alternative but to renounce the inglorious and ruinous controversy or to
resume their former modes of prosecuting it. They chose the latter.
Again the savages are stimulated to horrid massacres of women and
children and domestics to the murder of their masters. Again our brave
and unhappy brethren are doomed to miserable deaths in jails and
prison-ships. To complete the sanguinary system--all the 'EXTREMITIES of
war' are denounced against you by authority. * * Rouse yourselves,
therefore, that this campaign may finish the great work you have so
nobly carried on for several years past. What nation ever engaged in
such a contest under such a complication of disadvantages so soon
surmounted many of them and in so short a period of time had so certain
a prospect of a speedy and happy conclusion. We will venture to
pronounce that so remarkable an instance exists not in the annals of
mankind. * * * Consider how much you have done and how comparatively
little remains to be done to crown you with success. Persevere and you
insure peace, FREEDOM, safety, glory, sovereignty and felicity to
yourselves, your children and your children's children." * * *
"Fill up your battalions--be prepared in every part to repel the
incursions of your enemies--place your several quotas in the
constitutional treasury--lend money for public uses--sink the emissions
of your several states--provide effectually for expediting the
conveyance of supplies for your armies and fleets and for your
allies--prevent the produce of your country from being
monopolized--effectually superintend the behaviour of public officers
(what a poser if the dear people should do this imperious duty now)
diligently promote piety, virtue, brotherly love, learning, FRUGALITY
and moderation and may you be approved before Almighty God--worthy of
those blessings we devoutly wish you to enjoy."
Here is a bright specimen of the republican principles that governed the
public officers and people of the Revolution. They are too simple for
the present portentous era of imported extravagance and customs--too
pure for the politicians of our time. They will be read with approving
admiration--but few will put them in practice.
Mr. Dickinson filled the office of President of Pennsylvania and
subsequently removed to the state of Delaware and there filled the same
chair. His political writings were collected and published in 1810
making two volumes octavo. His famous "Farmer's Letters to the
Inhabitants of the British Colonies" were so highly prized by the astute
Franklin that he had them republished in London and sent a French
translation to Paris. But few of the sages did as much with their pen as
this patriot. He lived to enjoy the fruits of his labors to a good old
age. He resided at Wilmington, Delaware, for a long time where he closed
his earthly pilgrimage on the 15th of February 1808. He was a member of
the Society of Friends. His private character was without reproach.
WILLIAM ELLERY.
Contracts fairly entered into by parties competent to make and
consummate them should be sacredly fulfilled in the minutest
particulars. Individuals and social compacts from the common business
firm up to the most exalted national engagements are bound by the laws
of God, man and honor to keep inviolate their plighted faith. A
deviation from the path of rectitude in this particular is uniformly
attended with evil consequences and often with those most disastrous.
The party that violates its obligations without a justifiable reason and
especially if it attempts to advance its own interests regardless of,
perhaps injurious to those of the other, comes to court with a bad
cause. I have repeatedly remarked that the American Revolution resulted
from a violation of colonial chartered rights by the mother country. To
enter into a full exposition of the relations between the two high
contracting parties would require more space than can be allowed in this
work. Reference to some of the cardinal points in a single charter will
give the reader a clue to them all. Some of a later date are rather
more limited in privileges than that of Rhode Island to which I refer.
This charter secured religious freedom, personal liberty, personal
rights in property--excluding the king from all interference with the
local concerns of the colony and was virtually republican in its
provisions. One of the early Acts of Parliament referring to Rhode
Island contains the following language. "That no person within the said
colony at any time hereafter shall be in any way molested, punished,
disquieted or called in question for any difference of opinion in
matters of religion that does not actually disturb the civil peace of
said colony." The loyalty of the inhabitants up to the time oppressions
commenced was unquestionable. The ancient records give full evidence of
the fact. The addresses to the king begin thus. "The general Assembly
judged it their duty to signify his majesty's gracious pleasure
vouchsafed to us." Extract of a letter written to Sir Henry Vane in
England. "We have long drunk of the cup of as great liberties as any
people we can hear of under the whole heavens. We have not only been
long free, together with all English, from the yokes of wolfish bishops
and their popish ceremonies against whose grievous oppressions God
raised up your noble spirit in parliament but we have sitten down quiet
and dry from the streams of blood spilt by war in our native country. We
have not known what an excise means. We have almost forgotten what
tythes are, yea or taxes either to church or common weal."
In addition to other declaratory acts of Parliament sanctioning and
continuing chartered privileges generally in all the colonies, one was
passed in March 1663, involving the very hinge upon which the question
of the Revolution turned. Extract--"Be it further enacted--_That no
taxes shall be imposed or required of the colonies but by the consent of
the General Assembly_"--meaning the General Assembly of each colony
separably and including the whole. This single sentence of that
declaratory act, based upon a cardinal point in the British constitution
and guarded by the sanctity of charter contracts that could not be
annulled but by the mutual consent of the high contracting parties,
solves the problem of the Revolution. Having lived in the full enjoyment
of chartered privileges which had become matured by the age of more than
a century, the colonists would have been unworthy the name of men had
they tamely submitted to their annihilation. To the unfading honor of
their names--_they did not submit_. A band of sages and heroes rose in
all the majesty of man--met the invaders of their rights and drove them
from Columbia's soil.
Among them was William Ellery, born at Newport Rhode Island on the 2d of
December 1727. His ancestors were from Bristol, England. He was the son
of William Ellery a graduate of Harvard College and an enterprising
merchant. He filled many public stations and became one of the first men
in the colony. Pleased with the docility of his son he became his
instructor and prepared him for college. He entered Harvard and became a
close and successful student. He was delighted with the classics and was
enraptured with the history of the ancient republics. So great was his
veneration for ancient authors that he continued his familiarity with
them to the moment of his death. He was one of the most lucid classic
philologists of that age. He graduated at twenty and commenced the study
of law. In that ever expanding field of labor he was all industry and
was admitted to the bar with brilliant prospects before him. Located in
one of the most delightful towns on the Atlantic, surrounded by a large
circle of friends who desired his success, blessed with superior talents
improved by a refined education, esteemed by all who knew him--his
situation was truly agreeable. He possessed an amiable disposition, a
strong mind, a large share of wit and humor, polished manners and a
vivid animation in conversation that dispelled ennui from every circle
in which he moved. With these accomplishments he spread his sails to the
public breeze.
He commenced a successful practice at the bar of Newport and realized
the fond anticipations of his friends. He was highly honorable in his
course and had the confidence of the citizens, the respect of his
professional brethren and the esteem of the courts. To make more
complete his standing and importance in community he entered into
partnership with a most estimable lady until death should them part. The
firm proved prosperous and happy. Up to the time British oppression
commenced, his days passed peacefully and quietly along with an
accumulating fortune flowing in. When the revolutionary storm loomed up
from the horizon he became roused. A new impetus was given to his mental
and physical powers. His townsmen were the first who had dared to beard
the British lion. On the 17th of June 1769, in consequence of the
oppressive conduct of her captain, the revenue sloop Liberty belonging
to his Britannic majesty was forcibly seized by a number of citizens in
disguise who cut away her masts, scuttled her, carried her boats to the
upper part of the town and committed them to the flames under the
towering branches of a newly planted LIBERTY TREE. This act was followed
by another on the 9th of June 1772 in which blood was shed--that of
seizing and burning the British schooner Gaspee. This was made a pretext
for more severe measures by the hirelings of the crown who recommended
to Parliament the disfranchisement of the colony. The revolutionary ball
was in motion at Newport. In the midst of these turmoils Mr. Ellery was
with the people and for freedom. He went for the preservation of rights
that had become sacred and venerable by age and had the high sanction of
the laws of man, of nature and of God. In 1774 he approved a suggestion
made in a letter from Gen. Greene--_that the colonies should declare
themselves independent_. This spirit took fast hold on the people of
Rhode Island at the very inception of the Revolution.
In 1776 Mr. Ellery was elected to the Continental Congress. His
constituents left him to act free as mountain air. He stood up to the
post of duty boldly and became an active member. He was fully prepared
to advocate and sanction the Declaration of Independence. An agreeable
speaker, master of satire, sarcasm, logic and philosophy--he exercised a
salutary and judicious influence. He was appointed on several important
committees and rendered efficient service. Upon the marine committee he
was the leading man. He was a strong advocate for the navy. Many of his
constituents were bold mariners. He felt a just pride in referring to
his fellow citizen--Commodore Ezek Hopkins, as the first commander of
the little fleet of the infant republic. It was he who took New
Providence by surprise--seized a large amount of war munitions amongst
which were one hundred pieces of cannon--took the royal Governor,
Lieutenant Governor and sundry others of his majesty's officers
prisoners and gave an earnest of the future glory to be achieved by
Yankee seamen.
When the time arrived for the final question upon the momentous
instrument that was to be a warrant of death or the diploma of freedom,
Mr. Ellery was at his post and fearlessly gave it his approving vote and
sanctioning signature. With his usual vivacity he took his stand by the
side of the Secretary, Charles Thomson, for the purpose of observing the
apparent emotions of each member as he came up and signed the important
document. He often referred to this circumstance in after life and said
an undaunted resolution was observed on every countenance. He was
continued a member of Congress until 1785--full evidence of the high
estimation in which he was held by his constituents. In 1777 he was upon
the committee that originated the plan of fitting out seven fire ships
to annoy the British fleet and had the credit of suggesting and
perfecting it.
When the enemy obtained possession of Newport their vengeance against
this noble patriot was manifested by burning all his property within
their reach. This did not move the equanimity of his mind only to make
him more zealous in the glorious cause of liberty. In 1778 he strongly
advocated a resolution making it death for any citizen--_alias_ tory who
should betray or aid in delivering into the hands of the enemy any of
the adherents of the cause of freedom or give any intelligence that
should lead to their capture. He spent nearly his whole time in Congress
and toiled incessantly. In 1779 he was on the committee of foreign
relations which had the settlement of some very unpleasant difficulties
between the United States and the foreign commissioners. He was chairman
of a committee to provide provisions for the inhabitants of Rhode Island
who were destitute of the necessaries of life. From year to year he was
arduously employed on most of the standing and many other important
committees. Marine difficulties occurred between the general government
and some of the states arising from a difference of opinion relative to
the powers conferred by the Articles of Confederation. A committee was
appointed to define those powers of which Mr. Ellery was the leading
member. This committee determined that all disputed claims were subject
to appeal from the Court of Admiralty to Congress where the facts and
law were to be fully settled. On all occasions and in all situations he
was diligent and punctual. When he discovered any long faces or forlorn
countenances in Congress the artillery of his wit and humor was sure to
pour a broadside upon them and often dispelled the lowering clouds that
hung gloomily over the minds of members.
