OF THE CUSTOMS OF KINGS AND OTHERS THAT DWELL IN THE ISLES
BORDERING ON PRESTER JOHN'S LAND.
From those isles that I have spoken of before, in the land of Prester
John, that are under earth as to us, and of other isles that are further
beyond, whoever will pursue them may come again right to the parts that
he came from, and so environ all the earth; but what for the isles, what
for the sea, and what for strong rowing, few people assay to pass that
passage. And therefore men return from the isles beforesaid by other
isles, coasting, from the land of Prester John. And then come men, in
returning, to an isle called Casson, which is full sixty days in length,
and more than fifty in breadth. This is the best isle, and the best
kingdom, that is in all those parts, except Cathay; and if the merchants
used that country as much as they do Cathay, it would be better than
Cathay in a short time. This country is well inhabited, and so full of
cities and good towns, and inhabited with people, that when a man goes
out of one city he sees another city before him. In that isle is great
plenty of all goods to live with, and of all manner of spices; and there
are great forests of chestnuts. The king of that isle is very rich and
mighty; and yet he holds his land of the great chan, and is subject to
him; for it is one of the twelve provinces which the great chan has
under him, besides his own land, and other less isles, of which he has
many.
From that kingdom come men, in returning, to another isle, called
Rybothe, which, also, is under the great chan. It is a full good
country, and rich in all goods, and wine and fruit, and all other
riches. And the people of that country have no houses; but they dwell
and lie all under tents made of black fern. And the principal city, and
the most royal, is all walled with black and white stone; and all the
streets, also, are paved with the same stones. In that city is no man so
hardy as to shed blood of any man, nor of any beast, for the reverence
of an idol that is worshipped there. And in that isle dwells the pope of
their law, whom they call lobassy. This lobassy gives all the benefices,
and other dignities, and all other things that belong to the idol. In
that isle they have a custom, in all the country, that when any man's
father is dead, and the son wishes to do great honour to his father, he
sends to all his friends, and to all his kin, and for religious men and
priests, and for minstrels also, in great plenty; and then they bear the
dead body unto a great hill, with great joy and solemnity; and when they
have brought it thither, the chief prelate smites off the head, and lays
it upon a great platter of gold and silver, if he be a rich man; and
then he gives the head to the son; and then the son and his other kin
sing and say many prayers; and then the priests, and the religious men,
smite all the body of the dead man in pieces; and then they say certain
prayers. And the birds of prey of all the country about know the custom
for a long time before, and come flying above in the air, as eagles,
kites, ravens, and other birds that eat flesh. And then the priests cast
the bits of flesh, and each fowl takes what he may, and goes a little
thence and eats it; and they do so whilst any piece of the dead body
remains. And after that the priests sing with high voice, in their
language, "Behold how worthy a man, and how good a man this was, that
the angels of God came to seek him, and to bring him into Paradise." And
then it seems to the son that he is highly worshipped when many birds,
and fowls, and ravens, come and eat his father; and he that has most
number of fowls is most worshipped. Then the son brings home with him
all his kin, and his friends, and all the others, to his house, and
makes a great feast; and then all his friends make their boast how the
fowls came thither, here five, here six, here ten, and there twenty, and
so forth; and they rejoice greatly to speak thereof. And when they are
at meat the son brings forth the head of his father, and thereof he
serves of the flesh to his most special friends, as a dainty. And of the
skull he makes a cup, and drinks out of it with his other friends in
great devotion, in remembrance of the holy man that the angels of God
had eaten. And that cup the son shall keep to drink out of all his
lifetime, in remembrance of his father.
