FIRST DAYS OF EXILE, 1554.
From England Knox went to Dieppe, where he sojourned at this time for a
month, and finished his exposition of the sixth Psalm, the first
instalment of which he had sent to Mrs. Bowes just before leaving the
shores of Britain. This production was primarily designed for the
consolation and encouragement of that lady, who, as we have already
hinted, seems to have been afflicted with religious melancholy.
Apparently she was one of those, of whom every pastor has had some
experience, who believe that God has cast them off, and who while
"fearing the Lord," yet "walk in darkness and have no light." Her life
was one constant wrestle with spiritual depression, by which her
intimate friends were afflicted almost as much as she was herself.
Knox dealt with her most tenderly, and under the influence of his wise
words she regained her comfort for a time, but after a little she was
in the depths again, and the whole process had to be gone over with her
anew. Had she lived in modern days, a prudent friend would have
counselled her to consult a skilful physician, {72} and would have
sought to combine medical treatment with religious advice. We cannot
wonder, however, that we have nothing in this tractate bearing on that
aspect of the matter. The writer deals throughout with the malady as
spiritual, but he treats it most wisely, and the great well of
tenderness in his heart reveals itself to the reader in such a passage
as the following:[1] "These things put I you in mind of, beloved
mother, that albeit your pains sometimes be so horrible that no release
nor comfort ye find neither in spirit nor yet in body, yet if the heart
can only _sob unto_ God, despair not, you shall obtain your heart's
desire, and destitute you are not of faith. For at such time as the
flesh, natural reason, the law of God, the present torment, and the
devil at once do cry God is angry, and therefore is there neither help
nor remedy to be hoped for at His hands; at such time, I say, to sob
unto God is the demonstration of the secret seed of God which is hid in
God's elect children, and that only sob is unto God a more acceptable
sacrifice than, without this cross, to give our bodies to be burned
even for the truth's sake." Very comprehensive also is this expansion
of the second petition of the Lord's Prayer in the same treatise.[2]
"We are commanded daily to pray, 'Thy kingdom come,' which petition
asketh that sin may cease, that death may be devoured, that transitory
troubles may have an end, that Satan may be trodden under our feet,
that the whole {73} body of Christ may be restored to life, liberty,
and joy, that the powers and kingdoms of this earth may be dissolved
and destroyed, and that God the Father may be all in all things, after
that His Son Christ Jesus, the Saviour, hath rendered up the kingdom
for ever." And in these days when so much is written, both wise and
otherwise, on the subject of eschatology, some interest may be felt in
the following "bit" of exposition. "'For there is no remembrance of
Thee in death; who laudeth Thee in the pit?' As (if) David would say,
'O Lord, how shall I pray and declare Thy goodness when I am dead, and
gone into the grave? It is not the ordinary course to have Thy
miracles and wondrous works preached unto men by those that are buried
and gone down into the pit. Those that are dead make no mention of
Thee in the earth, and therefore, O Lord, spare Thy servant, that yet
for a time I may show and witness Thy wondrous works unto mankind.'
These most godly affections in David did engender in him a vehement
horror and fear of death, besides that which is natural and common to
all men, because he perfectly understood that by death he shall be
lettit (hindered) any further to advance the glory of God. Of the same
he complaineth most vehemently in the 88th Psalm, where apparently he
taketh from them that are dead, sense, remembrance, feeling, and
understanding, alleging that God worketh no miracles by the dead, that
the goodness of God cannot be preached in the grave, nor His faith in
perdition, and that His marvellous works {74} are not known in
darkness. By which speeches we may not understand that David taketh
all sense and feeling from the dead, neither yet that they who are dead
in Christ are in such estate that by God they have not consolation and
life. No; Christ Himself doth witness the contrary. But David so
vehemently depresses their estate and condition, because that after
death they are deprived from (of) all ordinary ministration in the Kirk
of God. None of those that are departed are appointed to be preachers
of God's glory unto mankind. But after death they cease any more to
advance God's holy name here among the living on earth, and so shall
even they in that behalf be unprofitable to the congregation as
touching anything that they can do, either in body or soul after death.