In 1782 he was an efficient member of the committee on public accounts
the duties of which were large and perplexing. Speculation and
peculation had rolled their dark waves over the public business of the
nation--to do justice to all who presented claims was a problematical
matter. In 1784 he was upon the committee to act upon the definitive
treaty with Great Britain. He was upon the committee to define the power
of the Treasury Board--the one upon Foreign Relations and the one upon
the War Office. To crown his brilliant labors in Congress with
resplendent glory, he advocated the resolution of Mr. King to abolish
slavery in the United States. His whole force was brought to bear upon
this subject in a strain of forensic eloquence and powerful logic that
added fresh lustre to the substantial fame he had long enjoyed. _Then_
the subject was legitimate for Congress--_now_ it belongs to each state
interested.
In 1785 Mr. Ellery retired from political life and repaired to his now
peaceful home to replenish his ruined fortune and enjoy the blessings of
the Independence he had so much aided in consummating. In the spring of
1786 Congress made him commissioner of the National Loan Office for
Rhode Island. Shortly after he was elected Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court of his native state. On his accession to the Presidential chair,
Washington appointed him Collector of Customs for Newport which station
he ably filled until he took his tranquil departure to a brighter world.
The evening of his life was as calm and mellow as an Italian sunset.
Universally esteemed--he enjoyed a delightful intercourse with a large
circle of friends. Honest, punctual and correct--he had the confidence
of the commercial community in his official station. During the thirty
years he was Collector of Customs, a loss of only two hundred dollars
upon bond accrued to government and upon that bond he had taken five
sureties. He spent much of his time in reading classic authors and in
corresponding with eminent men. But three weeks before his death he
wrote an essay upon Latin prosody and the faults of public speakers. His
bible was a favorite companion from which he drew and drank the living
waters of eternal life. Always cheerful, instructive and amusing--his
company was a rich treat to all who enjoyed it. His writings combined a
sprightliness and solidity rarely found.
His death was as remarkable as it was tranquil and glorious. It was that
of a Christian and philosopher. On the morning of the 15th of February
1820 he rose in usual health and seated himself in the flag-bottom chair
which he had used for fifty years and which was a relic rescued from the
flames when the enemy fired his buildings. He commenced reading Tully's
_Officiis_ in his favorite Latin without the aid of glasses the print
being no larger than that of a pocket bible. During the morning the
family physician called in and seeing him very pale felt his wrist and
found his pulse had ceased. He administered a little wine which gave a
transient impetus to the purple current. The physician spoke
encouragingly to whom Mr. Ellery replied--"It is idle to talk to me in
this way. I am going off the stage of life and it is a great blessing
that I go free from sickness, pain and sorrow." Becoming extremely weak
his daughter helped him on the bed where he sat upright and commenced
reading _Cicero de Officiis_ with the same composure as if in the full
vigor of life. In a few moments his spirit left its tenement of clay
without a motion, groan or sigh--his body still erect with the book
under his chin as if asleep. William Ellery was dead--relations and
friends wept--our nation mourned.
Thus usefully lived and happily died one of the brightest specimens of
human excellence. His whole career presents a rare and rich picture upon
which the imagination may feast, with increasing delight and which
cannot be rendered more beautiful or interesting by the finest touches
of the pencil of fancy dipped in the most brilliant color of romance. He
was of the middle stature, well formed, with a large head; an
intelligent and expressive countenance, moderate in his physical
movements and with all his vivacity generally had a grave aspect. He was
temperate, plain and uniform in his habits and dress and could seldom be
induced to join in chase after the _ignis fatuus_--FASHION. For many
years before his death his wardrobe was of an order belonging to a
by-gone generation. His courtesy and hospitality were always
conspicuous--the whole frame-work of his character was embellished with
all the rich varieties of amiable and good qualities--uniting beauty
with strength which ever gain esteem in life and tranquillity in death.
Reader contemplate this bright picture until its impress is so deeply
fixed upon your mind that nought but death can erase it.
WILLIAM FLOYD.
Lexicographers define ambition to be an earnest desire of power, honor,
preferment, pride. Some who study party politics more than philosophy,
physiology or ethics, call all the laudable desires of the heart
AMBITION--aiming to strip the monster of its deformity that they may
sail under false colors and play the pirate whenever an opportunity
offers. The power that is gained by ambition is held by a slender
tenure--often a mere rope of sand. Its hero may receive the homage of
the multitude one day and be the victim of their fury the next. The
summit of vain ambition is often the depth of misery. Based on a
volcanic foundation it is in constant danger of an eruption. Inflated by
a gaseous thirst for power, like a balloon with hydrogen, it is liable
to an explosion from the very material that elevated it. Predicated on
self--it spurns philanthropy, banishes charity, tramples on justice,
despises patriotism, deals largely in the corrosive sublimate of
falsehood, the elixir vitriol of revenge--the assafoetida of duplicity.
Like a kite, it cannot rise in a calm and when up, is subject to fly
from its fastenings and be rent by the cross currents ever in motion.
The fulcrum of ignorance and the lever of party spirit form its magic
power.
Some European writers have charged the patriots of the American
Revolution with selfish ambition. They may be excused for this
supposition from the fact that this is the motive power of _their_
actions and they can understand no other. Very different was the fact.
Private virtue, broad charity, genuine philanthropy, undisguised
patriotism were marked characteristics of those who achieved our
Liberty. They were actuated by pure and honest motives--not by wild
ambition and political frenzy. Noisy partisans and intriguing demagogues
were not the favorites of the people at that trying period. The man of
genuine worth and modest merit was the one they delighted to honor and
trust.
In the character of William Floyd these qualities were happily blended.
He was born at Suffolk county, Long Island, State of New York on the
17th of December 1734. He was the son of Mr. Nicoll Floyd and the
grandson of Richard Floyd who came from Wales in 1680 and settled at
Setauket, Long Island. During his childhood William was remarkable for
frankness, truth, docility and pleasing manners. He was an industrious
student and acquired a liberal education. During the prosecution of his
studies he devoted a short period almost daily to his gun in pursuit of
game which gave him healthful exercise and a strong frame. His father
died before William arrived at his majority leaving him an ample
fortune. This he managed with prudence and economy. From his youth he
had been the advocate of liberal principles. At manhood he became a
prominent opposer to the innovations of the British ministers upon the
chartered rights of Americans. As oppression increased his patriotic
feelings were more frequently and freely expressed. He was an active and
zealous member of the Congress of 1774. He had the unlimited confidence
of his constituents--the esteem of all who knew him. His cool
deliberation and calm deportment were well calculated to preserve an
equilibrium among those of a more fiery temperament and rashness in
action. That Congress was remarkable for clear and unanswerable
argument, calm and astute discussion, wise and judicious
plans--reasonable but firm purposes. The course pursued operated
powerfully and favorably upon the minds of reflecting men whose
influence it was important to secure.
Mr. Floyd had command of the militia of the county in which he lived.
When the British attempted to land at Gardner's Bay he promptly
assembled the yeoman troops and repelled the invading foe. In 1775 he
was again at his post in Congress and became one of its very efficient
members. He was a working man and almost constantly engaged on important
committees. During his absence the enemy obtained possession of Long
Island and compelled his family to flee to Connecticut for safety. His
property was materially injured--his house converted into a military
barrack and for seven years he was deprived of all resources from his
farm. In 1776 he was a warm advocate of the Declaration and with great
satisfaction placed his name upon that sacred instrument. In 1777 he was
elected to the first Senate of the Empire State convened under the new
order of things. He was a leading member and rendered important services
in forming a code of republican laws.
In January 1779 he again took his seat in Congress and entered
vigorously upon the work before him. In August of that year he resumed
his seat in the New York Senate. Much important business was before the
legislature, requiring experience, energy and unity of action. To raise
the pecuniary credit of the state was of great importance. Mr. Floyd was
at the head of a joint committee on this subject and reported a plan
that proved him an able financier--a man of deep thought and
investigation. It was based upon gradual, equal and just taxation. In
October of that year he was one of three delegates appointed by his
legislature to meet a convention of the Eastern States for the purpose
of perfecting a system of furnishing supplies for the army without being
compelled to suffer the enormous shaves of avaricious monopolists. On
reading the account of the awful sufferings and privations of the army
at certain periods of the Revolution and in view of the glory of the
cause and the limited means of carrying on the unequal struggle, an
honest man can scarcely believe men then existed who would
speculate--yes more--_peculate_ upon suffering humanity. So was the fact
to an alarming extent--at least three millions a year. Avarice knows no
mercy--seldom any honesty.
On his return from this convention he repaired to Congress. On the 3d of
December he was elected one of the Board of Admiralty and on the 13th a
member of the Treasury Board. By incessant application his health became
impaired and in the ensuing April he obtained leave of absence. In June
he took his seat in the New York Senate and was appointed upon a joint
committee to act upon resolutions of Congress involving the important
relations between the state and general government. He unsuccessfully
opposed making bills of credit a legal tender but lived to see the law
repealed. In September he was one of a committee of the senate to
prepare a reply to the governor's message. To effect a proper
organization of the general government was a desideratum with all the
states. To this important subject the governor had specially referred.
To confer upon Congress all necessary power clearly defined, was
considered the only safe policy to insure future harmony and safety.
This committee reported several resolutions upon this subject which were
adopted and forwarded to Congress for consideration. They recommended
the enactment of laws that should impose an equal responsibility on
each of the states to bear its _pro rata_ proportion of the war expenses
in the way and manner prescribed by the general government.
In 1780 he again took his seat in Congress. An important and delicate
duty devolved upon the New York and New Hampshire members under
legislative acts--the subject of disputed territory comprising the
present state of Vermont. The question was submitted to Congress, the
members of each state advocating the claim for their constituents. In
this matter Mr. Floyd rendered great service. During the same session he
introduced a resolution for the cession of the western territories to
the United States. On the 10th of August he nominated Robert L.
Livingston to be Secretary of Foreign Affairs whose nomination was
immediately confirmed. He was continued a member of Congress up to 1783
when he joined in the general soul-cheering peace and the freedom of his
beloved country. He then retired and took possession of his once
flourishing plantation amidst the sincere congratulations of his
numerous friends, all animated by the resplendent glories of LIBERTY.
That he might repair the ruin of his home he declined the urgent
solicitations of his friends to return to Congress. He continued to
serve in the senate of his native state up to 1788 when he was elected
to the first Congress under the Federal Constitution. Worn out in the
service of his country he retired from the public arena at the end of
the term.
Owning a large tract of valuable wild land upon the banks of the Mohawk
river he commenced gradual improvements upon it and in 1803 removed
there. He was often urged to return to Congress but declined all
legislative labors. With the exception of serving one year in the state
senate and in the convention for the revision of the New York
Constitution in 1801, he kept aloof from the turmoils of political life.
He was four times a member of the Electoral College of his state for the
election of President and Vice President. So ardent were his feelings in
his old age that he travelled two hundred miles in the dreary month of
December 1806 to give his vote for his old companion and friend--Thomas
Jefferson.
