ah! that fellow never could keep his mouth shut." Such a man

never can be a _popular_ politician as the writer knows from experience.

The highest eulogy that can be pronounced upon John Adams is the history

of his bright and useful career. For more than half a century he served

our country ably and faithfully. He continued to impart salutary counsel

until the curtain of death closed the scene.

In all the relations of private life he was too pure for the palsying

touch of slander. The foulest of all pestiferous atmospheres--party

spirit--could not, _dare_ not approach his private character with its

damning miasma or impute to his public action an iota of political

dishonesty or impurity of motive. If any demagogue dares to contradict

this position, let him hear the voice of Jefferson from the tomb--"AN

HONESTER MAN THAN JOHN ADAMS NEVER ISSUED FROM THE HANDS OF THE

CREATOR."

SAMUEL ADAMS.

Many of the sages and heroes of the American Revolution were consistent

and devoted Christians--some of them eminent ministers of the gospel of

Christ. They all were evidently actuated by motives of purity, prompted

by the demands of imperious duty based upon the inalienable rights of

man. They had no innate love of military glory aiming only at conquest.

Their pilgrim fathers fled front servile oppression--planted the

standard of FREEDOM in the new world--spread civilization over our happy

land and transmitted the rich behest to their children. With the

principles of rational liberty each succeeding generation was made

familiar. When tyranny reared its hydra head, the monster was readily

recognized. The people were prepared to drive the invading foe from

their shores.

Samuel Adams was one of the revolutionary sages who boldly espoused the

cause of equal rights. He was born in Boston, Mass. on the 22d of Sept.

1722. His parents were highly respectable. His father was long a member

of the Assembly of Massachusetts, from whom this son imbibed those

liberal principles which he so fearlessly and successfully vindicated

during his subsequent life. In childhood he exhibited a strong inquiring

mind--talents of a high order. He was prepared for college by Mr.

Lovell. His application to study was close--his progress rapid. His

highest pleasure was found in his books. Being naturally sedate, his

father placed him in Harvard College, believing him destined for the

gospel ministry. In that institution he advanced rapidly in science and

in favor. During his whole course he was reproved but once and that for

sleeping too late. In conjunction with other studies he had thoroughly

investigated theology. The affairs of state had also occupied his mind.

When he graduated, he chose for his subject of discussion the following

question. "_Is it lawful to resist the supreme magistrate if the

commonwealth cannot otherwise be preserved?_"

His hearers were astonished at the masterly manner he advocated the

affirmative of this bold proposition. With enrapturing eloquence and

convincing logic, he painted in vivid colors the beauties of that

liberty for which he so nobly contended during the Revolution. From that

time he became a prominent politician--an advocate of equal rights--a

stern opposer of British wrongs.

By rigid economy during his time in college he had saved a sum of money

from that allowed him by his father to defray expenses. This first fruit

of his pecuniary prudence he sacrificed upon the altar of Liberty. With

it he published a pamphlet from his own pen entitled--"The Englishman's

Rights." This was one of the entering wedges of the Revolution. It

awakened a spirit of inquiry--kindled a flame of opposition to the

increasing oppression of the crown. It did great credit to the head and

heart of this devoted patriot then dawning into manhood.

Anxious that his son should embark in some business his father placed

him in the counting-house of Thomas Cushing, an eminent merchant, that

he might be prepared for commercial business. For this sphere nature had

not designed him. Political knowledge, international law and the rights

of man engrossed his mind. To this end he formed a club of kindred

spirits for the purpose of political inquiry and discussion. They

furnished political essays for the Independent Advertiser which were so

severe in their strictures upon the conduct of the creatures of the

crown, that the association obtained the name of "Whipping Post Club."

The hirelings of the King treated these essays with derision--upon the

people they exerted an influence that prepared them for the approaching

crisis. Stamped with plain truth, sound reasoning, uncontroverted

facts--they operated upon British power like the sea-worm upon a

vessel--silently and slowly but with sure destruction. They contributed

largely in perforating each plank of the proud ship of monarchy, then

riding over the American colonies, until she sank to rise no more.

After remaining a suitable time with Mr. Cushing, his father furnished

him with a liberal capital with which he commenced business. Owing to

the pernicious credit system he lost all his stock in trade. By the

death of his father he was left, at the age of twenty-five, to take

charge of the paternal estate and family. In the discharge of that duty

he proved himself competent to manage pecuniary matters. The estate was

involved and under attachment--he relieved it entirely from debt. This

done he again spent the most of his time in disseminating liberal

principles. He was a keen sarcastic writer--analyzed every point at

issue between our own and the mother country--exposed the British

ministry in their corrupt and corrupting policy and roused the

indignation of the populace against their oppressive measures. He was

hailed as one of the boldest leaders of the whig party.

No man had examined more closely or understood better the relative

situation of Great Britain and her American Colonies. He weighed every

circumstance in the scale of reason--based his every action upon the

sure foundation of immutable justice. He was not impetuous--appealed to

the judgment of his hearers and readers--sought to allay--not to excite

the passions of men. He was a friend of order--opposed to sudden bursts

of popular fury--to every thing that could produce riotous and

tumultuous proceedings. Religion, in its pristine purity, was ever his

polar star.

Organized and systematic opposition against the unwarranted

encroachments of the crown, emanating from the great majority of the

sovereign people was his plan. Petitions, remonstrances--every thing

consistent with the dignity of man to be resorted to before an appeal to

arms. If this was rebellion it was in a very modified form.

When the offensive Stamp Act was proclaimed he exposed its odious

features with unsurpassed severity and boldness. When the climax of

oppression was capped by the imposition of taxes upon articles of daily

consumption he believed forbearance no longer a virtue and openly

advocated resistance as an imperious duly. He demonstrated fully that

Great Britain had violated the constitution. Americans had vainly

claimed protection under its banner--its sacred covering was rudely

snatched from over them--they were left exposed to foreign officers who

were drawing them closer and more effectually within the coils of

tyranny. To be _slaves_ or _freemen_ was the question.

Being a member of the assembly and clerk of the house, Mr. Adams

exercised an extensive and salutary influence. With great zeal he united

prudence and discretion. From 1765, to the time he took his seat in

congress he was a member of the state assembly. He had exerted the

noblest powers of his mind to prepare the people for the approaching

storm and had kindled a flame of patriotic fire that increased in volume

as time rolled on. He was the first man who proposed the non-importation

act--the committees of correspondence and the congress that assembled at

Philadelphia in 1774. He corresponded with the eminent patriots of the

middle and southern states and contributed largely in producing unity of

sentiment and concert of action in the glorious cause of liberty

throughout the colonies. Over his own constituents his influence was

complete. At the sound of his voice the fury of a Boston mob would

cease. He could lead it at pleasure with a single hair. The people know

well he would maintain what was clearly right and willingly submit to

nothing clearly wrong.