From that land, in returning by ten days through the land of the great
chan, is another good isle, and a great kingdom, where the king is full
rich and mighty. And amongst the rich men of his country is a passing
rich man, that is neither prince, nor duke, nor earl; but he has more
that hold of him lands and other lordships; for he has every year, of
annual rent, more than three hundred thousand horses charged with corn
of divers grains and rice; and so he leads a full noble and delicate
life, after the custom of the country; for he has every day fifty fair
damsels, all maidens, that serve him evermore at his meat, and to lie by
him at night, and to do with them what he pleases. And when he is at the
table, they bring him his meat at every time, five and five together;
and in bringing their service they sing a song. And after that they cut
his meat, and put it in his mouth; for he touches nothing, nor handles
nought, but holds evermore his hands before him upon the table; for he
has such long nails that he may take nothing, nor handle any thing. For
the nobleness of that country is to have long nails, and to make them
grow always to be as long as men may; and there are many in that country
that have their nails so long that they environ all the hand; and that
is a great nobleness. And the nobleness of the women is to have small
feet; and therefore, as soon as they are born, they bind their feet so
tight that they may not grow half as nature would. And always these
damsels, that I spoke of before, sing all the time that this rich man
eateth; and when he eateth no more of his first course, then other five
and five of fair damsels bring him his second course, always singing, as
they did before; and so they do continually every day, to the end of his
meat. And in this manner he leads his life; and so they did before him
that were his ancestors; and so shall they that come after him, without
doing of any deeds of arms, but live evermore thus in ease, as a swine
that is fed in a sty to be made fat. He has a full fair and rich palace,
the walls of which are two miles in circuit; and he has within many fair
gardens, and many fair halls and chambers; and the pavement of his halls
and chambers are of gold and silver. And in the middle of one of his
gardens is a little mountain, where there is a little meadow; and in
that meadow is a little house, with towers and pinnacles, all of gold;
and in that little house will he sit often to take the air and sport
himself.
And you shall understand that of all these countries and isles, and of
all the divers people that I have spoken of before, and of divers laws,
and of divers beliefs that they have, there is none of them all but they
have some reason and understanding in them, and they have certain
articles of our faith, and some good points of our belief; and they
believe in God that created all things and made the world; but yet they
cannot speak perfectly (for there is no man to teach them), but only
what they can devise by their natural understanding; for they have no
knowledge of the Son nor of the Holy Ghost; but they can all speak of
the Bible, namely of Genesis, of the Prophets' laws, and of the books of
Moses. And they say well that the creatures that they worship are no
gods; but they worship them for the virtue that is in them. And of
simulacres, and of idols, they say that there are no people but that
they have simulacres; and they say that we Christian men have images, as
of our lady, and of other saints, that we worship; not the images of
wood or of stone, but the saints in whose name they are made; for right
as the books of the Scripture teach the clerks how and in what manner
they shall believe, right so the images and the paintings teach the
ignorant people to worship the saints, and to have them in their minds,
in whose name the images are made. They say, also, that the angels of
God speak to them in those idols, and that they do many great miracles.
And they say truth, that there is an angel within them; for there are
two manner of angels, a good and an evil; as the Greeks say, Cacho and
Calo. This Cacho is the wicked angel, and Calo is the good angel: but
the other is not the good angel, but the wicked angel, which is within
the idols to deceive them and maintain them in their error.
There are many other divers countries, and many other marvels beyond,
that I have not seen; wherefore I cannot speak of them properly. And,
also, in the countries where I have been are many diversities of many
wonderful things, more than I make mention of; for it were too long a
thing to devise you the manner of them all. And therefore now that I
have devised you of certain countries, which I have spoken of before, I
beseech your worthy and excellent nobleness that it suffice to you at
this time; for if I told you all that is beyond the sea, another man,
perhaps, who would labour to go into those parts to seek those
countries, might be blamed by my words in rehearsing many strange
things; for he might not say any thing new, in the which the hearers
might have either solace or pleasure.
And you shall understand that, at my coming home, I came to Rome, and
showed my life to our holy father the pope, and was absolved of all that
lay in my conscience of many divers grievous points, as men must need
that are in company, dwelling amongst so many divers people, of divers
sects and beliefs, as I have been. And, amongst all, I showed him this
treatise, that I had made after information of men that knew of things
that I had not seen, myself; and also of marvels and customs that I had
seen myself, as far as God would give me grace; and besought his holy
fatherhood that my book might be examined and corrected by advice of his
wise and discreet council. And our holy father, of his special grace,
gave my book to be examined and proved by the advice of his said
council, by the which my book was proved for true, insomuch that they
showed me a book, which my book was examined by, that comprehended full
much more, by an hundredth part, by the which the _Mappa Mundi_ was
made. And so my book (albeit that many men list not to give credence to
any thing but to what they see with their eye, be the author or the
person ever so true) is affirmed and proved by our holy father in manner
and form as I have said.