He continued to improve his new home until he became surrounded by happy
neighbors all basking in the clear sunshine of that freedom he had
largely aided in acquiring. In all things he was systematic and
practical--free from pomp and vanity--strong in his purposes and
persevering in their accomplishment. He was blessed with a clear head,
vigorous mind, good heart, sound judgment, great experience and a close
knowledge of men and things. As a politician he was free from selfish
ambition and went for his country--his whole country and the UNION for
ever. He spoke but seldom in public assemblies and rarely entered into
debate. Brighter would be the prospects of our UNION if we _now_ had
more men like William Floyd who would _talk_ less and _work_ more. Long
and often electioneering speeches hang over our legislatures like an
incubus and prevent the _few_ who are well-disposed from doing the
business of the people promptly.
General Floyd was of middle size, well-formed and commanding in his
appearance. He was dignified in his deportment--affable in his manners.
His physical powers were remarkable when in his prime. In all the
relations of private life he was a model as worthy of imitation as that
of his public career. He was warm in his friendship and rigidly honest.
His morals were pure, his religion practical, his charity broad--his
philanthropy co-extensive with the human family. For the last two years
of his life his health was not good and on the 20th of August 1821 he
was seized with general debility and on the 25th of that month, folded
his arms quietly, closed his eyes peacefully and met the cold embrace of
death with the fortitude of a sage, patriot and Christian.
Although Gen. Floyd did not possess the Ciceronean eloquence of a Lee or
the Demosthenean powers of Adams and Henry, he was one of the most
useful men of his day and generation. He marked out his path of duty
from the reflections of his own mind and pursued it strictly and
fearlessly. For more than fifty years he enjoyed the confidence of his
fellow-citizens as a public man and but one year before his decease was
made a member of the Electoral College. His example and his labors shed
a lustre over his character as rich and enduring as those who were
conspicuous in the forum. He was an important link in the golden chain
of Liberty. He was a working man--working men were _then_ properly
appreciated. The congressional speakers of that day were also more
highly appreciated than nine-tenths of them are now for the very good
reason that they were laconic on all subjects. Long speeches were as
uncommon as they are now frequent and useless. If we desire the
prosperity of our country and the perpetuity of our UNION let us imitate
the examples of the patriots whose actions we delight to rehearse and
preserve in its pristine purity the rich boon of LIBERTY they have
transmitted to us.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
A man who is self-made and by his own exertions and untiring industry
becomes a great man, often excels the mere student of the college in
mental vigor as much as the hard fisted mechanic excels him physically.
The former, usually without the means and often without the advantages
of paternal or maternal care, is compelled to become familiar with men
and things, without a knowledge of which, the classics are a mere toy
and the high branches of science only an ornament. With the never ending
every day concerns of life where usefulness holds her dominion they have
little to do. A man of letters who is unacquainted with the routine of
business transactions is incapable of protecting his own interests--of
course he cannot be useful to community until he goes through another
and more important course of study. A great change is necessary in most
of our colleges to make full men of students. Hence the blasted hopes of
many a fond father who is led astray by the popular error--that colleges
mould all their students into MEN. A large majority of the most useful
citizens of our country, from its first settlement to the present time,
never enjoyed a collegiate education. Especially was this the case with
many of the sages and heroes of the Revolution whose memory we delight
to honor and perpetuate.
Such was the case of Benjamin Franklin, born at Boston on 17th of
January 1706--exactly ninety years before the writer. His father was
among the Puritans who fled from persecution and sought repose in the
wilds of Massachusetts. His parents were poor but honest and
respectable. This may seem paradoxical to the aristocracy of the present
day--but is unquestionably true. The time _was_ when poverty was not a
_crime_ nor wealth a mask for corruption. Honesty and industry were
_formerly_ the brightest stars on the escutcheon of fame.
At an early age Benjamin Franklin exhibited a mind of superior cast and
a strong desire for improvement. His pious parents advanced his
education as far as their limited means would enable them being anxious
to see this son prepared for the pulpit. At the age of ten years his
father was compelled to take him from school to aid him in the chandler
business. This did not arrest the onward course of his genius. Original
in every trait of his character, eccentric in his manner, the child of
bold experiment, he commenced the study of natural philosophy in the
midst of candle wicks, tallow and soap. He first ascertained the precise
quantity of sleep and food requisite to sustain nature and the kind of
aliment most conducive to health. At that early age he adopted a system
of temperance, frugality and economy, worthy the imitation of men. He
accustomed himself to meet every disappointment without a murmur. He
continued to improve his mind by reading during every hour he was not at
labor. Nothing passed by him unnoticed. His expanding intellect drew
philosophy from nature, things and men. He reasoned, analyzed, moralized
and improved from everything he saw. Hence the vast and rapid expansion
of his towering genius that ultimately commanded the awe of kings and
the admiration of the world--comprehending the philosophy of mind,
nature, science, art, government--all the relations of creation from the
dust under his feet--the myriads of animalculae in a drop of water, up to
the bright seraphs in the skies and up to Nature's God.
A mind like his would not long be confined in a chandler shop. Open and
honest at all times and under all circumstances, he apprised his father
of his wish to change his occupation. He was bound to his brother to
learn the art of printing. His industry enabled him to master his
profession rapidly. All his leisure moments were employed in study, thus
preparing himself for a useful and glorious career through future
life--leaving a bright example worthy the imitation of every apprentice
in our country.
So intently bent on the acquisition of knowledge--he often preferred his
book to his meal and studied whole nights--defying the commands of
Morpheus. He was paid a weekly sum for his board and adopting a simple
vegetable diet was enabled to save money for the purchase of books. He
selected them with reference to substantial usefulness. He studied with
enthusiasm the Memorabilia of Xenophon and found a model in Socrates
which he delighted in imitating.
About this time he was seized with the scribbling mania. Committing the
usual error of youthful authors--he offered his first sacrifice to
Calliope the goddess of heroic poetry. The production was applauded but
his father turned his rhyming propensity into ridicule and encouraged
him to write prose. Fearing the shafts of criticism, he had several
articles published in the paper edited by his brother, in so clandestine
a manner that the author was not suspected. Finding that they were
admired, he says his vanity did not long keep the world ignorant of the
writer.
Flattery from others caused him to assume an air of importance that soon
resulted in an open rupture between him and his brother. For some time
he endured a course of harsh treatment and at length resolved to free
himself from the chains of bondage. He embraced the first opportunity
for New York. Not being able to obtain business there he proceeded to
Philadelphia on foot and alone. On his arrival he had but one
dollar--was a stranger only seventeen years of age and knew not where to
go. On entering Market street his eccentric appearance excited the gaze
of the multitude as much as his gigantic talents subsequently did the
gaze of the world. He had a roll of bread under each arm and proceeded
to the margin of the Delaware river and partook of his bread and pure
water. His pockets were enormously enlarged with the various articles of
his wardrobe rendering him a fair representation of old Boniface.
There were then but two printing offices in Philadelphia. In one of
these he obtained the situation of compositor. He now reduced his
theories of economy to successful practice maintaining himself at a
trifling expense--pursuing a correct and industrious career which gained
for him the esteem of all his acquaintances. Among others, his talents
attracted the attention of Sir William Keith, then Governor of the
province, who invited him to his house and treated him with great
kindness. The Governor was a man whose liberality in _promises_ went
beyond the dust in his purse. Anxious to see his young friend placed in
more prosperous circumstances by his benefaction he proposed to set him
up in business. He at once gave him letters to London. On his arrival
there, Franklin found that no pecuniary arrangements had been made for
him by his _tongue_ benefactor. He was in a strange land, without money
to pay his return passage. He took a new lesson in the school of
experience in which he delighted to study. Disappointment did not deject
him. He soon obtained employment and gained the confidence and esteem of
his new acquaintances. At the end of eighteen months he embarked for
Philadelphia. On his passage he digested a set of rules for future
action substantially as follows. I resolve to be frugal--to speak truth
at all times--never to raise expectations not to be realized--to be
sincere, industrious, stable--to speak ill of no man--to cover rather
than expose the faults of others and to do all the good I can to my
fellow man.
Upon this foundation, formed of the unadulterated materials of
_primitive_ Christianity, he raised a superstructure, more beautiful and
as enduring as the proudest memorials of Greece and Rome. When the whole
human family shall adopt and fully exemplify these rules, we may hope to
see millennial glory eclipse the meridian sun and cover the earth with
one broad sheet of celestial light.
He arrived at Philadelphia on the 11th of October 1726 and became the
clerk of the merchant who owned the goods brought over by the ship in
which he took his passage. His proverbial industry made him as
successful in the counting house as at the press--showing a rare
versatility of talent. His future prospects in this new sphere of action
brightened as time rolled on but were suddenly blasted by the death of
his employer. He then returned to the types--worked a few months for his
old patron where he found a partner with more money than skill and with
him commenced a lucrative business. His industry and artistic talents
were now put in full requisition. He manned his wheel-barrow in
collecting material for business--put nature on short allowance and by
punctuality and perseverance gained many valuable friends and money
enough to purchase the interest of his partner who had become worthless
and embarrassing to the firm.
Up to this time Franklin had been fortune's foot-ball. His life had been
a complete checker board of changing vicissitudes, blasted hopes and
keen disappointments. Amidst all the stormy trials that had tossed his
youthful bark on the surges of misfortune--surrounded by the foaming
breakers of vice in all its delusive and borrowed forms--he never became
tarnished by corruption or the commission of a bad or mean action. The
moral and religious principles deeply planted in his mind during
childhood by parental instruction--were as lasting as life--a happy
illustration of the faithfulness of parents towards their children.
Fathers and mothers think of this and govern yourselves accordingly.
Having become liberated from his business partner, he felt the necessity
and propriety of choosing one that would fill up the vacuum in his side
and share with him the joys and sorrows flesh is heir to. In 1730, he
entered into partnership for life with a widow lady whose maiden name
was Read, for whom he had contracted an attachment previous to her first
marriage. In him she found a kind husband--in her he found an agreeable
and discreet companion.
Philanthropy predominated in the heart of Franklin. To better the
condition of his fellow men gave him exquisite pleasure. The rules
governing the "Junto" formed by him and now merged in the "Philosophical
Society," exhibit a superior knowledge of human nature--illustrating
clearly the duty of man to the creature and Creator. They breathe
universal charity, kindness, benevolence and good will to all mankind.
Among them is one for the suppression of intemperance--a prophetic
prelude to the exertions of the present day in this noble cause. He had
profited by the experience of the past which enabled him to steer clear
of the rocks and quicksands of error on which many are ruined and lost.
His bark had outrode many a storm--prosperity was his future lot. His
new partner smiled upon him, his friends esteemed him, a life of
usefulness was before him--in the pleasures of the present, past pains
were lost.
In 1732 he commenced the publication of the "Poor Richard's Almanac"
which he continued up to 1737, circulating 10,000 copies annually.
Although under a humble title it was a work of great merit and
usefulness--being replete with maxims and rules calculated for everyday
use in the various relations of life--rules and maxims of the highest
importance to be known and practised but not learned in high seminaries.