When the affray occurred on the 5th of March, 1770, between the British

soldiers and citizens, the influence of Samuel Adams prevented the

further effusion of blood _after_ the populace had become roused and

were on the point of avenging the death of their friends who had just

fallen. He obtained the immediate attention of the assembled enraged

multitude--proposed the appointment of a committee to wait on the

governor and request the immediate removal of the troops. His plan was

approved--a committee appointed of which he was chairman. The governor

at first refused to grant the request. The chairman met all his

objections fearlessly--confuted them triumphantly and told him plainly

that an immediate compliance with the wishes of the people would alone

prevent disastrous consequences and that he would be held responsible

for the further waste of human life. The governor finally yielded.

Mr. Adams was one day surprised by a message from Gov. Gage communicated

through Col. Fenton, offering him what modern truckling politicians

would call a great inducement to _change_ and in case he refused, to

inform him he would be arrested and sent beyond the seas there to be

tried for high treason. To the last part of the message he listened with

most attention and asked Col. Fenton if he would truly deliver his

answer. Receiving an affirmative assurance Mr. Adams rose from his

chair, assumed an air of withering contempt and said--"I trust I have

long since made my peace with the KING OF KINGS. No personal

consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my

country. Tell Gov. Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him--_no

longer to exasperate the feelings of an insulted people_." This reply

roused the ire of the royal governor and when he subsequently issued a

proclamation offering a free pardon to those rebels who would return to

what _he_ termed their duty he expected Samuel Adams and John

Hancock--the highest compliment within his power to bestow on the two

patriots. They received this mark of distinction as a special commission

from the throne directing their future course--a royal diploma of

liberty that left them as free as mountain air in their future action.

No bribe could seduce--no threat divert Mr. Adams from the path of duty.

He placed his trust in the Rock of Ages--enjoyed the rich consolations

of an approving conscience--the unlimited confidence of his friends, the

approbation of every patriot. These were more dearly prized by him than

all the dazzling honors of kings and potentates. He became an object of

vengeance and was the immediate cause of the memorable battle at

Lexington on the 19th of April 1775--the troops sent being in pursuit of

him and John Hancock. Apprised of their mission Gen. Joseph Warren sent

an express late in the evening to the two patriots warning them of

approaching danger. In a few minutes after they had left, the British

troops entered the house which they had just emerged from. In a few

ominous hours the crimson curtain rose--the revolutionary tragedy

commenced. The last maternal cord was severed--the great seal of the

original compact was broken--the covenants of the two parties were

cancelled in blood.

Mr. Adams remained in the neighborhood during the night. The next

morning, as the sun rose without an intervening cloud, he remarked to a

friend, "This is a glorious day for America." He viewed the sacrifice

as an earnest of ultimate success and future blessings.

To rouse the people to action now became the sole business of this

devoted friend of his bleeding country. The grand signal for action had

been given--the tocsin of war had been sounded--the requiem of battle

had been sung--its soul-stirring notes had been wafted far and wide on

the wings of wind and were responded to by millions of patriotic hearts.

Mr. Adams mourned deeply the death of his friends, the martyrs of that

tragical but auspicious day. He knew well that martyrs must be

sacrificed and that the funeral knell of those who had just fallen would

shake British colonial power to its very centre. He believed their blood

would cry to Heaven for vengeance and incite the hardy sons of

Columbia's soil to vigorous and triumphant action. The event added new

strength to his propulsive powers and doubly nerved him to meet the

fiery trials in reserve for him. As dangers increased he became more

urgent for the people to maintain their rights. As the wrath of his

enemies waxed hotter he was more highly appreciated by the people and

was uniformly styled--_Samuel Adams the Patriot_. His fame and influence

strengthened under persecution, his friends were animated by his

counsels, his foes were astounded and chagrined at the boldness of his

onward career. In the Assembly he effected the passage of a series of

resolutions deemed treasonable by the royal governor.

In the Congress of 1776 he was among the first to advocate the

Declaration of Independence--contending that it should have followed

immediately after the battle of Lexington. In all his debates he was

earnest and zealous but not rash--ardent and decisive but wise and

judicious. When the Declaration of Rights was adopted he affixed his

name to that important instrument without the least hesitation although

he stood proscribed by the royal power.

During the darkest periods of the Revolution he was calm and cheerful

and did much to reanimate the desponding. In 1777 when Congress was

obliged to fly to Lancaster and a dismal gloom hung over the cause of

the patriots like a mantle of darkness several of the members were in

company with Mr. Adams lamenting the disasters of the American arms,

concluding that the chances for success were desperate. Mr. Adams

promptly replied--"If this be _our_ language, they are so indeed. If

_we_ wear long faces they will become fashionable. Let us banish such

feelings and show a spirit that will keep alive the confidence of the

people. Better tidings will soon arrive. Our cause is just and

righteous. We shall never be abandoned by Heaven while we show ourselves

worthy of its aid and protection." At that time there were but

twenty-eight members in Congress. Mr. Adams said--"It was the _smallest_

but _truest_ Congress they ever had."

Soon after that dark period the surrender of Burgoyne was announced

which proved a panacea for long faces and put a new aspect upon the

cause of Liberty. Many recovered from a relapsed state--hearts beat more

freely, courage revived from a typhoid stupor--the anchor of hope held

the ship of state more firmly to her moorings.

The arrival of Lord Howe and Mr. Eden with what _they_ termed the olive

branch of peace from Lord North, added to the excitement. Mr. Adams was

one of the committee to meet these high functionaries. On examining the

terms proposed, the committee found that the proposed _olive branch_ had

been plucked from the Bohun Upas of an overbearing and corrupt ministry

and promptly replied through Mr. Adams--"Congress will attend to no

terms of peace that are inconsistent with the honor of an independent

nation." This reply was as unexpected to the royal messengers as it was

laconic and patriotic. The grand Rubicon had been passed--the galling

chains had been thrown off--the Sodom of British power was doomed and

nothing could induce the sages and heroes of '76 to look back or tarry

on the plain of monarchy. Lord Howe and his colleague had permission to

return--report progress of locomotion and walk again. Mr. Adams

continued one of the strong pillars in the rising temple of liberty

until the superstructure was completed--recognized and approved by the

mother country and all Europe.