And therefore most earnestly desired David to live in Israel for the
further manifestation of God's glory."[3]
Appended to this tract there is the date "upon the very point of my
journey, the last of February, 1553(4), so that Knox left Dieppe about
the beginning of March, but before his departure he finished and
transmitted the first of that series of admonitions and consolatory
epistles which during his exile on the continent he addressed to his
friends in England, and from which we have already quoted so many
passages throwing light upon his labours among them. This earliest of
the series is entitled "A Godly Letter of Warning or Admonition to the
Faithful in London, Newcastle, and Berwick," {75} and is written in a
strain of burning and impassioned expostulation. It is mainly founded
on the sermon preached by Jeremiah to the princes and all the people of
Judah in the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim, as recorded in the
26th chapter of his prophecies. Knox runs a skilful parallel between
the circumstances of the Jews before the destruction of their capital
by Nebuchadnezzar, and those of the people of England under Mary, and
with the presage of coming judgment darkening his spirit, he exhorts
the "remnant" to fidelity and earnestness. One extract will give the
reader some slight idea of its style and purport. [4]"Hitherto have I
recited the estate of Judah before the destruction of Jerusalem and
subversion of that commonwealth. Now I appeal to the conscience of any
indifferent (_i.e._ impartial) man in what one point differ the
manners, estate and regiment (_i.e._ government) of England this day
from the abuse and estate rehearsed of Judah in these days, except that
they had a king, a man of his own nature (as appeared), more facile
than cruel, who sometimes was entreated in the prophet's favour, and
also in some cases heard his counsel; and ye have a queen, a woman of a
stout stomach (_i.e._ of a haughty spirit), more stiff in opinion than
flexible to the truth, who no wise may abide the presence of God's
prophets. In this one thing you disagree; in all other things as like
as one bean or nut is like to another, (1) Their king was led by
pestilent priests; who guides your queen, it is not {76} unknown. (2)
Under Zedekiah and his council the idolatry which by Josiah was
suppressed, came to light again; but more abominable idolatry was never
in the earth than is that which of late is now set up again by your
pestilent papists among you. (3) In Jerusalem was Jeremiah persecuted
and cast into prison for speaking the truth and rebuking their
idolatry; what prison in London tormenteth not some true prophet of God
for the same causes? And O thou dungeon of darkness, where that
abominable idol of late days was first erected (thou Tower of London, I
mean), in thee are tormented more Jeremiahs than one, whom God shall
comfort according to His promise, and shall reward their persecutors
even as they have deserved; in which day also shalt thou tremble for
fear, and such as pretend to defend thee shall perish with thee,
because thou wast first defiled with that abominable idol."
The letter concludes with the following touching sentences:--"The peace
of God rest with you all. From one sore troubled heart upon my
departure from Dieppe--1553(4)--whither God knoweth. In God is my
trust, through Jesus Christ His Son; and therefore I fear not the
tyranny of man, neither yet what the devil can invent against me.
Rejoice, ye faithful, for in joy shall we meet where death may not
dissever us."
At the time when he wrote these words he seems to have had no definite
purpose as to his immediate destination, but we have now no difficulty
in tracing his movements, for in a letter addressed to his afflicted
{77} brethren in England, and dated Dieppe, 10th May, 1554, we find the
following words:--"My own estate is this: since the 28th of January I
have travelled through all the congregations of Helvetia (Switzerland),
and have reasoned with all the pastors and many other excellent learned
men upon such matters as now I cannot commit to writing; gladly I would
by tongue or by pen utter the same to God's glory." What these things
were may perhaps be inferred from the words of Bullinger to Calvin in a
letter dated 26th March, 1554, to this effect: "I have enclosed in this
letter the answer I made to the Scotsman whom you commended to me; you
will return it to me when you have opportunity."[5] Now as Knox
visited Geneva in that month of March, and obtained from Calvin a
letter of introduction to Bullinger, there can be no doubt, as Dr.
Laing has shown, that the reference is to him. The questions which he
submitted to Bullinger were the following, and we give them entire,
with a brief summary of the answer to each, that we may make plain the
gravity and importance of the matters which were at this time
engrossing his attention:--(1) "Whether the son of a king, upon his
father's death, though unable by reason of his tender age to conduct
the government of the kingdom, is nevertheless by right of inheritance
to be regarded as a lawful magistrate, and as such to be obeyed as of
Divine right?" This, illustrating his statement by a reference to King
Edward the Sixth of England, Bullinger answers in the {78} affirmative.
(2) "Whether a female can preside over and rule a kingdom by Divine
right, and so transfer the right of sovereignty to her husband?" To
this Bullinger replies, that, though the law of God ordains the woman
to be in subjection, yet as it is a hazardous thing for godly persons
to set themselves up in opposition to political regulations, and in the
gospel does not seem to unsettle hereditary rights, the people of God
may rejoice in a female sovereign if she be like Deborah; and if she be
of a different character, they may have an example and consolation in
the case of Athaliah; but with respect to the right of transferring the
government to her husband, only those persons who are acquainted with
the laws and customs of the realm can give a proper answer. (3)
"Whether obedience is to be rendered to a magistrate who enforces
idolatry and condemns true religion; and whether those authorities who
are still in military occupations of towns and fortresses are permitted
to repel this ungodly violence from themselves and their friends?" No
definite or categorical answer is given to this inquiry, on the ground
that it is difficult to pronounce on every particular case; but while
there is need of wisdom, lest by rashness and corruption much mischief
may be occasioned to many worthy persons, it is unequivocally asserted
that death itself is far preferable to the admission of idolatry. (4)
"To which party must godly persons attach themselves in the case of a
religious nobility resisting an idolatrous sovereign?" This is left by
the Swiss Reformer to the judgment of the individual {79} conscience.
Between the lines of these questions we can easily read that Knox was
pondering questions which lie near the foundation of civil and
religious liberty; and that, foreseeing the occasion which he might
soon have for dealing practically with them, he availed himself of the
opportunity furnished by his exile for consulting the most eminent
Swiss Protestant divines regarding them.