So highly was it prized in Europe that it was translated into several
languages. He also commenced the publication of a newspaper which was
conducted with great ability--free from all personal abuse and
scurrility--a messenger of truth and wholesome instruction. Would to God
the same could be said of _all_ the present public prints.
Franklin continued to pursue his studies--mastering the French, Italian,
Spanish and Latin languages. By the "Junto" a small library was
commenced which was the nucleus to the present large collection in the
city of Philadelphia. He wrote and published a highly interesting
pamphlet on the necessity of paper currency. He added to his literary
fame by the production of essays on various subjects written in his
peculiar style. He filled successfully the office of state printer, of
clerk to the Assembly and of post-master in Philadelphia. He used
unwearied exertions to perfect the municipal regulations of the city. He
was the father and patron of the Philosophical Society, the Pennsylvania
University and Hospital. All the enterprises in the city and province,
of that time, were either originated by him or were advanced by his
wisdom and counsel.
In 1741 he commenced the publication of a General Magazine filled with
much useful matter but less acceptable than his former productions to
many--probing, as it did, litigated points in theology. It was too
universal in its charity to suit sectarians. Let these barriers be
removed--then the gospel will have free course-run and be glorified.
The mechanic arts were also improved by him. He brought to their aid
philosophy, chemistry and a combination of science, economy and the laws
of nature. He improved chimneys--constructed a stove and proposed many
useful and economical corrections in domestic concerns from the cellar
to the garret--from the plough to the mill. Science bowed to his master
spirit, the arts hailed him as a patron, the lightning obeyed his magic
rod and nature was proud of her favorite son.
In 1744 he was elected to the Assembly and continued a member for ten
consecutive years. Although not a popular speaker, his clear
conceptions of correct legislation and the duties of a statesman gave to
him an influence over that body before unknown. In all his propositions
he was listened to with profound attention.
During the period he was serving his province in the Assembly he
explored the fields of experimental philosophy--explaining many of the
mysterious phenomena of nature which spread his scientific fame to the
remotest bounds of the civilized world. His discoveries in electricity
were sufficient to have immortalized his name. He is the first man on
record who imparted magnetism to steel--melted metals--killed animals
and fired gunpowder by means of electricity. He was the first who
reduced to practice the method of conducting the electric fluid from the
clouds to the points of steel rods and by them harmless to the ground.
All the elements--fluids, air, sea and land with their millions of
various substances, passed in review before him.
In 1753 he was sent to Carlisle, Pennsylvania, to conclude a treaty with
the Indians. In 1754 he was a delegate to the Congress of Commissioners
which met at Albany to devise means of defence against the anticipated
hostilities of the French and savages. He then submitted a plan that was
unanimously approved by the Congress but was too republican for the
creatures of the king.
On the decease of the Deputy Postmaster-General of America, Franklin was
appointed to fill the vacancy and raised the department from
embarrassment to a fruitful source of revenue to the crown.
Difficulties arose between the proprietaries and government of the
province of Pennsylvania, which were referred to the mother country for
adjustment. Dr. Franklin was sent by the province to guard its interests
and embarked for England in June 1757. He executed the duties of his
mission with his usual ability and address--the difficulties were
settled and in 1762 he returned. He was then variously
employed--regulating the Post-Office Department--making treaties with
the Indians and devising means of defence on the frontiers.
New troubles arose between the proprietaries and assembly and in 1764
Dr. Franklin again sailed for England, with instructions to obtain the
entire abolishment of proprietary authority. On his arrival he was
called upon to perform more important and perilous duties. The plan for
taxing the colonies had been long agitated and was now matured by the
British ministry. This project he had boldly opposed at the threshold
and was now arraigned to answer numerous accusations brought against him
by the enemies of liberty.
On the 3d of February 1766, he appeared before the House of Commons to
undergo a public examination. He was found equal to the task--his
enemies were astounded at his boldness, logic, dignity and skill, whilst
his friends were filled with admiration at the able manner he confuted
every accusation and defended the rights and interests of his native
country. Amidst the attacks of artifice and insolence of power he stood
unawed--unmoved--firm as a granite rock. He remained in England eleven
years as the agent of the colonies, opposing the encroachments of the
ministry upon the rights of Americans. During the whole time the
combined efforts of flattery, malice and intrigue could not intimidate
or ensnare him. He well understood the etiquette, corruptions and
devices of diplomacy. He never bowed his knee to Baal or kissed the hand
of a king.
The relations between the two countries had now arrived at a point so
significant that Franklin returned to his long neglected home. His
person was not safe in England--his services were needed in his now
suffering country. He arrived in Philadelphia early in May 1775. He was
received with great enthusiasm and immediately elected to the
Continental Congress. To this august body he added fresh lustre and
dignity. In England he had exhausted every source of prospective
reconciliation between the two nations. He feared the colonies were too
weak to achieve their Independence but his course was right onward with
his colleagues--resolved on LIBERTY OR DEATH.
The talents of Franklin were put in constant requisition. He was always
selected to meet the agents of the crown who were at various times
commissioned to offer terms of inglorious peace. He always proved
himself the uncompromising advocate of Liberty--the shrewd and wary
politician--the bold and zealous defender of the rights of his bleeding
country--the unflinching friend of universal FREEDOM.
The disasters of the American army during the campaign of 1777, induced
Congress to apply to France for aid. All eyes were turned on Franklin to
execute this important mission. In October 1777 he embarked to perform
this delicate embassy and succeeded in concluding a treaty of alliance
with that nation on the 4th of February 1778, to the great joy of
himself and his suffering countrymen. When the news of the alliance
reached England, the ministry was much alarmed and despatched messengers
to Paris to endeavor to induce Franklin to enter into a compromise with
Great Britain. The terms rendered the effort too abortive to make him
the bearer of even a message to Congress. To Mr. Hutton and others who
came to him with the olive branch of peace, wreathed with scorpions, he
replied--"I never think of your ministry and their abettors, but with
the image strongly painted in my view of their hands red and dropping
with the blood of my countrymen, friends and relations. No peace can be
signed with those hands unless you drop all pretensions to govern
us--meet us on equal terms and avoid all occasions of future discord."
He met all their intrigues at the threshold and convinced them that the
hardy yoemanry of America could not be dragooned, flattered or driven
from the bold position they had assumed. During the several interviews
he had with these commissioners, Franklin was cautioned by Mr. Heartley
to beware of his personal safety which had been repeatedly threatened.
He thanked his friend and assured him he felt no alarm--that he had
nearly finished a long life and that the short remainder was of no great
value and ironically remarked--"Perhaps the best use such an old fellow
can be put to is to make a martyr of him."
If it required all the skill and energy of a Franklin to _negotiate_ a
treaty of alliance with France, it required the combined skill of all
Congress to preserve it. The French is the most effervescent nation
known to history. A republican form of government is ever repugnant to
kingly power. That the French officers and soldiers in the American army
would drink freely at the fountain of liberal principles no one could
doubt. That the thrones of Europe would be endangered on their return
was truly predicted. By this very natural course of reasoning the
British ministry exerted a powerful influence against the continuation
of the alliance. Franklin and his colleagues anticipated all their dark
intrigues--penetrated and frustrated them up to the time Great Britain
was compelled to comply with the terms of an honorable peace and
acknowledge the Independence of the United States of America by a
definitive treaty of peace concluded at Paris on the 3d of September
1783.
Although anxious to be discharged from further public service it was not
until 1785 that Franklin was permitted to return to his beloved country
where he could breathe the pure air of republican FREEDOM--no longer
polluted by kingly power. During his stay he concluded treaties of
commerce between the United States and the Kings of Sweden and Prussia.
On his departure from Europe every mark of respect was paid to him by
Kings, courts, _literati_ and by all classes of society whose adulation
the loftiest ambition could desire. He was beloved by the millions--his
departure was deeply regretted by all. His reputation was the
personification of purity.
At the age of eighty years, borne down by disease, he returned to
Philadelphia. He was hailed with enthusiastic joy, affection, esteem and
veneration by all the friends of liberty--from the humblest citizen up
to the illustrious Washington. He had been a pillar of fire to the
American cause--a pillar of smoke to the enemies of human rights. As
Thurgot truly observed--"He snatched the thunder bolt from Jove and the
sceptre from Kings." He stood--the Colossus of Liberty among the
monarchs of Europe and wrung from them the homage due to a nation that
dared to be FREE.
Notwithstanding his advanced age and his ardent desire for retirement,
he was placed in the gubernatorial chair of Pennsylvania and in 1787
elected a delegate to the Convention that formed the Federal
Constitution. Many of the bright trails of that important instrument
received their finishing touch from his master hand. He was anxious to
see his long nursed theory of a republican government reduced to as
perfect system as its infancy would permit. He well knew, that for its
manhood and old age additional provisions would be required. As
necessary as this now is, so sacred has that instrument become that the
mass would deem it sacrilege to disturb its long repose. It might be
made to meet more fully the wants of an expanding country in some
particulars but if once disturbed might be polluted by the apoplectic
touch of party spirit and never recover from the shock. Caution is the
parent of safety.
Early in 1790, Dr. Franklin was confined to his room by his infirmities
but his mental powers remained in full vigor. Some of the strongest and
most soul-stirring productions from his pen were written during his
confinement. Early in April he began to fail more rapidly. He was fully
sensible that he stood on the confines of eternity and that he should
soon go to his final rest. On the 17th of April 1790, calm and
resigned--cool and collected--peaceful and happy--he commended his
spirit to Him who gave it--quitted this vale of tears with a full
assurance of rising to a glorious immortality at the final resurrection
and slumbered quietly and sweetly in the arms of death with a full
assurance that his Lord and Master would rebind him in a new and more
beautiful edition fully revised.
By his will he prohibited all pomp and parade at his funeral. He was
anxious that the mournful obsequies of his burial should be marked with
republican simplicity. He was laid in his grave on the 21st of April. It
is in the northwest corner of Christ Church yard in the City of
Philadelphia, where a plain marble slab--once even but now below the
surface of the earth, shows where his ashes repose. By the side of his
moulders the dust of his amiable wife.
His death was deeply lamented throughout the civilized world. Congress
ordered mourning to be observed throughout the United States for thirty
days. The event was solemnized in France and many eloquent eulogies
pronounced. The national Assembly decreed that each of its members
should wear a badge of mourning for three days. The sensation produced
there by his death was similar to that evinced by our country on the
death of La Fayette.
In the recapitulation of the life of this great and good man we are
charmed with a versatile richness that has no parallel on the historic
page. He filled every sphere in which he moved to the remotest lines of
its orbit. No matter how bright the galaxy around him he was a luminary
of the first magnitude. He entered upon the stage of notion at a time
when the world needed just such a man and continued upon it just long
enough to complete all he had commenced. He was found equal to every
work he undertook and always stopped at the golden point--when he had
finished. He was emphatically the architect of his own fortune. No
chartered college can claim him as a graduate--no patron rendered him
gratuitous aid. Let the young men of our country imitate his examples
that they may become useful--let our public men who have in charge our
national destiny imitate them that they may be wise--let old men imitate
them that they may be revered--let us _all_ imitate them that we may do
all the good we can to our fellow men in life and be happy in death.
