THE ORATORS—DEMOSTHENES, ISOCRATES
Though the Attic orators constitute a very important source for our
knowledge of economic conditions in Athens, they furnish but little
definite material for a history of Greek economic thought. From the
standpoint of theory, their chief value consists in the fact that they
all reveal a positive interest in wealth and all the phenomena of
practical economy. In this respect, they present a striking contrast to
the negative attitude of the Socratics, and thus serve to correct our
conception of the economic ideas of the average Athenian citizen.
Specific consideration need be given only to Demosthenes and Isocrates.
The positive interest of Demosthenes in commerce and finance has already
been indicated by some passages,[487] and this fact is so evident
throughout all his orations that further citations are unnecessary.
Instead, we may note briefly some slight hints in him of the negative
moral attitude of the philosophers. He emphasizes the dominating
influence of money in warping the judgments of men.[488] He praises the
simple life of the previous generation, and criticizes in contrast the
private luxury of his own day.[489] According to him, it is considered
to be rare for a business man to be both diligent (φιλεργόν) and honest
(χρηστόν).[490] In his assertion that poverty compels freemen to turn to
menial work (δουλικά) and that many freewomen (ἀσταί) have been driven
by the stress of the times to such vocations,[491] some aristocratic
prejudice against common labor seems to be implied. A similar attitude
toward traders and money-dealers is at least suggested by his question
as to what is the worst (πονηρότατον) element in the state.[492] His
scornful mention of Stephanus as one who loans money at interest, and
takes advantage of another’s need,[493] is a slight reminder of the
philosophic prejudice against interest, though here he is doubtless
emphasizing loans for consumption merely, at an exorbitant rate.[494]
But these traces of the Socratic attitude toward wealth are of very
little significance, in the face of the evident economic interest that
characterizes all the orations of Demosthenes.
Isocrates may, in a sense, be reckoned among the Socratics, and he
exhibits more of their spirit in relation to wealth than do any of the
other orators. He would have men strive for honest character rather than
for wealth, since it is not always gain to acquire and loss to spend.
The result depends rather upon the occasion and virtue.[495] Noble
character is of more value than great riches,[496] for good reputation
is not purchasable (ὠνητή) with money, but is itself the source of
material possessions, and it is immortal, while wealth is only
temporal.[497] Material and spiritual wealth are thus contrasted in true
Socratic manner;[498] right use is emphasized,[499] and the common
insatiety and injustice of money-makers is opposed.[500] Folly and
license are named as the usual accompaniments of wealth, in contrast to
the moderation that characterizes the poor and lowly.[501] But, like
Plato, Isocrates considers neither luxury nor penury to be the ideal
condition,[502] and clearly appreciates the evil effect of poverty in
arousing discontent and civic strife in the state.[503]
But despite this moralizing tendency, he agrees with the other orators
in appreciating highly the economic importance of the manual arts.[504]
He points also, with apparent pride, to the extensive commerce of Athens
as compared with that of other states,[505] and one of his chief
arguments for peace is that thereby the city will be filled with
merchants and strangers and metics.[506] This entire plea for peace,
which he bases so largely on economic advantage, has a decidedly modern
ring. He understood well the importance of industrial development in the
general prosperity of a democracy. In almost Aristotelian language, he
pictures how in the good old days the rich were accustomed to give the
poor a start in business (ἀφορμή), either in agriculture, trade, or the
arts.[507] This positive economic interest is further evidenced by his
emphasis upon the increased skill that results from the application of
the division of labor.[508]
Isocrates, like Plato, was especially opposed to civic strife and the
extreme individualistic communism that demanded a redivision of lands
and abolition of debts.[509] In the ideal past of his dreams, there were
no extremes of wealth and poverty, private property was safe, and
revolutions did not rend the state. Now, on the other hand, all is
changed. Sparta is the only state that has not been torn by the bitter
party strife.[510] He contrasts the high regard in which the wealthy
were held in his boyhood with the present jealous discontent. To be
known as a wealthy man now is almost equivalent to being considered
criminal and is a thing for which to apologize.[511] This attitude
toward the rich, of which Isocrates complains, is significant in the
light of similar tendencies in our own democracy today.