And I, John Maundeville, knight, abovesaid, (although I be unworthy,)
that went from our countries, and passed the sea, in the year of Grace
1322, have passed many lands, and many isles and countries, and searched
many full strange places, and have been in many a full good and
honourable company, and at many a fair deed of arms, (albeit that I did
none myself, for my insufficiency,) now I am come home (in spite of
myself) to rest; for rheumatic gouts, that distress me, fix the end of
my labour, against my will (God knoweth). And thus, taking comfort in my
wretched rest, recording the time passed, I have fulfilled these things,
and written them in this book, as it would come into my mind, the year
of Grace 1356, in the thirty-fourth year that I departed from our
country. Wherefore I pray to all the readers and hearers of this book,
if it please them, that they would pray to God for me, and I shall pray
for them.
FOOTNOTES:
[285] An allusion to the legal forms of conveying and bequeathing
property in the middle ages.
[286] Dismas and Jestes, or Jesmas, were, according to the vulgar
legend, the names of the two thieves who were crucified at the same time
with the Saviour, Dismas being the one who reproved his companion for
his unbelief. Maundeville has introduced more of the popular
superstitious and religious legends of the middle ages than the previous
travellers.
[287] See, on this popular legend, the editor's note on the "Chester
Plays" (or Mysteries), vol. i. p. 239. It was derived from one of the
apocryphal books of the eastern church.
[288] The beautiful chapel built by St. Louis, and now known as the
Sainte Chapelle.
[289] There is an old Greek iambic to this effect:—"Ἄθωος καλύπτει
πλευρά Λεμνίας βοός."
[290] Maundy-Thursday is the day of Christ's commandment on instituting
the Lord's Supper, the Thursday before Easter. It was also called
Shere-Thursday. The ceremony observed on the day was called holding or
making the Maundy.
[291] The period during which Maundeville was in the east was that when
the question of reuniting the Greek and Latin churches was in agitation,
which is probably the cause he enters so largely into their differences
of belief.
[292] Long before our author's time, the text, in John xxi. 22, 23, in
the vulgar Latin, happened to be changed in favour of this notion; for
Jesus' answer to Peter's question about John, "Lord, and what shall this
man do?" is there, "Sic eum volo manere donec veniam," the conjunction
_si_ being dropped, by means of _sic_ following.
[293] Lango is but another name of the isle of Cos, where Hippocrates,
(commonly called by the medieval writers Ypocras,) the famous physician,
was born. See before, p. 33.
[294] The two orders, the Templars and Hospitalers, having been expelled
from Palestine by the Mohammedans, on the capture of Acre in 1291, the
first retired to Cyprus; but in 1310 the Hospitalers made themselves
masters of the isle of Rhodes, which became the chief place of the order
until it was taken by the Turks, on the 1st of January, 1523, when they
removed to Malta.
[295] See before, p. 33 of the present volume, where the same blunder is
made by Sæwulf.
[296] This story, or one very similar to it, is found in the chronicle
of John of Brompton. The bay of Satalia was notoriously dangerous to
navigators, who attempted to account for it by legends like these. We
have already seen an earlier traveller, Sæwulf, narrowly escape
shipwreck in passing it (p. 49). John of Brompton gives two legends to
account for the stormy character of the bay, according to one of which
the head of the monster alluded to in the text lay at the bottom; and
when it was turned with the face upwards, this position caused a
perilous tempest.
[297] These were a kind of large wild dogs. Jacobus de Vitriaco ("Hist.
Orient.," lib. iii.), speaking of the animals of Judea, says, "Sunt ibi
cameli et bubali abundanter, et _papiones_ quos appellant, canes
silvestres, acriores quam lupi."
[298] Song of Solomon, iv. 15.
[299] Luke, xi. 27.
[300] Our author has picked up a strange version of the classic story of
Perseus and Andromeda, and has even mistaken Andromeda for the monster
that was to have devoured her. The mark of the chain is mentioned by
Solinus.
[301] A similar description is found in Geoffrey de Vinsauf (Itin. Reg.
Ric. I. lib. i. c. 32), who, however, states that it is a mere story
taken from Solinus, and he does not assert that there was such a foss in
his time. It may be further observed that Maundeville has fallen into
another blunder in confounding the foss alluded to with the pretended
sepulchre of Memnon.
[302] It is curious that Maundeville should thus confound Babylon of
Chaldea with Babylon of Egypt.
[303] Sirkouk, or Siracon, was the vizir of Noureddin, sultan of Aleppo,
and was uncle, not father, of Saladin. He dethroned the last Fatimite
khalif of Egypt, and brought that country under the power of the
sultans, which was soon after usurped by Saladin, who reigned from 1173
to 1193. The other sultans mentioned by Maundeville may easily be
identified by a reference to the ordinary histories.