HORATIO GATES.
War is a calamity to be deprecated at all times. Its history, from its
sanguinary embryo to the present time, has but a few bright spots on
which the philanthropist can gaze with admiring delight. The back-ground
of most of these is so vividly shaded with crimson that the eye grows
dim and the heart sickens on too close a scrutiny. We have many among us
who preach loudly against war without delineating the innate materials
in human nature that cause it. We have anti-war societies that have
originated from motives pure as heaven but are planted on the abstract
foundation of ills--futile as the baseless vision. Its evils may be
portrayed in colors clear as the sunbeams of living light and enforced
by all the arguments of human logic and Holy Writ without removing the
smallest particle from the _cause_ that produces this fearful calamity.
This and the best remedy are not fully defined by the preamble,
constitution or by-laws of any society within my knowledge and where
partially explained are not always practically carried out by the
members. _They_ sometimes engage in a fierce personal war.
The cause exists in the nature of man influenced by the baser passions.
Retaliation is among the first developments of the child. Self is a
relentless tyrant. Revenge is as natural as our respiration. Anger,
envy, jealousy, malice--all combine to perpetuate a disposition for war
and lead men from the sublime destiny of immortal bliss.
The only remedy exists in the universal sway of that love inculcated by
our immaculate Redeemer. It is under the melting influences of the
religion of the Cross, stripped of all dogmatical illusions, that
sullied human nature must be brightened--its tarnished lustre
renovated--its pugnacious character changed and man prepared for peace
and heaven. Let broad and universal charity pervade the whole human
family--then a blow will be struck against war that will resound through
the wilderness of mind and cause it to bud and blossom as the rose.
The war of the American Revolution stands pre-eminent in point of
justification. Among those who took a conspicuous part in its perils was
Horatio Gates who was born in England in 1728. In early life he rose to
the rank of major and was the aid of the British commander at the
capture, of Martinico in 1747. In 1748 he was stationed at Halifax where
he continued for a considerable time. He was relieved from the monotony
of a garrison in time of peace by the French war which resulted in the
conquest of Canada. Under Braddock he was captain of infantry and fought
by the side of the illustrious Washington and was saved by him in the
judicious retreat of the survivors of that memorable day. He was
severely wounded and for a long time unfit for duty. In 1763 he visited
England with a high military reputation. He returned and located on a
plantation in Virginia. He had the esteem and confidence of Washington
and was warmly recommended by him to Congress as worthy of a conspicuous
station in the Continental army. He was appointed Adjutant General with
the rank of Brigadier in 1775. The ensuing year he was invested with the
command of the troops destined to act against Ticonderoga and Crown
Point. In the spring of 1777 he and Gen. Schuyler were appointed to the
command of the northern army. For a short time he was superceded by Gen.
Schuyler. Burgoyne was then advancing with his victorious army. The
Americans were driven from Ticonderoga, Fort Ann and Skeensborough. From
that point obstacles were thrown in his way by Sinclair, Schuyler, Stark
and their companions in arms. Bridges were demolished, the navigation of
Wood Creek obstructed--the roads filled with fallen trees--the cattle
and other supplies removed which caused the British army a delay of
twenty-five days before reaching Fort Edward on the Hudson. Gen.
Burgoyne then supposed his embarrassments at an end. His reckoning was
wrong. St. Leger failed in capturing Fort Schuyler--many of the Indians
and Canadian militia took their back track--scanty supplies were
obtained with great difficulty--his army was decreasing--the Americans
were rallying--every day made his condition more perilous--his prospects
more gloomy. Everything was prepared to insure his capture.
At this fortunate juncture for him, Gen. Gates superceded the
indefatigable Schuyler and took the command on the 21st of August 1777.
Anticipating aid from Sir Henry Clinton at New York, Burgoyne passed the
Hudson and encamped at Saratoga. Gates advanced to Stillwater determined
to oppose the further progress of the enemy. The British general
resolved to open a passage with the sword and bayonet and on the 17th of
September the armies were only four miles distant from each other. On
the 19th a pretty general engagement occurred, which resulted in a drawn
battle. Seeing no prospect of assistance from New York and the
impossibility of then retreating with his cannon, Burgoyne resolved to
fortify his position and act on the defensive. On the 8th of October the
Americans made a vigorous attack and repulsed the British in every
charge, occupying a part of their lines. Burgoyne hastened to his former
camp at Saratoga in the night and meditated a retreat without artillery
or baggage. He found every avenue securely guarded--the lion was
caged--retreat he could not. Knowing that the British army had but a
short supply of provisions, Gen. Gates well knew an attack upon his well
fortified position or a surrender must speedily take place. He was well
prepared for either. Finding it only a waste of human life to further
engage the Americans in battle, Burgoyne surrendered on the 16th of
October. Over 5000 prisoners, a park of fine artillery, 7000 muskets, a
large amount of clothing, with all the camp equipage and military stores
and the evacuation of all the frontier fortresses--constituted the
spoils of this victory. What was of more vital importance--it imparted
fresh lustre to the American arms and gave a vigorous impetus to the
languishing career of Independence. It destroyed British power in the
north--encouraged France to close the treaty of alliance and greatly
deranged the equanimity of mother Britain. If impartially analyzed, it
will be found the most important victory during the war of Independence
and in closer alliance with that of Trenton than the final triumph over
Cornwallis.
Although Gen. Gates had escaped the hard service of that campaign, he
was the fortunate commander at its termination and was crowned with the
laurels of a conquering hero in accordance with military usage and
received the plaudits of his grateful country men--the thanks of
Congress and a gold medal. As a further testimony of high esteem, he was
placed at the head of the Board of War--a station next to that of
commander-in-chief. He retired from that to his home in Virginia and for
a time enjoyed domestic life. On the 15th of June 1780 he was put in
command of the Southern army. The conquering troops of Cornwallis were
sweeping over the Carolinas like a tornado--the few American soldiers
were flying before them--towns were burning--everything seemed rapidly
drawn towards the vortex of ruin. When Gen. Gates consented to go to the
field an army of 15000 men, with complete supplies, was represented to
him on paper, concentrating from the Carolinas and Virginia. When he
arrived at head quarters he found about 1500 undisciplined troops,
poorly armed, worse clad, with little food. Elated with his brilliant
victory over the Northern army he was over anxious to meet the enemy and
strike an effective blow. Contrary to the advice of those who better
understood the country and the means of obtaining supplies on the march
by taking a circuitous route--he selected a shorter road through a
dismal district of pine thickets and swamps pregnant with disease and
destitute of almost any kind of food except cattle occasionally found in
the forest. Many of his men perished on the way--others were rendered
unfit for duty by sickness. He ultimately reached Clermont from which
Lord Rawdon had withdrawn and was joined by a few North Carolina militia
and a small company under Capt. Potterfield. Troops continued to arrive
from Virginia and other points until the army of Gen. Gates amounted to
about 4000--mostly undisciplined militia unaccustomed to standing fire
or steel. Rawdon and Cornwallis concentrated their troops at Camden
amounting to less than 2000 men but all of the highest order of
soldiers. Gen. Gates resolved on an attack. On the 16th of August the
two armies met in mortal combat. The militia under Gen. Gates were
quickly thrown into confusion--the regulars overwhelmed and the whole
completely routed. This defeat of the Americans had no parallel during
the war. Among those who did not trace effects to causes the fame of the
Hero of Saratoga sank below zero. His error consisted in risking a
battle with an army of British veterans opposed by the rawest kind of
militia--not in any want of military skill in time of action. He was
superceded on the 5th of the ensuing October--subjected to a court of
inquiry--honorably acquitted and re-instated in 1782. The time had then
passed for him to renovate his military laurels. The battles for
Independence had been fought--the crowning victory won--LIBERTY
achieved--FREEDOM secured.
Gen. Gates retired to his plantation in Virginia where he remained seven
years when he liberated his slaves and removed to the vicinity of the
city of New York where he lived respected until the 10th of April 1806,
when he threw off his mortal coil and slumbered in death.
In person Gen. Gates was well formed--in his manners, polished and
urbane--in disposition, mild and amiable--in his intercourse, just and
honorable. In 1800 he served in the New York Legislature and enjoyed the
confidence and esteem of all around him. He was an ardent patriot, a
good citizen, a perfect gentleman, an honest man.
ELBRIDGE GERRY.
Gambling has become a fearful scourge in our expanding country. It is
practised upon the humblest watercraft that floats upon our canals--the
frail flatboat that descends our streams--the majestic steamboat that
traces our mighty rivers. It lurks in the lowest groggeries that curse
community--is tolerated in some of the most fashionable hotels. Its
victims are found in all classes from the hod carrier in his bespattered
rags up to the members of Congress in their ruffles. The gambling room
is the enchanted ground of destruction. Once within its serpentine
coils--a centripetal force rushes its votary to the vortex of ruin.
Interested friends may kindly warn--the tender wife may entreat with all
the eloquence of tears--children may cry and sob for bread--if within
the fatal snare the infatuated mortal is seldom extricated in time. He
combines the deafness of the adder with the desperation of a maniac. At
the gambling table men and youth have been prepared to commit deeds
registered on the black catalogue of crime. In blazing capitals RUIN is
marked over the outer door of every gambling den. On the inner door is
written in bold relievo--CASTLE OF DESPAIR. WRECKS OF FORTUNE AND DEMONS
MADE HERE. One of the wicket gates that leads thousands into this
labyrinth of misery consists in fashionable circles where games are
played as an _innocent_ amusement. It is there that many young men of
talent, education and wealth, take the entered apprentice degree that
leads them to the knight templars of destruction. Without any knowledge
of a game but few would venture money at a gambling table. The gaming
examples of men in high life have a baneful influence and practically
sanction the high handed robberies of the finely dressed boa-constrictor
black legs. The gambling hells tolerated and patronized in our cities
are a disgrace to any nation bearing a Christian name and would be
banished from a Pagan community with a Vicksburg vengeance. To the honor
of the members of the Continental Congress they placed a veto upon this
heaven provoking, soul destroying, reputation ruining, wealth devouring,
nation demoralizing vice.
Among those who abhorred this practice was Elbridge Gerry, born at
Marblehead, Massachusetts, on the 17th of July 1744. His father was an
enterprising merchant and bestowed upon this son a classical education.
He graduated at Harvard University in 1762 with a high scholastic
reputation. Judging the tree by its fruit, the seed from which it sprang
must have been of the purest kind and its vegetation not retarded by the
absorbing and poisonous weeds of vice. Its incipient pruning must have
been performed by a master hand to produce a specimen of so much
symmetry of proportion, beauty of form and richness of foliage.