In 1787 he was a member of the convention of Massachusetts convened to

act upon the Federal Constitution. He did not fully approve of some of

its provisions but avoided opposition believing it to be the best policy

to adopt it, subject to future amendments. He was most particularly

opposed to the article rendering the states amenable to the national

courts. He submitted sundry amendments that were adopted by the

convention and submitted with the Constitution for the future

consideration of Congress, some of which have since been adopted.

From 1789 to '94, Mr. Adams was lieutenant-governor of his native state

and from that time to '97, was governor. He performed the executive

duties with great ability and contributed largely in raising the

commonwealth to a flourishing and dignified condition. He watched over

all her interests with parental care--viewed her rising greatness with

an honest pride. He had seen her sons writhing under the lash of

oppression and their bones bleaching in the field. He now beheld the

people independent, prosperous, virtuous and happy. He could now be

gathered peacefully to his fathers when his time should arrive to

depart. Age and infirmity compelled him to retire from the great theatre

of public life where he had been so long conspicuous. His health

continued to fail sensibly with each returning autumn. On the 3d of

October 1803, his immortal spirit left its mansion of clay--soared aloft

on the wings of faith to mansions of bliss beyond the skies. He died

rejoicing in the merits of his immaculate Redeemer who had given him the

victory. He had fought the good fight of faith as well as that of

LIBERTY and felt a full assurance of receiving a crown of glory at the

hands of King Immanuel.

Amidst all the turmoils of political and revolutionary strife Mr. Adams

never neglected religious duty. When at home he was faithful to the

family altar and uniformly attended public worship when practicable. He

was a consistent every day Christian--free from bigotry and

fanaticism--not subject to sudden expansions and contractions of

mind--rather puritanical in his views yet charitable in his feelings and

opposed to censuring any one for the sake of opinion. He adorned his

profession by purity of conduct at all times.

Mr. Adams was of middle size, well formed, with a countenance full of

intelligence indicating firmness of purpose and energy of action. As a

public man and private citizen he was highly esteemed and richly earned

a place in the front rank of the American patriots. He placed a low

value upon wealth--died poor but not the less esteemed for his poverty

which was _then_ no crime. He placed a high value upon common school

education and _properly_ estimated the higher branches of science.

General intelligence among the great mass he considered the strongest

bulwark to preserve our independence.

As a writer Mr. Adams had few equals. His answer to Thomas Paine's

writings against Christianity is probably superior to that of any other

author. His few letters on government published in 1800, show a clear

head, a good heart and a gigantic mind.

As an orator he was eloquent, chaste, logical--rising with the magnitude

of his subject. He always spoke to the point--addressing the

understanding--not the passions.

His manners were urbane, unaffected and plain--his mode of living frugal

and temperate--his attachments strong--his whole life a golden chain of

usefulness. Let his examples be imitated by all--then our UNION will be

preserved from the iron grasp of ambitious partisans--the snares of

designing demagogues--the whirlpool of blind fanaticism--the tornado of

party spirit. Let these examples be discarded--our UNION will prove a

mere rope of sand--the temple of our LIBERTY will crumble and moulder in

the dust with SAMUEL ADAMS. O! think of this disorganizers and tremble!

BENEDICT ARNOLD.

Cause is treated with cold neglect by a large portion of the human

family. All gaze at effect--but few trace it to its producing original.

Especially is this true with men in forming opinions of the conduct of

their fellow-men. Petty errors are construed into crimes--petty crimes

into felonies. Often have I known this to be the case in sectarian

churches where charity was loudly professed but sparingly practised. The

causes that operated upon the erring brother may have been extenuating

but are not examined. _Away_ with him is the simultaneous cry. Kindness

might have reclaimed and saved him. Too rarely are extenuating causes

sought for--too partially are they credited when brought to light. But a

limited number stop to analyze human nature--divest themselves of

prejudice and become competent to pass an intelligent, impartial

judgment upon the conduct of others. They do not inquire how formidable

a force of temptation _they_ could vanquish if attacked by the arch

enemies of ethics and Christianity. They can never fully know their own

strength in morals until they measure arms with the foe. In the balmy

days of prosperity a man may act justly in all things and be the censor

of others. Reverses may drive this same man into great error--perhaps

crime. Keen adversity is a crucible from which but few emerge like gold

seven times tried. Charity is the specific to ameliorate these evils but

too cheap to obtain a wide circulation. Abstruse dogmas cost more labour

and by many are more highly prized.

There are crimes so flagrant that no extenuating circumstances can form

a legal excuse--crimes that blight like the sirocco--crimes so dark that

they hide the noblest deeds--the most brilliant talents--the most

towering genius--consigning the perpetrator to lasting

disgrace--enduring infamy. Treason stands high on the black catalogue.

But one traitor was found among the disciples of Christ--but one was

found among the sages and heroes of the American Revolution. That

traitor was Benedict Arnold, a Major General in the army of the

illustrious Washington.

He was a native of New London, Connecticut. At the commencement of the

struggle for liberty he resided at New Haven and was captain of a

volunteer company. When the hoarse clarion of war was sounded on the

heights of Lexington he was among the first to march his company to the

American headquarters at Cambridge where he arrived in ten days after

that painful event.

The Massachusetts authorities conferred upon him the commission of

Colonel with directions to raise 400 men and make an attempt to capture

Ticonderoga. He repaired to Castleton, Vermont, where he met Col. Allen.

On the 10th of May, 1775, this fortress surrendered at discretion. On

the 6th of September of that year he commenced his march for Canada

through the dense forest with 1000 men from New England consisting of

infantry, one company of artillery and three companies of riflemen. A

portion of his troops were obliged to return for want of provision to

sustain them all, through the wilderness. The balance endured the

severest hardships on the march and arrived at Point Levi opposite

Quebec at the end of six weeks. But from the fact that Arnold had sent a

letter forward to a friend by an Indian who betrayed his trust by giving

information of the approaching troops it is believed Quebec would have

been easily captured. To prevent this all means of crossing the river

had been removed and the fortifications put under rapid improvement. It

was not until the night of the 14th of October that he led his little

band of 700 men up the heights that had been surmounted by Wolfe and

formed them near the memorable plains of Abraham. The city had become so

well fortified that the summons to surrender was treated with contempt.

To attack with so small a force would be a reckless waste of human life.