[304] This was the sultan Koutchouc-Ascraf, who was chosen successor to
his brother in 1341, and, after reigning about six months, was deposed
on the 11th of January, 1342. This fixes Maundeville's departure from
Egypt to the latter months of the year 1341.
[305] See Maundeville's explanation of this word in a subsequent
chapter.
[306] This account of Babylon is taken chiefly from Pliny and the
ancient geographers.
[307] Bagdad.
[308] Gen. xii. 1.
[309] Ephraem Cyrus.
[310] The legend of Theophilus, who sold himself to the evil one, and
then repented, and was saved from the devil by the Virgin Mary, was a
popular one in the Middle Ages. See Jubinal's Rutebeuf, vol. ii. pages
79 and 260. He is commonly said to have lived at Adana, in Cilicia.
[311] Susa.
[312] A spurious book, purporting to be the exposition of dreams
compiled by the prophet Daniel, was very popular in the middle ages, and
is the work here alluded to.
[313] _i. e._ The people of Barbary.
[314] Rosetta.
[315] This account of the Phœnix is taken from Pliny's Natural History,
x. 2, and xi. 37. The legend of the Phœnix was a very favourite one
throughout the middle ages.
[316] The story is taken from one of the apocryphal books of the Eastern
sectarians, which had a considerable influence on the legendary
literature of the medieval church.
[317] The wonderful adventures of Alexander the Great in his Indian
expedition, and the marvels he met with, are the subject of a multitude
of extraordinary legends in the middle ages, and exerted no little
influence on geography and natural science down to a comparatively
recent period. The hero was made to give an account of them in a
supposititious letter to his preceptor Aristotle, which was published in
almost every language in Western Europe, and is of frequent recurrence
in medieval manuscripts.
[318] These are, of course, the pyramids. See the slight allusion to
them in Benjamin of Tudela, p. 121.
[319] Brindisi, the ancient Brundusium.
[320] See before, p. 22.
[321] Exod. iii. 5.
[322] 1 Kings, xix. 8.
[323] This pretended imprint of Moses' body, and some of the other
remarkable things described by Maundeville, were still shown to visitors
in the earlier part of the last century.
[324] Psalms, cxxxii. 6.
[325] The medieval legendary history of the three kings will be found
printed at the end of the first volume of the "Chester Mysteries."
[326] Rachel had but two children, Joseph and Benjamin; but by them she
had twelve grandchildren. Gen. xlvi. 20-22.
[327] Perhaps Maundeville reckons from the capture of Acre, in 1291,
when the Christians lost their last footing in the Holy Land. Jerusalem
was finally taken from the Christians by the Turks in October, 1244.
[328] The _Vitas Patrum_ was the most popular collection of saints'
legends in the middle ages.
[329] See before, pp. 4, 38.
[330] John, xix. 26.
[331] Gen. xxviii. 16.
[332] Acts, iii. 2.
[333] Matt. ix. 6.
[334] Matt. xxvi. 39.
[335] Matth. x. 41.
[336] Joshua, ii. 9.
[337] Matth. iv. 3.
[338] This is a very ingenious attempt at derivation, like some others
found in the book of Sir John Maundeville, who speaks again of the
Georgian Christians at the end of Chapter X.
[339] This word probably means bitumen. The Latin text has _Dalem et
dalketram_; the French, _De alym et d'alketran_. This would almost lead
us to consider the French as the original text, from which the others
were translated.
[340] Mount Royal, which stood in the immediate neighbourhood of the
ancient Petra, was a place of some celebrity in the history of the
crusades. It was said to have been impregnable from the strength of its
position; and it was only taken by Saladin, in 1187, by starving the
garrison.
[341] Psalms, cxx. 5.
[342] Luke, x. 13, 15. This is a curious example of the manner in which
legends were raised on the misapplication of Scripture by the medieval
theologians, who, in this respect, closely resembled the Talmudists
among the Jews.
[343] 2 Sam. i. 21.
[344] Luke, i. 28.
[345] The foregoing passages of Scripture, repeated as directed in
Latin, composed, in fact, the common charm against thieves and robbers;
and our forefathers seem to have had the simplicity to believe that, by
a proper use of it, they were actually under those circumstances
rendered invisible. The quotations are from Luke iv. 30; Exod. xv. 16.