After having completed his collegiate studies Mr. Gerry entered the
counting house of his father and ultimately became one of the most
enterprising and wealthy merchants of his native town. In his kind of
business he was amongst the first to feel the weight of the impolitic
and unconstitutional revenue system. From the nature of his composition
he was amongst the first to meet oppression at the threshold. A man of
deep reflection and philosophical investigation--he examined closely the
extent of American rights and British wrongs. He made himself acquainted
with the principle and structure of government, international, civil,
common, statute and municipal law, political economy, home and foreign
policy. No one was better informed upon the natural, legal and practical
relations between the mother country and the colonies. He was prepared
to act advisedly and firmly. His extensive influence, decision of
character, sound discretion and exalted patriotism--made him a master
spirit to guide the public mind. He participated in all the movements in
favor of liberty.
On the 26th of May 1773 he commenced his official career as a member of
the Assembly of Massachusetts Bay then called the General Court. That
body and the royal governor took a strong issue upon rights and wrongs.
The unconstitutional acts of parliament were sanctioned by the latter
and fearlessly censured by the former. A standing committee was
appointed to scan the proceedings of ministers and parliament and to
correspond with the other colonies relative to the important concerns of
the nation. Mr. Gerry had been in that body but two days when he was
made a member of this important committee. He became one of the
principal actors on the tragic stage of the revolution, the drama of
peace and formation of the Federal government. He walked shoulder to
shoulder with Samuel Adams and John Hancock in the bold measures that
roused the lion from his lair--the people to their duty. At the Boston
tea party--in the opposition to the Port Bill--the impeachment of the
crown judges--the controversy with Gov. Hutchinson--non-intercourse with
Great Britain--Mr. Gerry stood firm as the granite shores of the Bay
State. Nor did he waver when Gov. Gage took the helm with a military
force to do his will and pleasure. When it was found that reason,
appeal, remonstrance--all fell upon his adamantine soul like dew upon
the desert of Sahara, the legitimate source of a righteous government
was resorted to--THE PEOPLE--who nobly sustained their leaders in the
hour of peril. Severe measures were adopted by parliament--the charter
of Massachusetts was altered by _ex-parte_ legislation--illegal taxes
were increased--the hirelings of the King became more insolent--the
indignation of the people rose like a tornado--colonial blood
flowed--the war cry was raised--the clash of arms commenced--the fury of
battle raged--the struggle was terrific--the lion was conquered--AMERICA
WAS FREE.
In all the thrilling scenes that passed in Massachusetts before his
election to Congress, Mr. Gerry took a leading part. He was an efficient
member of the Committee of Safety and Supplies that were for a time
virtually the government. In April 1775 he narrowly escaped the grasp of
his foes. The night previous to the battle of Lexington Messrs. Gerry,
Lee and Orne were at Cambridge through which the British passed on their
way to the opening scene of hostilities. When opposite the house where
these gentlemen were in bed a file of soldiers were suddenly detached
and approached it rapidly. The patriots barely escaped by the back way
in their linen. After the military had left they returned for their over
clothes and immediately roused the people to resistance. The night
previous to the death of his intimate friend, the brave Warren, Mr.
Gerry lodged with him. The anxiety they felt for their country induced
them to concert plans for future action rather than sleep. The lamented
hero of Bunker Hill appears to have had a presentiment of his premature
fate as indicated by the last words he uttered as they parted. "It is
sweet to die for our country."
In July 1775 the government of Massachusetts adopted a new form of
government. A legislature was organized and a judiciary established. Mr.
Gerry was appointed Judge of the Court of Admiralty but declined that he
might do more active service. On the 18th of January 1776 he was elected
to the Continental Congress. Fearless, cautious, prudent--he was the
kind of man to meet the momentous crisis of that eventful era. Standing
on a lofty eminence of public reputation he was hailed as an able
auxiliary in the cause of freedom. He had a place upon the most
important committees and performed his duties strictly. To speculators
and peculators that prowled around the public offices and army he was a
terror during the war. He introduced into Congress many salutary guards
against dishonest men who prey upon government like promethean vultures.
With its age and experience our republic is now occasionally tapped at
the jugular and gets a cut under the fifth rib--producing a laxity of
the sinews of power.
When the Declaration of Independence was proposed in Congress the soul
of Mr. Gerry was enraptured in its favor. He had long been prepared for
the measure and gave it his ardent support. When the thrilling moment
arrived for final action upon this important question he sanctioned it
by his vote and signature and rejoiced in the fulfilment of prophecy--_A
nation shall be born in a day_. He was continued in Congress and
faithfully discharged his duties with unabated zeal. The committee rooms
and the house were alike benefitted by his intelligence and extensive
experience in general business. He rendered efficient aid in reducing to
system every branch of the new government. He took a conspicuous part in
the debates upon the Articles of Confederation and was listened to with
great attention. He spoke well, reasoned closely--demonstrated clearly.
He was truly republican and opposed to everything that did not bear the
impress of sound sense, practical usefulness--equality of operation. For
these reasons he opposed a resolution of thanks to his bosom friend,
John Hancock, for his services as President of Congress. He said his
friend Hancock had done no more than to ably perform his duty--all the
members had done the same. It would be a singular entry upon the journal
to record a vote of thanks to each. Etiquette prevailed over sound
logic--the vote of thanks was passed--introducing a custom in the new
government that has long since lost all efficacy by too frequent use on
occasions of minor importance. Mr. Gerry was on the committee that
devised the plan of operations for the Northern army that resulted in
the capture of Burgoyne. He was upon the one to obtain supplies for army
and visited the camp of Washington in the winter of 1777. These
multiform duties strictly discharged are stronger encomiums upon his
talents, energy and patriotism than a volume of panegyric from the most
accomplished writer.
It has afforded me great pleasure to be able to frequently refer to the
religious and moral character of the members of the Continental
Congress. The fact is illustrated in the history of the men and
corroborated by the records of that body and responded to by the States.
In 1778 a resolution was passed in Congress recommending them to adopt
decisive measures against "theatrical entertainments, horse racing,
gaming and such other diversions as are productive of idleness,
dissipation and a general depravity of principles and manners." Another
resolution strictly enjoined upon the officers of the army--"to see that
the good and wholesome rules provided for the discountenancing of
profaneness and vice and the preservation of morals among the soldiers
are duly and punctually preserved." A third one was passed that would be
a sweeper if revived at the present day. It arose from a disposition on
the part of a few officers to disregard the one first cited and was a
supplement to that. "Resolved--That any person holding an office under
the United States who shall act, promote, encourage or attend such
plays--shall be deemed unworthy to hold such office and shall be
accordingly dismissed."
Mr. Gerry supported and voted for all these resolutions and for those
recommending days of fasting, humiliation and prayer. Sectarianism never
polluted the members of the Continental Congress. Charity was the bright
star in their diadem of fame. He was upon the grand committee of one
from each State to examine foreign affairs and the conduct of foreign
commissioners particularly that of Mr. Deane. This committee used the
probe freely and recommended Congress to use the amputating knife upon
every limb affected by the gangrene of political corruption. O! Jupiter!
what a slaughter such an operation would make at the present time. On
the 14th of October 1779 Mr. Gerry proposed the expedition against the
Indians which was successfully executed by Gen. Sullivan. He proposed a
resolution designed to guard against inducements to corrupt
influence--"No candidates for public office shall vote in or otherwise
influence their own election--that Congress will not appoint any member
thereof during its time of sitting or within six months after he shall
have been in Congress, to any office under the States for which he or
any other for his benefit may receive any salary, fees or emolument." It
was then lost but he revived and carried it in 1785. The principle has
since been partly adopted under the Federal Constitution. As a member of
the Committee of Finance he stood next to Robert Morris. In 1780 he
retired from Congress after an arduous and faithful service of five
years. In all situations and at all times he was energetic, zealous and
active in the cause of liberty. When his duties called him to the army
if there was any fighting on the tapis whilst he was in camp he always
took an active part. In the battle of Chestnut Hill he shouldered a
musket and entered the ranks. When Gen. Kniphausen engaged the American
army at Springfield Mr. Gerry took his station by the side of Washington
who invested him with a volunteer command during his stay.
The second year after his retirement he again took his seat in Congress.
The business of the nation was then more perplexing than in the heat of
the war. An empty treasury, a prostrate credit, an enormous debt
presented a fearful aspect. To aid in bringing order out of chaos he was
of great service. Committee labors were piled upon his shoulders as if
he was an Atlas to carry the world or an Atalanta in the celerity of
business. The local feelings and interests of the states had become
effervescent. The half pay for life guaranteed to all officers who
remained in the army during the war was satisfactory to but a few. This
was settled by compounding the annuity for five years full pay. In 1784
he was on the important Committee of Foreign Relations--on the one to
revise the Treasury Department. The same session he presented a
resolution for the compensation of Baron Steuben who had rendered
immense services by introducing a system of military tactics and
discipline into the American army by which it was governed and which was
strictly adhered to long after the Revolution. It was warmly supported
by Mr. Jefferson and others but was lost, charity would suggest, in
consequence of the embarrassed state of the finances. In 1785 Mr. Gerry
closed his services in Congress and retired to Cambridge near Boston,
with all the honors of a pure patriot crowned with the sincere gratitude
of a nation of freemen.
Time soon developed to the sages of the Revolution that the Articles of
Confederation that bound the colonies together when impending dangers
and one common interest created a natural cement--were not sufficient to
secure the liberty they had achieved. Local interests engendered
jealousies, these produced dissatisfaction and this threatened to
involve the government in anarchy. To remedy these evils Mr. Madison
made a proposition that each state send delegates to a convention which
convened in May 1781 at Philadelphia and framed the Federal Constitution
in which Mr. Gerry took a very active part. He was amongst those who did
not sanction or sign that instrument. For this act, dictated by his
conscience, he was liberally abused by out door cynical partisans--not
by the noble minded statesmen who differed with him in opinion--all
honest in their views and patriotic in their motives. They soared above
the acrimonious scurrility of venal party spirit. After the constitution
was adopted no one adhered to it more strictly than Mr. Gerry--always
holding sacred the great republican principle--_the majority must rule
and be obeyed_. He was a member of the first Congress under it and did
much toward raising the beautiful superstructure now towering sublimely
upon its broad basis. He served four years and again sought retirement.
This was transient.
In 1797 the relations between our country and France had assumed a
portentous aspect. President Adams determined on sending an able embassy
to that government--to make a strong effort to conclude an amicable
arrangement of difficulties before appealing to arms. Gen. Pinckney was
then there. Mr. Gerry and Mr. Marshall, since Chief Justice of the
United States, were appointed to join him, each empowered to act
collectively or separately as a sound discretion should dictate. On
their arrival the French Directory refused to recognize them. To prevent
an immediate rupture--prudence and patriotism were necessary. After many
fruitless attempts to enter upon a negotiation Messrs. Pinckney and
Marshall were peremptorily ordered home and Mr. Gerry recognized as the
official organ of the United States. By his discreet, firm and manly
course he effected a settlement and prevented a war that seemed
inevitable.