In a few days he marched to Point aux Trembles twenty miles above Quebec

to await the coming of Gen. Montgomery who arrived on the first day of

December. A siege upon the city was immediately commenced which was

successfully resisted. On the morning of the 31st of that month a

simultaneous assault was made on two sides of the city in which

Montgomery was killed and Arnold severely wounded in the leg. Officers

and men behaved with great gallantry. No other assault was

attempted--the blockade was continued to May 1776. On the 18th of June

Arnold withdrew from Canada. He subsequently commanded the small fleet

on Lake Champlain and exhibited great skill and bravery.

In August, 1777, he relieved Fort Schuyler, then besieged by Col. St.

Leger with, an army of near 1800 men. At the battle near Stillwater on

the 19th September he fought like a tiger for four hours. After the

British had been driven within their lines in the action of the 8th of

October, Arnold pressed forward under a destructive fire and assaulted

their works, forced their entrenchments and entered their lines with a

handful of desperate followers and only retreated upon his horse being

killed and himself severely wounded again in his unfortunate leg. For

desperate bravery on the field of battle he had no superior. He seemed

enchanted with danger and infatuated with military glory. But this was

not his ruling passion. He was licentious, voluptuous, amorous and

epicurean. The want of means to fully pamper these ruinous propensities,

which had destroyed all sense of moral rectitude--solves the problem of

his treason.

Being disqualified by his wounds for field service he was put in command

of the garrison at Philadelphia. He made the house of Gov. Penn his

headquarters which he furnished in princely style and commenced a course

of extravagant living and equipage far beyond his salary. To raise funds

he laid violent hands upon all property belonging to those who did not

enter fully into the cause of the patriots. He oppressed, extorted, used

public money and properly for private purposes and made his public

accounts more than duplicate. He rushed into unsuccessful trading

speculations and made himself amenable to a series of grave charges and

was summoned to appear before the commissioners of accounts who rejected

more than half the amount of his charges against government. He appealed

to Congress whose committee confirmed the report of the commissioners

with the remark that Arnold had been allowed too much. So violent was

his language and conduct towards his superiors that he was arraigned

before a court-martial and sentenced to be reprimanded by Washington.

This sentence was sanctioned by Congress and promptly executed. His

mortification had now reached its zenith. He was bankrupt in means--his

reputation wounded--his pride lacerated. He became surcharged with fell

revenge--treason was the best panacea for that dark passion. He was

quick to see that West Point would command the most money and inflict

the deepest wound upon the cause of liberty. He suddenly professed deep

repentance and applied to the New York delegation in Congress to obtain

for him the command of that important post. Through Gen. Schuyler the

same application was made to Washington who was anxious to have his

services in the field but willing to comply with his wishes. Early in

August, 1779, Arnold repaired to the camp of Washington and made the

application in person without apparent anxiety, stating that his wounds

disqualified him for field service. With full confidence in his fidelity

he received the desired command.

It has been intimated by some writers that the plan of treason was

suggested to Arnold by an English courtesan with whom he was intimate.

It is true that he wrote to Col. Robinson of the British army upon the

subject before he applied for the command. That letter opened to him a

correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton who sanctioned the project and

probably fixed the price of the base deed. On the conclusion of these

preliminaries the traitor solicited the appointment he received. He

repaired to the garrison at West Point and opened an ostensible

mercantile correspondence with Major Andre the British agent to

consummate the nefarious plot. The names assumed were Gustavus and

Anderson. For convenience of escape the British sloop of war Vulture was

moved up the river at a distance not to excite suspicion. An interview

was arranged for the night of September 21, 1780. Andre was landed below

the garrison under a pass for John Anderson. Arnold received him at the

house of a Mr. Smith _within_ the American lines in violation of his

sacred promise not to do so to avoid the penalty of a spy--showing the

reckless daring of the traitor. The sun rose upon them before their

plans of operation were completed. Andre remained with Arnold during the

day. When ready to leave in the evening it was found the Vulture had

been compelled to move too far down the river for him to reach her with

a boat. He exchanged his regimentals for a plain suit--received a pass

from Arnold and proceeded by land for New York. On the 23d he had

proceeded so far that he felt perfectly secure when one of a militia

scout suddenly seized the reins of his bridle and brought him to a

stand. Instead of producing his pass he asked the man where he belonged.

He answered--"below." "So do I" was the response and declared himself an

English officer on urgent business and wished not to be detained. At

that moment two others of the scout came up when the spy discovered his

true position. He offered a purse of gold and his gold watch to let him

pass. To those patriot soldiers the offer was an insult. He then offered

them any amount they would name in money or dry goods, with himself as a

hostage until the amount should be received. Fortunately for the cause

of freedom, British gold could not purchase these honest men in humble

life. They had met the tempter and had moral courage to repel all his

assaults. Their virtue paralyzed the treason of the only traitor in the

American army. Let their names be handed down to posterity with profound

veneration. John Paulding, David Williams and Isaac Vanwert secured

Andre and foiled Arnold. Williams lived respected and died regretted in

my native neighborhood. Often have I heard him relate the minute

circumstances of that important capture. He claimed to be the one who

first arrested the spy. These three men proceeded to examine their

prisoner and found concealed in his boots an exact account of the

garrison at West Point in detail in the handwriting of Arnold. They took

him to Lieut. Col. Jameson who commanded the scouting parties. Anxious

to save the traitor, he persisted in the character assumed and shrewdly

asked that Arnold should be informed that Anderson was taken, who would

explain and make every thing satisfactory. The ruse succeeded--an

express was sent to the garrison which enabled Arnold to escape on board

the Vulture on the 25th of September, a few hours only before Gen.

Washington reached West Point. He proceeded to Sir Henry Clinton at New

York where he received $50,000 and the commission of brigadier general

in the British army--the price of his base treachery. Although the foul

transaction was tolerated by the English government, all honorable men

in England detested the traitor and his treason. This was frequently

manifested after his location in that country at the close of the

Revolution. Lord Lauderdale expressed his disgust on seeing Arnold

seated on the right hand of the king and exclaimed--"His majesty is

supported by a traitor." Lord Surry rose to speak in the House of

Commons and on perceiving the traitor in the gallery sat down and

exclaimed--"I will not speak while that man is in the House." In

addition to the money paid and the disgrace of associating with this

vile man--the British army lost one of its brightest ornaments in the

death of Maj. Andre. Contrary to his sacred pledge Arnold made him a spy

by taking him within the American lines. He was tried, convicted and

hung. Washington would gladly have warded off the dreadful sentence

could he have found any excuse for doing so. The law demanded the

sacrifice--it was made from the necessity of the case.