The latter is wrongly quoted from the Psalter. The misinterpretation of
the first passage (it was believed that Jesus became invisible) appears
to have arisen at a very early period.
[346] There was an immense mass of legendary matter of this kind current
in the middle ages, with which it is necessary, in a certain degree, to
be acquainted, in order to understand the literature and manners of our
forefathers. It is to such legends that the old writers frequently
allude when we suppose that they are merely misquoting Scripture.
[347] This is of course a little more legend. The notion that there was
a town on the summit of Mount Tabor is probably a mistake of our
traveller.
[348] This legend arose out of an interpretation given to Gen. iv. 23,
24. See, as an illustration, the scene in the "Coventry Mysteries," pp.
44-46.
[349] Matt. xiv. 31.
[350] Luke, xxiv. 30.
[351] Psalms, xxxii. 5.
[352] See before, p. 178.
[353] The khalif Motawakkel had, in A.D. 856, ordered the Christians and
Jews to wear a broad girdle of leather; and they have continued to wear
it in the east till modern times. From that epoch the Christians of
Syria, who were mostly Jacobites or Nestorians, were called Christians
of the girdle.
[354] It is hardly necessary to remind the reader that _sabbatum_, or
_dies sabbati_, is the Latin for Saturday.
[355] Ramah Gibeon, now El Jib. Douke is Ain Duk, the Greek Δωκ (see
Robinson, ii. 308, 309). It requires considerable study and research to
identify all the names mentioned by Maundeville in the sequel.
[356] We must take this as a little satire of Sir John Maundeville's
against the vices of the day among his own countrymen; and it seems not
to have been without its effect. There is an English metrical version of
it in the "Reliquiæ Antiquæ," ii. 113.
[357] The foregoing account of Mohammed and his doctrines is of course
full of error and prejudice; but it is curious, as showing the popular
notions on the subject in England and France in the fourteenth century,
and may be compared with several other popular tracts of that age. The
Koran had been translated into Latin as early as the twelfth century. An
account very similar to the above is given by Roger of Wendover (Bohn's
Antiq. Lib.).
[358] _i. e._ The Athanasian Creed.
[359] A Christian dynasty reigned over the small independent kingdom of
Trebizond from 1204 to 1462, after which it was swallowed up in the
Ottoman empire.
[360] This is an allusion to another medieval religious legend.
[361] An account of the remarkable ruins, both ecclesiastical and
palatial, that are met with at Anni, which was the capital of the
Pakradian branch of Armenian kings, will be found in the Travels of Sir
R. K. Porter, and those of W. J. Hamilton, vol. i. p. 197.
[362] One hundred and forty years. Job, xlii. 16.
[363] Here follows, in the original, the common story of the Amazons,
taken from the ancient authors, which is not worth reprinting.
[364] Maundeville's notions concerning diamonds are somewhat singular;
they are, however, partly taken from Pliny, lib. xxxvii. c. 4.
[365] Hence the ring was commonly worn on the left hand.
[366] The "Liber Lapidarius" was a popular medieval treatise on the
virtues and properties of precious stones, which was of great importance
when people implicitly believed in the wonderful efficacy of such
things.
[367] _i. e._ The loadstone. The appellation of the "shipman's stone" is
curious, as showing that the properties of the mariners' compass were
well known before the middle of the fourteenth century. We have other
evidence to show that the mariner's compass was known at a much earlier
period.
[368] This is taken from Pliny's Natural History, lib. ix. c. 3.
[369] Pliny's Natural History, lib. vi. c. 17.
[370] Ormuz.
[371] _Undurn_ was nine o'clock in the morning. The Latin text has "_A
diei hora tertia usque ad nonam_."
[372] This tradition of a mountain of magnetic ore is very general among
the Chinese and throughout Asia. The Chinese assign its position to a
specific place, which they call Tchang-haï, in the southern sea, between
Tonquin and Cochin-China, which is precisely the same geographical
region indicated in the adventures of Sinbad the Sailor.
[373] The Well of Youth was a sort of El Dorado of the middle ages,
which most people believed in, and many went in search of; but, in spite
of Maundeville's assertion that he had drunk of the water, it appears
never to have been found.
[374] This is the country described by Marco Polo, book iii. c. 20,
under the name of Maabar.
[375] A rich cloth of silk, mentioned not unfrequently in medieval
writers.