In 1805 he was a member of the electoral college. Although his state was
decidedly federal he was elected governor in 1810 by the republican
party by a large majority--conclusive evidence of his great popularity.
He never entered into partisan feelings. In his first message he lucidly
portrayed the danger of high toned party spirit. He felt and acted for
his whole country. For many years he had anxiously desired to be excused
from public duties but no excuse was accepted. In 1813 he was
inaugurated Vice President of the United States. He discharged the
duties of the office with great ability and dignity. His impartiality,
correctness and candor gained for him the esteem of the elevated body
over which he presided to the last day of his eventful and useful
life--teaching by example his favorite precept--"It is the duty of every
citizen though he may have but one day to live to devote that day to the
service of his country." At the city of Washington a beautiful monument
is erected to his memory with an inscription as follows.
THE TOMB OF
ELBRIDGE GERRY,
VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
WHO DIED SUDDENLY IN THIS CITY ON HIS WAY TO THE
CAPITOL, AS PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE,
NOVEMBER 23D, 1814,
AGED 70.
In the review of the life of Elbridge Gerry the pure patriot finds much
to admire--the Christian nothing to condemn. Partisans may censure
because he kept aloof from high toned party spirit--the maelstrom of
nations that once were but now are not. His examples of devotedness to
the good of his country, his untiring industry, his intelligence, his
moral worth--are all worthy of imitation and shed a rich unfading lustre
upon his character. He discharged all the duties of private life with
the strictest fidelity. He was useful in every station where duty
called, no perils retarded his onward course towards the goal of RIGHT.
His purposes were deliberately formed and boldly executed. He was an
honor to our country, the cause of freedom and enlightened,
philanthropic and liberal legislation. He was a noble specimen of
unalloyed patriotism--a patriotism that must be widely diffused among
the increasing masses of our expanding country--then our UNION will be
preserved--our land continue to be what it now is--THE LAND OF THE
BRAVE--THE HOME OF THE FREE.
NATHANIEL GREENE.
The history of the American Revolution will be read with intense
interest through all time whether presented as a ponderous whole or in
sections. Its most attractive form to the impatient and romantic reader
is the delineation of noble and god like individual action. Numerous
bold exploits were performed--hair-breadth escapes made by the private
soldier that had an exciting ephemeral history worthy of record which is
now buried with the meritorious actor and his immediate acquaintances.
Some thrilling stories will have a more protracted existence in the
annals of tradition but will ultimately lose their freshness, wither and
die. Truthful living tradition belongs to the red man--not to us. In all
nations--from the barbarous up to the refined civilized, the glory of
the battle field has been awarded to the leaders who planned--not to the
soldiers who executed. In our republican land of professed equality
partial inroads upon this rule have been made. In our common militia and
volunteer companies the soldier is often equal and sometimes superior to
his commanding officer in point of talent and weight of character. This
can rarely be the case among an oppressed people and still more rarely
would the existing fact be admitted. During the revolution merit was
clothed with its true dignity more than now. Many who stood upon this
first legitimate stepping stone to office ascended from the ranks of the
army to high commands--from the retired walks of life to the
legislative halls and posts of honor in the various departments of
government. The frame-work of the most liberal military system is
adverse to the recognition of individual merit below the officer. The
case must be very extraordinary to be officially announced. Hence large
standing armies bind in the fetters of ignorance a vast amount of
intellect that would be brought into mellow life and usefulness in a
free enlightened republican government like our own.
Among the Heroes of the American Revolution whose merit brought him into
notice was Nathaniel Greene, born at the town of Warwick, Rhode Island,
in 1741. His parents were respectable members of the Society of
Friends--of course opposed to the profession of arms. His father was an
anchor manufacturer and gave his son a limited chance to obtain a common
education. With this the mind of Nathaniel was not content. He pursued
his studies every leisure hour and with his extra earnings purchased
books. He mastered the Latin with but little aid from an instructor. The
history of military chieftains he read with great delight. When he
arrived at manhood he was a good mechanic and a bright scholar. For a
time he followed the business of making anchors for vessels but was soon
called to the more important work of aiding in the construction of the
sheet anchor of FREEDOM. At an early age he was elected a member of the
legislature where he became a conspicuous advocate of equal rights and
boldly opposed the usurpations of mother Britain. His course obtained
for him an expulsion from the Society of Friends and the esteem of every
patriot. I respect the Quakers but not this paradox in their creed. They
profess to love liberty--but few of them are willing to pay its price in
coin--none of them can bear arms without excommunication.
On his return from the Assembly Nathaniel enrolled himself a private in
a military corps that was suggested and formed by himself and chartered
under the title of the _Kentish Guards_. It was placed under the command
of Gen. Varnum. In 1775 the little patriotic state of Rhode Island
raised three regiments--in all sixteen hundred rank and file--officered
by the most distinguished military characters of the colony. No one
could have been more surprised than young Greene on receiving the
commission of Brigadier General. He was put in command of this small
brigade and immediately marched them to head quarters at Cambridge,
Mass. He applied himself closely to the study of military tactics and
soon became an excellent disciplinarian--an able officer. For
correctness of evolution, subordination and good order--his was a model
brigade. His merits were quickly discovered by the acute Washington who
often consulted him with confidence in cases of doubt and difficulty.
This confidence he communicated to Congress. It arose from two strong
points--Greene had superior talents and was a Christian. On the 26th of
August 1776 Greene was commissioned a Major General of the regular army
of the United States and put forth his noblest exertions to promote the
interests of his bleeding country. At the battles of Trenton and
Princeton he exhibited great skill and judicious conduct. At the battle
of Germantown he commanded the left wing of the army and received the
unqualified approbation of Washington for his coolness and bravery. In
March 1778 he accepted the appointment of Quarter Master General
retaining his rank and right to command in time of action according to
the seniority of his commission. At the victorious battle of Monmouth he
commanded the right wing of the army and led his troops to the onset
with the terrific force of an avalanche.
In the siege of the British garrison at Newport, R.I. he served under
Gen. Sullivan. When it was found necessary to retreat in consequence of
the dispersion of the French fleet by a storm which prevented it from
rendering the contemplated aid, the army was greatly indebted to the
judgment and skill of Gen. Greene in extricating it from a perilous
position.
The British power being measurably paralyzed in the north Lord
Cornwallis turned his attention to the south where the defences were
less--the plunder more. On the 26th of December 1779 he commenced his
movement and landed thirty miles from Charleston, S.C. on the 11th of
February ensuing. He then commenced the work of destruction and
brutality with increased rigor. No respect was paid to private property,
religious sanctity or defenceless females. After a spirited defence
Charleston was compelled to surrender. The British carried dismay,
victory and death in their whole course. Plunder, rapine and murder were
the order of the day. _Booty_ and _beauty_ were the watch words of his
most Christian majesty's officers and soldiers.
Under these heart rending circumstances Washington directed Gen. Greene
to take command of the Southern army. In company with the brave Morgan
he arrived at Charlotte on the 2d of December 1780. The so called army
numbered 970 regulars--1013 militia, destitute of military stores,
unpaid, nearly naked, poorly fed and no government supplies nearer than
two hundred miles. Opposed was a powerful army rich in plunder, flushed
with victory, liberally paid, abundantly fed, well clothed and amply
supplied with military stores of every kind. The front view of the
picture was dark and gloomy--on the back ground Greene and Morgan saw
the rays of hope shedding their cheering beams on the spire of Liberty.
Gen. Greene went to work for dear life. By his amiable deportment he
gained the love and confidence of his soldiers--the esteem and respect
of the inhabitants. From the surrounding country he gained short
supplies and raised a few recruits. He despatched Gen. Morgan with a
small force to the western part of the state which gave fresh courage to
the patriots of that section. By a falling into the ranks the force of
Morgan increased so much that Cornwallis ordered Col. Tarleton to
disperse this band of rebels and put all to the sword who did not
surrender at discretion. On the 17th of January 1781, Tarleton came up
to this rough and ready party at the Cowpens. Although his force was
inferior in numbers and two-thirds raw militia, Gen. Morgan determined
to stand fire. Sure of an easy victory the proud Britons rushed on to
action and were as much astonished to meet with an unbroken line
streaming with fire as if they had been brought up all standing against
an unperceived wire fence across the high way. Tarleton roared, foamed,
raved and commanded his men to _charge_. Again the blazing streams of
fire illuminated the lines of Morgan whose troops rushed upon the broken
ranks of the enemy with the fury of a tornado. The struggle was short,
the victory complete, the amazement of Tarleton paralyzing. Besides the
killed, over five hundred of the enemy were taken prisoners and a
convenient amount of the munitions of war fell into the hands of the
victors. Supposing he had crushed the rebel power in the south
Cornwallis was astounded at the result of this hasty recreative
expedition. He immediately marched in pursuit of Morgan determined to
rescue the prisoners and wipe out the disgrace Tarleton had brought upon
the British arms. The hero of the Cowpens was too old a fox to be easily
caught. He could do some things as well as others. He was as skilful in
retreat as he was desperate in battle. He knew when, where and how to
fight. He was courageous, not rash--bold, not imprudent and as watchful
as an Argus. He effected a junction with Gen. Greene on the 7th of
February. The chagrined Cornwallis advanced rapidly determined to
annihilate the little American army at one fell swoop. Greene retreated
into Virginia where he added to his numbers and supplies. So confident
was the British general of overtaking him that he destroyed his heavy
baggage to accelerate his movements. The patriots were not thus
encumbered. Many of them had only their arms and remnants of tattered
garments, being obliged to place tufts of moss on their shoulders to
prevent the friction of the cartouch straps. To the pursuing enemy the
Americans seemed an _ignis fatuus_--often to be seen but never reached.
The chase was abandoned. In turn Greene annoyed Cornwallis by cutting
off his supplies, capturing foraging parties and constantly watching
all his movements. His situation became perilous, his numbers were
constantly growing less by capture, desertion and disease. His supplies
cost blood as well as treasure--the force of Greene was constantly
augmenting--the tables were turned--he retreated to Hillsborough where
he endeavored to raise new recruits by liberal offers of British gold.
The yellow dust had lost its magic charm on Americans--patriotism was
the more current coin.
Unwilling to be long separated from the noble lord, Green paid him a
visit on the 15th of March. The interview took place at Guilford court
house between one and two o'clock P. M. and continued nearly two hours.