The news of Arnold's treason created surprise and indignation among the

people of his native country. At Philadelphia his effigy was made large

as life and drawn through the streets at night in a cart with a figure

of the devil at his side holding a lighted lantern to his face and the

inscription in large capitals--TRAITOR ARNOLD. The cart was followed by

a dense crowd with martial music playing the rogue's march. The

principal being absent the representative was hung and then burnt.

Arnold had become so hardened by a long indulgence in improper practices

that he was apparently steeled against all reflection upon the past.

Soon after he commenced his murderous career in the British service,

Washington remarked of him in a private letter-"I am mistaken, if, _at

this time_ Arnold is undergoing a mental hell. He wants feeling. From

some traits of his character which have lately come to my knowledge, he

seems to have been so hackneyed in crime--so lost to all sense of honor

and shame, that while his faculties still enable him to continue his

sordid pursuits there will be no time for remorse." An ingenious, bold

but unsuccessful attempt was made to abduct him from New York before the

execution of the unfortunate Andre. He made a hair-breadth escape.

The baseness of Arnold's treason was increased in blackness by his

subsequent conduct. He had the assurance to write to Washington the day

he escaped on board the Vulture, stating that he was acting for the good

of his country and requesting the commander-in-chief to protect his wife

and pass her and his baggage to him. Mrs. Arnold was immediately

forwarded to New York with her effects and those of her husband. Arnold

professed to his new companions in arms to be radically changed to a

staunch loyalist. The Declaration of Independence he declared a

treasonable paper--its authors a company of ambitious rebels seeking

power to enslave the people. He wrote a threatening letter to Washington

relative to the execution of Andre and assured him of a fearful

retaliation unless a reprieve was granted. He published an address to

the people of America fully justifying his treasonable conduct. He then

issued an artful tirade of insulting sophistry for the purpose of

inducing others to plunge into the same quagmire of disgrace with

himself--calling it a proclamation with the following caption. "To the

officers and soldiers of the Continental army who have the real

interests of their country at heart and who are determined no longer to

be the tools and dupes of Congress or of France."

All his vile paper demonstrations deepened his infamy, increasing the

boiling indignation of the American people without inducing a single one

to desert the cause of his country. To do this was a part of the

consideration of the Arnold purchase. Sir Henry Clinton was deceived by

the traitor and egregiously mistaken in the stern integrity of the

patriots. Finding his Proteus brigadier powerless over the minds of his

former companions, Sir Henry deducted $100,000 from the $150,000 which

was the stipulated price for West Point and the traitor and despatched

him to Virginia to act upon the persons and property of the obstinate

rebels. In January 1781 Arnold entered Chesapeake Bay with a protecting

naval force and landed with about 1700 men. His cruelties, ravages and

plunders along the unprotected coast could not be surpassed by a band of

practised pirates. Revenge seemed to be the motive power of his action.

During one of his predatory excursions he captured an American captain

of whom he inquired what the Americans would do with him if he fell

into their hands, to which the officer replied--"If my countrymen should

catch you I believe they would first cut off that lame leg which was

wounded in the cause of FREEDOM and bury it with the honors of war and

afterwards hang the remainder of your body in gibbets."

After returning from Virginia he was sent on an expedition against New

London where he first breathed the vital air. He landed his troops in

two detachments--one on each side of the harbor. He led one against Fort

Trumbull which could make but a feeble resistance. Fort Griswold made a

spirited defence against the other division commanded by Lieut. Col.

Eyre but was compelled to yield to an overwhelming force. When the

Americans surrendered but seven men had been killed within the

lines--after the surrender a murderous slaughter was commenced by the

British and about 100 killed and wounded. On entering the fort an

English officer inquired who commanded the garrison. Col. Ledyard

presented his sword and answered--"_I_ did--but _you_ do now." His sword

was taken by the officer and immediately plunged through his heart. In

the attack the enemy had 48 killed and 145 wounded. Arnold commenced his

favorite work of plunder--loaded and sent away 15 vessels mostly

freighted with private property--fired the place and reduced 60

dwelling-houses and 84 stores to ashes and in his haste four of his own

ships were burned. He completed this work of destruction and was absent

from New York only eight days. Such expeditions afforded the richest

aliment for the black heart of this traitor. He continued the scavenger

of the British army to the close of the war and then removed to London

where he died in 1801. To the lasting disgrace of the British government

Arnold received a liberal pension to the time of his death which is

continued to his descendants and is frequently complained of by the

British press.

With the blackness of eternal disgrace resting upon his character this

traitor has had apologists among American writers. They attribute his

treason to a want of liberality on the part of our government. I have

said the want of means to give full scope to his sordid passions was the

cause. A want of liberality does not appear upon the record. He was

allowed more than justice demanded--more than other officers under like

circumstances. He was unsound at the core--void of moral rectitude--was

proved dishonest before the commissioners of accounts--the committee of

Congress and the court-martial. His name should _then_ have been erased

from the roll of officers regardless of consequences. That would have

saved him from the treason he perpetrated--the accomplished Andre from

the scaffold and thousands from the ravages subsequently committed by

the reckless traitor. All apologies for Arnold are sophisms. His name is

stamped with a lasting infamy that blots out the noble deeds that

preceded his Lucifer-fall.

JOSHUA BARNEY.

The navy of a nation is justly termed the right arm of its strength. The

life of a mariner is full of romance--often spiced with thrilling

events--sometimes fraught with danger. The sons of the main are a hardy,

noble, generous, bold class of men. None but those who have rode upon

the green mountain waves of old ocean when lashed to a foaming fury by

mighty wind, can fully appreciate the perilous service of a seaman.

The importance of increasing our navy is felt but by a few of our

legislators and not urged by them. Americans are the favorite sons of

Neptune. With shamefully limited means they have fought their way to the

temple of fame. With a maritime force far inferior to the resources and

magnitude of our prosperous and expansive country--far inferior to that

of the enemy whom they met and conquered--they have snatched the laurels

of victory from the mistress of the seas and placed them upon their own

manly brows. Had our government been as forward in providing ships of

war as our naval officers and noble tars have been in courting danger,

shedding their blood and sacrificing life in defence of the star

spangled banner--the combined forces of the old world would dread our

power more than they now respect our flag. By an equal force our seamen

cannot be conquered. History points to a long list of heroes--sons of

America--who have carved their names as high on the temple of fame as

Sidney and Nelson.