He returned to Dieppe in May, 1554, and remained there until the end of
July in order that he might gain accurate information concerning his
brethren in England, and might learn whether he could do anything in
their behalf. To these weeks must be assigned the preparation and
transmission of his "Faithful Admonition unto the Professors of God's
Truth in England," which caused him so much trouble in the Frankfort
episode of his history. For that reason, therefore, it may be well to
give a brief account of this trenchant production. It is evidently the
expansion of a discourse formerly preached by him on the experience of
the disciples in the storm, when they "toiled in rowing" because "the
wind was contrary unto them," with a pungent and sometimes not very
prudent, application of its lessons to the circumstances which then
existed in England. It was his habit to preach his sermons before he
wrote them, and indeed, so far as appears, he did not often write them
out, even after they had been delivered, but usually contented himself
with speaking from a few notes, which were made in the margin of his
Bible, and which remained the sole {80} memoranda of the discourse. In
the present case the note was to the effect "_Videat Anglia_"--"Let
England beware!" and the matter written in his book in Latin was this:
"Seldom it is that God worketh any notable work to the comfort of His
Church but that trouble, fear, and labour cometh upon such as God hath
used for His servants and His workmen; and also tribulation most
commonly followeth that Church where Christ Jesus is most truly
preached." In his exposition he goes on to explain why, after the
miracle of the feeding of the multitude, Christ sent both the people at
large and His disciples away; and dwells on the danger to which the
apostles were exposed, the manner of their deliverance through the
coming and the word of Christ, the zeal of Peter in seeking to meet the
Lord on the waves, and his fear in sinking in the waters, and the mercy
of the Master in permitting neither Peter nor the rest of the disciples
to perish, but gloriously delivering them all. Into his treatment of
these several things he introduces plentiful allusions to the state of
affairs in England, and the object which he has before him as a whole
is two-fold--first, to encourage those who had made a profession of the
Reformed Faith to maintain the beginning of their confidence steadfast
unto the end; and second, to give warning of the dangers which were to
be apprehended if the kingdom should come under the dominion of
strangers, as it would infallibly do when Mary became the wife of
Philip of Spain. The admonition bears the imprint "20th day of July,
1554." Now the marriage {81} of Mary to Philip was celebrated on the
25th day of that same month, and it was provided by the treaty for that
alliance, and confirmed by Act of Parliament, that Philip, as the
husband of Mary, "should have and enjoy, jointly with the Queen his
wife, the style, honour, and kingly name of the realm and dominions
unto the said Queen appertaining, and shall aid her Highness, being his
wife, in the happy administration of her realm and dominions." This
helps us to understand one of the questions which Knox had proposed to
Bullinger, and explains at least, if it cannot justify, the vehemence
of his feelings and the violence of his words in the "admonition." He
speaks of "Stephen Gardiner and his black brood;" calls the wafer of
the host "the round clipped God;" declares that "the devil rageth in
his obedient servants, wily Winchester, dreaming Durham, and bloody
Bonner, with the rest of their bloody, butcherly brood;" avers that
Jezebel "never erected half so many gallows in all Israel as
mischievous Mary hath done within London alone;" denounces Mary as a
"breaker of promises;" calls her that most unhappy and wicked woman;"
and foretells evil for England if she--_i.e._ England--contract
marriage, confederacy, or league with such princes as do maintain and
advance idolatry (such as the Emperor, which is no less an enemy here
to Christ than ever was Nero)." All this is dreadful enough. But let
us bear in mind that Mary, on her accession, had publicly declared that
she "meant graciously not to compel or strain other men's consciences
otherwise than God should, as she trusted, {82} put in their hearts a
persuasion of the truth, through the opening of His word unto them,"
and that, by her subsequent conduct she had utterly falsified that
word; let it be remembered that at the very time of Knox's writing,
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer had been prisoners for seven or eight
months in the Tower, first under the charge of treason, and latterly
under that of heresy; let it be considered that reports were
continually coming to Knox's ears of the daily increasing sufferings of
the Protestants in England, and then some allowance will be made for
the outburst of his indignation in these passionate utterances. Still,
when we have made all such allowance, we must admit that a more
cautious man would have foreseen that a probable effect of such a
bitter onslaught would be the increase of the persecutor's fury, and
would not have gone out of his way to irritate the German Emperor by
comparing him with Nero. But caution never was one of Knox's
distinctive excellences. If it had, he would not have become a
Reformer, for your merely cautious men are of very little service
either to their generation or to the world. Boldness is necessary for
progress, and where the boldness is, we must reconcile ourselves as
best we may to its attendant shadow. In the present instance Knox paid
dearly enough for his imprudence, as we shall shortly see, and we may
therefore content ourselves with this simple reference to it.
[1] "Works," vol. iii. p. 137.
[2] Ibid., p. 128.
[3] "Works," vol. iii. pp. 151-2.
[4] "Works," vol. iii. pp. 187-8.
[5] "Works," vol. iii. pp. 219, 226.
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