Owing to the militia that formed the front line flying at the sight of
the red coats the Americans were obliged to give ground and make it a
drawn battle--but the meeting was a sad one for Cornwallis. His loss was
532 killed, wounded and missing, among whom were several of his most
distinguished officers. So crippled was the British army that a
precipitate retreat to Wilmington was ordered leaving those of the
wounded who were not able to march. The loss of Gen. Greene was about
400 killed and wounded. Cornwallis claimed the victory--one not very
auspicious to his military glory or royal master. Gen. Greene commenced
offensive operations. He determined on attacking Lord Rawdon who was
strongly fortified at Camden S. C. with 900 men. The American forces
amounted to only 700 and encamped within a mile of the British lines
cutting off all supplies from the enemy. Anticipating a reinforcement to
the little army of Gen. Greene and being on short allowance his lordship
made a sally on the 25th of April and boldly attacked the offending
invaders. For some time victory perched upon the brow of Greene--his
cavalry had taken over two hundred prisoners. One of his regiments made
a move which compelled him to retreat with a loss of about 200 killed,
wounded and prisoners. The loss of Lord Rawdon was 258. So flushed was
the British general with this dear victory that he fled from Camden
leaving his sick and wounded to the care of those who he knew would care
for them. The back handed victories of Guilford and Camden so paralyzed
the enemy that they soon abandoned a number of small
fortifications--large quantities of military stores and concentrated a
considerable force at the strong garrison of Ninety Six. On the 22d of
May Greene commenced a siege upon that place but modestly retired to
give place to three regiments of strangers fresh from England. Before
doing this he made an unsuccessful assault at a cost of about 150 men.
But for the reinforcements the garrison would have shortly surrendered.
During the ensuing two months nothing but skirmishing occurred. On the
9th of September the army of Gen. Greene had increased to 2000 men. The
division of the British army under Col. Stewart was posted at Eutaw
Springs. An immediate attack was made by the Americans in the following
order. As he approached the enemy Gen. Greene formed his troops in two
lines--the first composed of Carolina militia under Generals Marion,
Pickens and Col. de Malmedy. The second was composed of regulars under
Gen. Sumpter, Lieut. Col. Campbell and Col. Williams. Lieut. Col. Lee
covered the right flank with his legion--Lieut. Henderson covered the
left with the state troops. The cavalry under Col. Washington and the
Delaware troops under Capt. Kirkwood were held in reserve. Scarcely was
the line of battle completed when the British rapidly advanced. The
Americans met the onset with the bravery of veterans but were compelled
to give way. The battle raged with fearful fury. All depended on a
sudden and desperate movement. Gen. Greene ordered the Virginia and
Maryland regulars to advance with trailed arms--facing a shower of
musket and grape shot. The order was instantly obeyed--they broke the
lines of the British and drove them some distance to a thicket of trees
and brick houses where they rallied and took a stand. The Americans took
over 500 prisoners and remained on the field of battle. Under cover of
night Col. Stewart retreated towards Charleston leaving 70 of his
wounded and 1000 stand of arms. His total loss in men was near
1200--that of Greene 500 in killed and wounded. The English had the
largest force in action. For this display of skill and bravery Congress
presented Gen. Greene with a British standard and gold medal. What was
dearer to him than all else--he received the high approbation of
Washington and his country. From that time the torch of kingly power
rapidly decreased until its last flickering light expired. For a time
Charleston was occupied by the crown troops--offensive operations they
dare not undertake only by small and transient _booty_ and _beauty_
squads.
It may seem mysterious to the young readers why soldiers fought so
valiantly who were poorly paid, scantily fed and scarcely clothed.
Hundreds of them were entirely naked at the Eutaw battle. Their loins
were galled severely by their cartouch boxes. It was considered a great
favor to obtain a folded rag to lay on the scarified part. Their food
was often a scanty supply of rice or a few roasted potatoes. The
officers suffered alike with the common soldiers. Gen. Greene was in the
southern field seven consecutive months without taking off his clothes
to retire for a night. _Love of liberty and love of their leading
general and his brave officers_ kept these soldiers together and
rendered them desperate on the field of battle. This removes the
mystery. If all could be made to realize the price of our Liberty,
political asperity and party spirit would hide their polluting forms
under the mantle of shame and retire to the peaceful shades of oblivion.
Reader--never forget the blood, treasure and anguish your Liberty cost.
Finding that the wary Greene could not be conquered by force of arms
British gold was once more put in requisition by the enemy. Several
native foreigners had deserted to the English and were induced to form a
plan to deliver up Gen. Greene and his principal officers. A sergeant
and two domestics attached to the person of the General were bribed and
in correspondence with the British. A time was fixed to deliver him and
every officer of rank to the enemy. As usual a guardian angel was there.
A female heard some unguarded expressions from the sergeant and promptly
informed Gen. Greene. The troops were at once ordered on parade--the
sergeant was arrested--confessed his guilt, was condemned and shot. When
led to execution he warned all not to sully their glory or forego the
advantages they would speedily realize from the successful termination
of the war and if a thought of desertion was in their bosoms to banish
it at once and for ever. He acknowledged the justice of his
sentence--distributed his little all among his comrades--gave the signal
and paid the penalty of his crime. Thus was a base and cowardly plot
detected by angelic woman--the ringleader executed and the southern army
saved from probable destruction. Not a single _native American_ was
concerned in this conspiracy.
Another circumstance occurred shortly after this that marred the
happiness of Gen. Greene for a little time. The appointment of Col.
Laurens to a command in their little army gave great umbrage to the
officers generally who immediately tendered their resignation to the
General. He affectionately recommended them to appeal to Congress for
redress and not desert the noble cause of Liberty prematurely. They
seemed determined in their course--he reluctantly received their
commissions. On being separated from him their attachment was fully
revealed to them. They found it impossible to leave their beloved
General--again took their commissions and followed his advice. No
officer could gain the affections of those under him more fully than did
Gen. Greene. Kindness and even handed justice to all were amongst his
marked characteristics. He shared the hardship and glory of the field
with his soldiers. He did all in his power to supply their wants and
alleviate their distress. By example and precept he taught his men to
meet calamity with heroic fortitude, pointing to the goal of liberty as
a final rest from the toils of war--to realms of bliss beyond the skies
as the eternal rest of the virtuous and good.
Early in October the last lion was caged at Yorktown. There the struggle
closed--there the victorious Cornwallis--the pride of mother Britain,
was humbled, the shouts of victory and the clarion of freedom sounded
and the sons of Columbia crowned with laurels of enduring fame. The
battles of Gen. Greene were finished. He had served his country long and
faithfully. He had surmounted the mighty barriers that opposed him--he
had contributed largely in breaking the chains of slavery--Liberty had
triumphed over despotism--his country was free, and was acknowledged
independent by the power that had long sought to enslave it. Gentle
peace shed fresh lustre on the care-worn countenances of the sages and
heroes and diffused her refulgent rays from the shores of the broad
Atlantic to the silver lakes of the far west.
On his way home Gen. Greene was hailed with grateful enthusiasm in every
town through which he passed. On his arrival at Princeton Congress was
in session there. As a testimony of respect for his valuable services
that body presented him with two pieces of ordnance taken from the
British army. The state of Georgia presented him with a valuable
plantation near Savannah. The State of South Carolina conveyed to him a
large tract of rich land which he sold to enable him to pay debts
contracted to obtain supplies for his soldiers. In the autumn of 1785 he
removed to his plantation in Georgia anticipating all the enjoyment of
domestic felicity. This was of short duration. On the 12th of June 1786
he was attacked with inflammation upon his brain caused by a stroke of
the sun and on the 19th of that month his spirit returned to the bosom
of his God. Thus closed the brilliant career of one of the most
distinguished sons of the Revolution. From his childhood to his grave he
was the pride of his friends, a shining light to his country--a blessing
to our nation. He was a prudent and brave general, an accomplished
gentleman, a good citizen, an honest man, a consistent Christian. His
character was pure as the crystal fountain--his fame enduring as the
records of time. His examples are models for imitation, his history is
full of instruction, his merits worthy of our highest admiration. His
faults were completely eclipsed by the brilliancy of his superior
worth.
BUTTON GWINNETT.
False honor like false religion is worse than none. They both lead to
destruction and are deprecated by all good men. The one is a relic of
the barbarous ages--the other is older, having first been imposed on
mother Eve amidst the amaranthine bowers of Eden. Inconsistency is an
incubus that assumes numerous forms. In some shape it hangs over every
nation and most individuals. It is human nature to err--but some errors
are so plainly a violation of reason and common sense that it is passing
strange sound men do not avoid them. Yet we often see those of high
attainments rush into the whirlpool of inconsistency with a blind
infatuation that the fine spun rules of the acutest sophistry cannot
justify.
One of the fallacious and opprobrious inconsistencies that now disgraces
our nation is duelling. Many in this country boast of our intellectual
light and mourn over the ignorance of the poor untutored red man. In
turn he can point us to a dark spot on our national character that never
tarnished the name of a western or eastern Indian. This bohun upas
thrives only in communities that claim civilization. In no country has
it been tolerated with so much impunity as in our own. By our law it is
murder. In no instance has this law been enforced. Widows may mourn,
orphans languish, hearts bleed, our statesmen perish and the murderer
still run at large and be treated by many with more deference than if
his hands were not stained with blood. This foul stigma upon the
American name should be washed out speedily and effectually. Let the
combined powers of public opinion, legislative, judicial and executive
action be brought to bear upon it with the force of a rushing avalanche.
Flagrant crimes are suppressed only by strong measures.
Among the victims of this barbarous practice was Button Gwinnett, a man
of splendid talents and a patriot of the American Revolution. He was
born in England in 1732. His parents were respectable but not wealthy.
Being a boy of promise they bestowed on him a good education. At his
majority he commenced a successful mercantile career at Bristol in his
native country. Surrounded by a large family he resolved on changing his
location and came to Charleston S. C. in 1770, where he pursued
merchandizing two years. He then sold out his store, purchased a
plantation on St. Catharine Island, Georgia, to which he removed and
became an enterprising agriculturist. He possessed an active mind and
was a close observer of passing events. Having resided in England during
the formation of the visionary and impolitic plan of taxing the
colonies, he understood well the frame-work of the British cabinet. From
the course he promptly pursued it is plain he was a Whig in England. The
subject of raising revenue from the colonies of the new world had been
fully and ably discussed in Great Britain. Many of her profound
statesmen had portrayed, with all the truth of prophecy, the result of
the blind unjust course of ministers towards the Americans. The most
sagacious English statesman then in Parliament, Lord Chatham, exerted
his noblest powers to bring the cabinet to a sense of common
justice--the only path of safety. Mingling with intelligent men at
Bristol, Mr. Gwinnett had become well informed upon the litigated points
in controversy and was well acquainted with the relative feelings and
situation of the two countries. When the question of liberty or slavery
was placed before the people of his adopted land he declared in favor of
freedom. Knowing the superior physical force of Great Britain and the
weakness of the colonies, a successful resistance seemed to him
problematical. His doubts upon the subject were removed by the
enthusiasm of the patriots generally and especially by the lucid
demonstrations of Lyman Hall, a bold and fearless advocate of equal
rights with whom he became intimate. Convinced of the justice and
possible success of the cause he at once became a champion in its favor.
He had counted the cost, he had revolved in his mind the dangers that
would accumulate around him and truly predicted his property would be
destroyed by the devastating enemy--yet he nobly resolved to risk his
life, fortune and honor in defence of chartered rights and
constitutional franchises.