Again, in agreement with Plato and Aristotle, Isocrates opposes the
doctrine of mere arithmetical equality, and insists that the true
equality apportions to each what befits his capacity.[512] But though he
is hostile to the crasser type of communism, he makes the chief
characteristic of the ideal past a noble community feeling and spirit of
co-operation. In that happy time, the common weal was first in the
thought of all, each had regard for others’ interests, the poor were not
jealous of the rich, and the rich assisted the poor.[513] At times, he
even approaches the modern humanitarian sentiment for the submerged
classes. He defines true national prosperity as a condition in which no
citizen is lacking the means of livelihood,[514] and thinks the poor
might well be pardoned for their indifference to public welfare, in
their anxiety over the daily means of subsistence.[515] He also states
the somewhat socialistic principle so emphasized by Plato, that the
character of the state will be like that of the ruler.[516]
Footnote 487:
E.g., p. 106, n. 3, citing _Or._ xxxvi. 44 on πίστις.
Footnote 488:
_Peace_ 12, though the emphasis is on bribery.
Footnote 489:
_Olynth._ iii. 25 f.; _Cont. Aristoc._ xxiii. 207 f.; _Or._ xiii. 29
f. (Dem.), though the emphasis in all is upon patriotism. In these
passages, he idealizes the past in the manner of Isocrates; cf.
_infra_, p. 143. n. 8.
Footnote 490:
_Or._ xxxvi. 44, _For Phormio_.
Footnote 491:
_Or._ lvii 45.
Footnote 492:
_Cont. Aristoc._ 146; _Cont. Aristog._ xxv. 46, his scornful
figurative use of the term κάπηλος.
Footnote 493:
_Cont. Steph._ i. 70: ἀλλὰ τοκίζων καὶ τὰς τῶν ἄλλων συμφορὰς καὶ
χρειὰς εὐτυχήματα σαυτοῦ νομίζων.
Footnote 494:
_Olynth._ i. 15, referring to those who borrow money at high interest,
and thus lose their property, may also be noted. Cf. pp. 105 f. and
notes.
Footnote 495:
_Nicocl._ 3. 50, against injustice in money-making.
Footnote 496:
_Ibid._ 59.
Footnote 497:
_Cont. Nicocl._ (2). 32; _Peace_ 32; cf. p. 26, n. 1, for Plato’s
idea.
Footnote 498:
Cf. also _Paneg._ 76.
Footnote 499:
_Cont. Nicocl._ (2). 4.
Footnote 500:
_Peace_ 7; moderation in money-making is most difficult for most men;
cf. also 34 and 93 f.
Footnote 501:
_Areop._ 4.
Footnote 502:
_Cont. Nicocl._ 2; _Panath._ 184.
Footnote 503:
_Areop._ 51, 53, 83; νῦν δὲ πλείους εἰσίν οἱ σπανίζοντες τῶν ἐχόντων,
a striking commentary on the economic conditions in the Athens of his
day. In 44, poverty is called a source of crime. All these passages
idealize the past.
Footnote 504:
_Paneg._ 29, 33, 40; _Areop._ 74. But cf. _Panath._ 29 for a hint of
prejudice against them.
Footnote 505:
_Paneg._ 42.
Footnote 506:
_Peace_ 20 f.
Footnote 507:
_Areop._ 32 f.; cf. _infra_, p. 97, n. 6, for a fuller interpretation
of Aristotle’s passage; cf. _Letter to Timoth._ 3; _Areop._ 44.
Footnote 508:
_Bousiris_ 16.
Footnote 509:
_Areop._ 35.
Footnote 510:
_Panath._ 259; _Paneg._ 79; cf. also citations on poverty, above.
Footnote 511:
_Or._ 15. 159 f.
Footnote 512:
_Areop._ 21 f.
Footnote 513:
_Areop._ 35: αἱ δὲ χρήσεις κοιναί; 31 f., 51; for further mention of
these idealizations of ancient Athens and Sparta, cf. _infra_, p. 143,
n. 8.
Footnote 514:
_Areop._ 53.
Footnote 515:
_Ibid._ 83: ὁπόθεν τὴν ἀεὶ παροῦσαν ἡμέραν διάξουσιν.
Footnote 516:
_Cont. Nicocl._ 31: ὅτι τὸ τῆς πόλεως ὅλης ἢθος ὁμοιοῦται τοῖς
ἄρχουσιν.