Among them is that of Joshua Barney--born in Baltimore, Maryland on the

6th day of July 1759. His father was a respectable farmer cultivating

the soil now within the city limits. His son was sent to a common school

until he was ten years of age and was then placed in a retail dry goods

store at Alexandria. In 1771 he revealed to his parents his long nursed

vision of a seaman's life. Reluctantly his father obtained for him a

place on board a pilot boat commanded by an intimate friend. After a few

months service he was apprenticed to Capt. Drisdall whose brig was bound

to Ireland. After a long and rough passage the vessel reached the cove

of Cork. From thence the Captain proceeded to Liverpool where he sold

his cargo and brig. Young Barney returned home by the way of Dublin.

Soon after his arrival his father was killed by the accidental discharge

of a pistol in the hands of a young son but seven years of age. Joshua

subsequently made a voyage to Cadiz and Genoa. In 1775 he sailed to

Italy. On arriving there the mate was discharged, the captain taken sick

which put Barney in command of the ship. He was not then sixteen years

of age.

In July of that year he joined an unsuccessful Spanish expedition

against Algiers. In October 1776 he arrived in Chesapeake Bay where he

was boarded by the officers of the British sloop of war King Fisher and

plundered of all his letters and arms. He there first received

intelligence of the battle of Bunker Hill. He was at length permitted to

proceed to Baltimore where his vessel was laid up. He had been her

captain eight months--had passed through many perils with courage and

skill that would have done credit to a man ripe in years and experience.

He had earned the fame of a skilful navigator and judicious commander.

He was not long in choosing whom he should serve for the future. He was

born a patriot. The fire of liberty illuminated his soul. Freedom

pointed him to the service of his beloved country. He was appointed

master's mate on the sloop of war Hornet under Capt. Stone. Com. Hopkins

presented him with a flag which he mounted on a staff--obtained martial

music--beat up for volunteers and in one day raised a full complement of

men for the sloop. He was the first one who unfurled the star spangled

banner in Maryland.

In November the Hornet and Wasp sailed for the Delaware to join Com.

Hopkins. The British fleet was in Hampton Roads to intercept them but

could not bag the game. On their arrival the fleet of the Commodore

consisted of two small frigates, two brigs and four sloops. With this

infant navy just bursting into life he sailed for the Bahama Island New

Providence--took the fort without opposition--secured the military

stores--treated the people and private property with due respect and

returned safely to the Delaware with his booty. Soon after his return

Barney was stationed on board the Wasp under Capt. Alexander who was

ordered to conduct the ship beyond the capes that conveyed Benjamin

Franklin to France. On its return the Wasp was closely pursued by two

British ships carrying 72 guns and escaped by running into Wilmington

creek. The next morning Com. Hazelwood went down from Philadelphia with

several row gallies and boldly attacked the Englishmen which enabled the

Wasp to come out and take part in the action. This little schooner stung

the British brig Tender so severely that she surrendered in a short

time and was immediately taken to the Jersey shore. On his return to

join the games amidst a dense fog, Capt. Alexander came in close contact

with the fleet of the enemy. He met with a warm reception and returned

the salutation promptly and effectually. After an exchange of the most

impressive compliments he returned to the gallies. A brisk fire was kept

up during the day which convinced the creatures of the crown that the

infant navy was not to be trifled with. During the action young Barney

went on board another vessel that was not fully manned. His bold and

noble daring on that occasion elevated him in the esteem of his

superiors and companions in arms. Robert Morris, then President of the

Marine Committee, presented him with a lieutenant's commission and put

him in command of the sloop of war Sachem. He was then but seventeen

years of age. Shortly after receiving his commission Lieut. Barney

participated with Capt. Robinson in a severe action of two hours which

resulted in the capture of an English brig. A large sea turtle, designed

as a present to Lord North, was one of the delicacies of the prize. It

was presented to Robert Morris. In a few days after his return Lieut.

Barney spread the canvas of his little craft in company with the Andrew

Dorin with fourteen guns and the Lexington--all under the command of

Capt. Barry and sailed for the West Indies. On their return they fell in

with the British sloop of war Race Horse--tender to Admiral Parker's

fleet, which he had sent out from Jamaica on purpose to capture these

American "small craft." After a sanguinary action of two hours the

English nag was cut in pieces, distanced and surrendered at discretion.

Shortly after that brilliant victory the British sloop of war Snow was

captured and Lieut. Barney placed on board as prize-master. He was

overtaken by a gale that threatened to land all hands in Davy Jones'

locker--was badly crippled and captured by the Perseus of twenty guns.

During the passage young Barney was insulted by the purser of the

Perseus and knocked him down the hatchway for which he was commended by

the British captain. On their arrival at Charleston an exchange of

prisoners took place which enabled Lieut. Barney to return to

Philadelphia with fresh laurels on his youthful brow.

In the spring of 1777 he joined the squadron for the defence of the

Delaware composed of the Delaware--32 guns--the Sachem, Andrew Dorin and

several smaller vessels--all under the command of Com. Hazelwood. They

were stationed near Fort Mifflin and bravely maintained their position

until the next autumn when the little fleet and fort were compelled to

yield to a superior force. Lieut. Barney was then ordered on board the

frigate Virginia at Baltimore commanded by Capt. Nicholson. In an

attempt to run her to sea at night the pilot brought up on the opposite

shore where she and her crew fell an easy prey to the enemy. In August

the ensuing year Lieut. Barney was exchanged--proceeded to

Baltimore--took command of a small schooner with two guns and eight men

and was again captured in an attempt to run out of Chesapeake Bay. He

was soon exchanged and joined his old friend Capt. Robinson at

Alexandria on board a vessel with 12 guns, 35 men and but a small supply

of ammunition. On the third evening after leaving port they fell in with

the British privateer Rosebud--fully manned and eager for action. A

running fight was continued during the night. Daylight revealed a rapid

opening and expansion of the Rosebud--she hauled off with 47 of her men

killed and wounded. Capt. Robinson had none killed and but one man

wounded. He then sailed to Bordeaux--mounted eighteen guns--shipped 70

men--took in a cargo of brandy and sailed for home. On his way he

captured a valuable prize--placed it in charge of Lieut. Barney who

arrived with it at Philadelphia in October 1779. He was received with

great enthusiasm and applause. Lavished praises did not inflame his

youthful mind. Vanity had no resting-place in his noble soul. Pomp and

parade had no charms for him. He bore his prosperity with the calm

dignity of a Socrates. He steered clear of the alluring quicksands of

vice--the rocks of sinful pleasure on which many young men founder and

are lost forever. His manly conduct gained the esteem of the great and

good--his fame was based on substantial merit. Familiarity with scenes

of blood and carnage--the rage of battle and the clash of arms did not

enervate the exalted powers of his refined sympathies and softer

passions. These were commingled with those of an accomplished daughter

of Alderman Bedford of Philadelphia and were consolidated in one at the

hymeneal altar before he left the city of brotherly love. After basking

in the rays of the honey-moon for a few days he proceeded to Baltimore.