[376] An astronomical instrument used in the middle ages for taking
altitudes, &c. Maundeville's notions about the form of the earth, and
the possibility of passing round it, are extremely curious, from the
circumstance of their having been written and published so long before
the time of Columbus.
[377] Job, xxvi. 7.
[378] Perhaps Sumatra. Maundeville seems to allude to the tattooing
practised so generally in the islands of the Pacific.
[379] This seems to be an allusion to the upas tree.
[380] This accusation was spread against the Jews, as an excuse for
persecution and spoliation.
[381] This may possibly be meant for Ceylon; but it would be vain to
attempt to identify the islands mentioned in this and the following
chapter. Some of the descriptions may, however, have had their
foundation in what was originally correct information, but exaggerated
or misunderstood.
[382] Adam's Peak is in the island of Ceylon, which seems to be the one
here alluded to under the name of Silha.
[383] The "marvels" that follow in this paragraph are taken almost
entirely from Pliny and Solinus.
[384] This is the city called by Marco Polo (from whom Maundeville
appears to have abridged his description) Kin-sai. It was the capital of
Southern China, under the dynasty of the Song.
[385] Part of this account is taken from Pliny, Hist. Nat., vii. 2.
[386] This is the word used in the English version. The Latin has
_ascensorium_, and the French, _mountaynette_.
[387] These are old names of precious stones, which it would not be very
easy now to explain.
[388] This was the famous Ghengis-khan, who ruled the Moguls from 1176
to 1227, and was the founder of the Tartar empire. It is needless to say
that the history Maundeville gives of his accession is a mere fable.
[389] Veneration for peculiar numbers was a very general superstition,
and the number three, and its multiple, nine, were, in particular, in
universal repute.
[390] This story of the king and the twelve arrows is told in very
nearly the same manner in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments; and the
substance of a well-known fable will be easily recognised in it.
[391] Oktai-khan, who ruled over the Tartars from 1229 (having been
absent in China when his father died) to 1241.
[392] Gaiouk reigned from 1246 to 1249. The death of his predecessor had
been followed by a regency.
[393] Mango-khan, after another regency, succeeded in 1251; and after
conquering Persia and other countries, died in 1259. This monarch was
made known to Europeans by the embassy of William de Rubruquis and
others, and excited interest in the west by the report of his conversion
to Christianity.
[394] Mango's successor was the celebrated Houlagou (1259 to 1265), who
was followed in succession by eight khans between then and the time when
Maundeville wrote. These were followed, in 1360, by the famous
Timur-beg, or Tamerlane.
[395] These are the names of different birds used in hawking.
[396] _Leech_ was the old English name for one class of medical
practitioners. It is employed here in contradistinction to physicians,
and I have not ventured to assign a modern equivalent. The preference
given to Christian physicians is somewhat curious when we compare it
with a similar feeling existing in the East at the present day.
[397] Paper money was in common use among the Tartars and Chinese at an
early period. See, on this curious subject, the travels of Marco Polo.
[398] "And none shall appear before me empty." Exod. xxxiv. 20.
[399] A kind of garment made of skins with the fur on. In the Latin the
passage stands, "Habent et pelliceas, quibus utuntur ex transversis;" in
the French, "Et vestent des pellices, le peil dehors."
[400] Leather boiled soft, and then reduced to any required shape and
hardened; a substance very much used for a variety of purposes in the
middle ages.
[401] The Maure Sea seems to be the Northern Ocean, and the mountains of
Chotaz are perhaps the Ourals.
[402] These are, no doubt, Bokhara and Samarcand.
[403] Iskendroon?
[404] Tabreez.
[405] The Kurds, the Gordynæ of the ancients.
[406] Take the sacrament.
[407] Mosul.
[408] Cotton.
[409] The editor of the edition of our author, printed in 1727,
observes, that one four feet long, in the Cotton Library, had a silver
hoop about the end, on which is engraved, _Griphi unguis, divo Cuthberto
Dunelmensi sacer_. Another, about an ell long, is mentioned by Dr. Grew,
in his History of the Rarities of the Royal Society, page 26; though the
doctor there supposes it rather the horn of a rock-buck, or of the _ibex
mas_.