On the way his money was stolen from the box of his carriage where he

thought it more safe than in his pocket. He returned to

Philadelphia--concealed his loss--went to sea in the Saratoga of 16 guns

under Capt. Young.

Their first prize was a vessel carrying 12 guns. In a short time they

came in contact with an English ship mounting 32 guns with 90 men

accompanied by two brigs. Under the disguise of British colors Capt.

Young ran alongside the ship. In a few brief moments the star spangled

banner was floating in the breeze upon the three English vessels.

Lieutenant Barney was put in charge of one of them. Becoming separated

from the others he was captured by the seventy-four Intrepid commanded

by Capt. Malloy and treated with great cruelty. On arriving at New York

Lieut. Barney and 70 other prisoners were placed on board the ship of

war Yarmouth by Admiral Rodney. They were confined under five decks in a

dark filthy apartment but three feet between floors--twelve feet by

twenty in area and ordered to England. They were 53 days performing the

passage. Eleven of the prisoners died on the way--the survivors were

scarcely able to walk. They were covered with vermin and when landed

could not bear the light for some time. They were sent to Mill prison

where they found nearly three hundred of their fellow-countrymen sharing

the same tender mercies with themselves. Soon after this new accession

of rebels preparations for escape were discovered. Lieut. Barney was

suspected--loaded with heavy irons and thrown into a dungeon for thirty

days. By the assistance of a soldier he made his escape from prison on

the 18th of May 1781--was discovered and remanded. In a second attempt

he succeeded--visited Bristol, London, Amsterdam, Rotterdam and the

Hague. He reached Philadelphia in March 1782 amidst the heart-felt

congratulations of his family and numerous friends. His sufferings had

been aggravated and heart-rending. He had almost tasted death. The

barbarous treatment of the American prisoners on board the English

prison-ships is without a parallel. It has left a stigma on the

Christian escutcheon of the British nation that time or angels' tears

can never expunge--a foul blot, lasting as the pages of history. My

strong language may be excused when I inform the reader that one out of

eight of my patriot uncles was literally suffocated and starved to death

on one of those ships in the port of New York. Were I to draw a full

picture of the demoniac cruelties heaped upon the American prisoners in

the loathsome dungeons of these floating Pandemoniums--a horror too

painful to be borne would oppress the aching heart of the reader.

As a manifestation of the high value placed upon the services of young

Barney, the State of Pennsylvania presented him with a captaincy and

placed him in command of the Hyder Ally of 16 guns with 110 men. In a

few days he proceeded down the Delaware as a convoy. On the 8th of April

1782 he was anchored in Cape May road waiting for a move favorable wind.

At 10 A. M. he discovered four vessels making all sail towards him. On

nearing they proved to be a British frigate, ship, brig and sloop of

war. About noon the frigate made for Cape Henlopen channel--the other

vessels steering for Cape May. Capt. Barney weighed anchor and sailed

up the bay to elude pursuit. At 1 P. M. the ship and brig came into the

bay by Cape May channel--the frigate coming round under Cape Henlopen.

The following account of the action is from a gentleman who was a

volunteer on board the Hyder Ally.

"At one P. M. prepared for action--all hands to quarters. At three

quarters past one the brig passed us after giving us two fires. We

reserved our fire for the ship then fast coming up. We received very

little, damage from the brig which stood after our convoy. She mounted

16 guns and was formerly the Fair American privateer commanded by Capt.

Decatur and equal to us in force. At 2 P. M. the ship ranged upon our

starboard quarter and fired two guns at us. We were then at good pistol

shot. We attempted to run her on board by laying her across the

starboard bow--at the same time poured in our broadside from great guns

and small arms. Our fire was briskly kept up for twenty-six minutes when

she struck her colors. Immediately sent our first lieutenant on board

and stood up the bay--the frigate being in chase under all sail and the

brig ahead in pursuit of our convoy. We again prepared for action and

stood for the brig. On perceiving this she tacked for the frigate and

got aground. We were obliged to pass her as the frigate was gaining upon

us. At 4 P. M. the frigate came to anchor in the bay--as we supposed for

want of a pilot. We then spoke the prize for the first time and learned

that she was his majesty's ship Gen. Monk--Capt. Rodgers--with 20

_nine_-pounders--136 men of whom 30 were killed and 53 wounded,

including 15 out of 16 officers." The Hyder Ally had four killed and

eleven wounded--mounted 12 _six_ and 4 _nine_-pounders--a little more

than half the weight of metal carried by the Gen. Monk--with a crew of

110 men and 5 volunteers who went on board as a matter of recreation.

Capt. Barney proceeded to Philadelphia with his prize--treating his

conquered foe with great kindness, soaring above retaliation for the

recent base treatment he had received when a prisoner.

On his arrival at Philadelphia the welkin rang with plaudits of praise

from the multitude who hailed him as one of the deliverers of their

oppressed country. For his gallantry the legislature of Pennsylvania

voted him a splendid sword which was presented to him by the governor

with appropriate ceremonies. The General Monk was purchased by the U. S.

government--fitted for a cruise and placed in command of Capt. Barney.

He sailed for Paris in November of that year with despatches to Benjamin

Franklin. His naval fame had preceded him in France and prepared the way

for an enthusiastic reception at her proud metropolis. On his return he

brought the loan that had been obtained by Franklin for the United

States. That voyage closed his useful, adventurous, brilliant

revolutionary career.

Subsequent to the revolution Capt. Barney purchased a tract of land in

Kentucky for the purpose of a permanent residence. During 1786-7-8 he

travelled through the West, the Carolinas and Georgia. He was a strong

advocate of the Federal Constitution and freely expressed his views on

all proper occasions. In 1789 he was in poor health and joined with

another gentleman in the purchase of a brig. They sailed to Carthagena,

South America and returned by the way of Havana. In 1792 he was at Cape

Francois when the town was burned. Being on shore he was compelled to

fight his way to his ship and brought off with him about sixty

distressed women and children. On his return he was captured by an

English privateer and all his crew taken from him except his carpenter,

boatswain and cook. Three officers and eleven men were put in charge of

the prize and ordered to New Providence. Capt. Barney was treated with

cruelty because he refused to surrender the keys of his iron chest.

Having secreted several loaded guns he and his three men retook the

vessel, wounding two of the officers and compelling the Englishmen to

work the ship into Baltimore. The little sleep Capt. Barney obtained up

to the time his craft was moored at the monumental city was in his

arm-chair on the quarter-deck. The next year he repeated his visit to

Cape Francois and on his way home was captured by a British

privateer--taken to Jamaica--his ship condemned and he confined in

prison. It was acts like this that hastened the war of 1812. In 1794

Capt. Barney was again restored to his family. In company with James

Monroe he visited the transient Republic of France in 1795 and was the

bearer of the star spangled banner to the French convention. So

delighted were the members with the veteran captain that they proffered

him a command in their navy. The ensuing year he accepted the offer and

arrived at Norfolk with two frigates where he was a long time blockaded

by a British squadron. He offered to measure skill with an equal force

which was prudently refused. In 1800 he surrendered his command without

having had an action with the enemy. In 1805 he declined the offered

command of the Navy Yard at Washington. In 1806-8 he was an unsuccessful

candidate for Congress--the interests of party having become paramount

to the substantial merit and righteous claims of a candidate who was not

_politically available_ although covered with scars and wounds received

in the purchase of our liberty--endowed with sterling talents matured

by cool reflection and long experience--with a pure and honorable

reputation in all respects--deficient in one thing only--_a political

gum-elastic conscience_.

In 1812 he removed to Elkridge with his family. On the declaration of

war against Great Britain in June of that year he was immediately called

into service. He was first commissioned to cruise in a privateer and

succeeded in speedily capturing eighteen British vessels--several of a

superior force to his. In 1813 he was invited to take command of the

armed flotilla in Chesapeake Bay. On his arrival at Washington he was

surprised to find a letter to the Secretary of the Navy from a merchant

in Baltimore derogatory to his character. He at once called the writer

to an account and settled the matter by the inverse rule of _false_

honor by probing his breast with a blue pill which did not prove mortal.

With the rank of Commodore, Barney took command of the flotilla in the

spring of 1814. It consisted of twenty-six barges and nine hundred men.

He first intended attacking the enemy at Tangier Island. On his way he

met the British squadron off Patuxet and was compelled to run in there.

During the summer he annoyed the enemy constantly--captured several of

their smaller vessels and several times boldly attacked their

frigates--materially injuring them--then retreating quickly into shoal

water beyond their reach. On the first of July he was called to

Washington to aid in devising the best plan of defence against the

contemplated attack by the enemy. On the 3d he returned and moved the

flotilla farther up the river. On the 16th of August the British fleet

entered the Patuxet in full force. An express was despatched to the

Secretary of the Navy apprising him of the movement. On the 21st Com.

Barney landed most of his men--marched for Washington and joined Gen.

Winder and Capt. Miller with his marines and five pieces of artillery.

The marines were put under the command of the Commodore. On the 23d the

troops were reviewed by the President and looked fine. On the 24th the

enemy halted within three miles of the American camp. Skirmishing

occurred between small advance parties. Com. Barney proceeded to the

city and took station at the marine barracks determined to defend the

bridge to the last extremity. Being advised of this the British changed

their route by way of Bladensburg. The main body of the American troops

met them there on the 25th about 11 A. M. At a late hour Com. Barney

obtained permission from the President to join them. Within a mile of

that town he found the Americans formed in irregular detached parties

engaged in battle. His troops were nearly out of breath--having

ran--not marched to the scene of action under the burning rays of an

August sun. He had scarcely formed and brought his guns to bear when the

militia broke in confusion and ran for dear life. The whole British army

then advanced upon the Spartan band of Barney. He saw no hope of

rallying the mushroom troops that were flying but determined not to be

shot on the wing himself and fill a coward's grave. He reserved his fire

until the enemy came within a few yards when a discharge of round and

grape shot left the front ranks struggling in death. A second time the

English veterans advanced--a second time their front ranks fell like

grass before a scythe. The British then left the road and approached

from another direction by fording the creek then very low. All the

so-called American troops had left the Commodore and his brave phalanx.

Still he stood his ground against an overwhelming force of the veterans

of Waterloo. Although simultaneously charged on the right and left, he

repulsed them several times with great slaughter. He had received a ball

in his thigh which was bleeding profusely. At the same time his horse

was killed under him. To add to his chagrin the mushroom militia had ran

off with his ammunition wagon. On being nearly surrounded by the enemy

and Capt. Miller severely wounded, he ordered those to retreat who were

able to do so. He was carried a few yards by three of his officers and

fell from loss of blood. Two of them he ordered to conduct the retreat

of his gallant men. Gen. Ross and Admiral Cockburn were conducted to him

and treated him kindly. They ordered him and Capt. Miller to be carried

to a house in Bladensburg where their wounds were dressed and they made

as comfortable as circumstances would permit. The British left 80 of

their killed and wounded on the battle ground--who had fallen through

the bravery of the bold sailors and marines who stood like men and

fought like lions. The Americans had 60 killed and wounded 50 of whom

were those who nobly defended the star spangled banner of the brave

Barney and Miller, showing how early in the action the shrimp militia

entered leg bail and distanced all pursuit--only ten being shot on the

wing as they were courageously flying from the field of glory. Had they

fought as did Barney and Miller with their ocean band they would have

repelled the invading foe and saved the capital of our nation from

desecration. The means for success were as formidable at Bladensburg as

at Baltimore and New Orleans.

After having committed the most wanton waste at the shamefully deserted

city of Washington Gen. Ross retreated on the 26th with a loss of over

1000 men. He could boast of having visited and devastated the capital

of a great nation filled with defenceless females and children left to

his mercy and generosity by most of their _gallant_ husbands and

fathers. The whole transaction as conducted by both armies does not

reflect the _highest_ honor on any concerned but the brave Commodore and

his companions in arms.

The day after the battle Mrs. Barney, a son and the family physician

repaired to Bladensburg to aid and comfort the Commodore. It was

impossible to extract the ball from his thigh which remained through

life. In a few days he was able to ride home in a carriage. On the 7th

of October he was so far recovered as to visit the British fleet for the

purpose of exchanging prisoners. For his gallantry on the battle ground

of Bladensburg the state of Georgia voted him hearty thanks--the city of

Washington presented him with a splendid sword. On the 15th of October

he resumed the command of the flotilla--still suffering severely from

the pressure of the ball. During the ensuing winter he prepared for a

vigorous spring campaign. Peace put an end to further military

operations. He sailed on a mission to Europe on the 25th of May 1815 and

returned on the 19th of the ensuing October. So much did his wound

disable him that he was compelled to send his despatches from Baltimore

to Washington. He was conveyed to his family at Elkridge and

subsequently removed to Baltimore.