[410] Un-khan, or, as he was popularly called, Prester John, and the
marvels of his dominions, were for several centuries a subject of great
interest to the people of Western Europe, and were an object of anxious
inquiry to all travellers in the East. A pretended letter from this
monarch to the pope, describing his dominions, was published in Latin,
French, and other languages. Much information relating to Prester John
is found in Matthew Paris, who wrote before the middle of the thirteenth
century. Marco Polo in his travels (book i. ch. xliii.) mentions the
former subjection of the Tartars to him. Roger Bacon did not believe the
extraordinary tales which were current relative to Prester John—_de quo
tanta fama solebat esse, et multa falsa dicta sunt et scripta_. (Opus
Majus, edit. Jebb, p. 232.) A most profound and learned dissertation on
the personage and history of Prester John, by M. D'Avezac, will be found
in the Introduction to his edition of the History of the Tartars, by
John du Plan-de-Carpin, (published in the transactions of the
Geographical Society of Paris,) 4to, 1838, p. 165-168.
[411] Ormuz.—The derivation is droll enough.
[412] Probably cocoa-nuts.
[413] This is apparently the giraffe.
[414] I have omitted some paragraphs preceding this, which are mere
reproductions of the wonderful ethnographic stories of Pliny and
Solinus.
[415] Here follows the story of the ants that keep the gold, taken from
Pliny, Hist. Nat. xi. 31, and found in other ancient writers.
THE TRAVELS OF BERTRANDON DE LA BROCQUIÈRE.
A.D. 1432, 1433.
To animate and inflame the hearts of such noble men as may be desirous
of seeing the world, and by the order and command of the most high, most
powerful, and my most redoubted lord, Philip, by the grace of God duke
of Burgundy, Lorraine, Brabant, and Limbourg, count of Flanders, Artois,
and Burgundy[416], palatine of Hainault, Holland, Zealand, and Namur,
marquis of the Holy Empire, lord of Friesland, Salines, and Mechlin, I,
Bertrandon de la Brocquière, a native of the duchy of Guienne, lord of
Vieux-Chateau, counsellor and first esquire-carver to my aforesaid most
redoubted lord, after bringing to my recollection every event, in
addition to what I had made an abridgment of in a small book by way of
memorandums, have fairly written out this account of my short travels,
in order that if any king or Christian prince should wish to make the
conquest of Jerusalem, and lead thither an army overland, or if any
gentleman should be desirous of travelling thither, they may be made
acquainted with all the towns, cities, regions, countries, rivers,
mountains, and passes in the different districts, as well as the lords
to whom they belong, from the duchy of Burgundy to Jerusalem. The route
hence to the holy city of Rome is too well known for me to stop and
describe it. I shall pass lightly over this article, and not say much
until I come to Syria. I have travelled through the whole country from
Gaza, which is the entrance to Egypt, to within a day's journey of
Aleppo, a town situated on the north of the frontier, and which we pass
in going to Persia.
Having formed a resolution to make a devout pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and
being determined to discharge my vow, I quitted, in the month of
February, 1432, the court of my most redoubted lord, which was then at
Ghent. After traversing Picardy, Champagne, and Burgundy, I entered
Savoy, crossed the Rhone, and arrived at Chambery by the Mont-du-Chat.
Here commences a long chain of mountains, the highest of which is called
Mount Cenis, which forms a dangerous pass for travellers in times of
snow. The road is so difficult to find, that a traveller, unless he wish
to lose it, must take one of the guides of the country, called Marrons.
These people advise you not to make any sort of noise that may shake the
atmosphere round the mountain, for in that case the snow is detached,
and rolls with impetuosity to the ground. Mount Cenis separates Italy
from France.
Having thence descended into Piedmont, a handsome and pleasant country,
surrounded on three sides by mountains, I passed through Turin, where I
crossed the Po, and proceeded to Asti, which belongs to the duke of
Orleans; then to Alexandria, the greater part of the inhabitants of
which are said to be usurers—to Piacenza, belonging to the duke of
Milan—and at last to Bologna la Grassa, which is part of the pope's
dominions. The emperor Sigismund was at Piacenza; he had come thither
from Milan, where he had received his second crown, and was on his road
to Rome in search of the third[417]. From Bologna I had to pass another
chain of mountains (the Appennines) to enter the states of the
Florentines. Florence is a large town, where the commonalty govern.
Every three months they elect for the government magistrates, called
priori, who are taken from different professions; and as long as they
remain in office they are honoured, but on the expiration of the three
months they return to their former situations. From Florence I went to
Monte Pulciano, a castle built on an eminence, and surrounded on three
sides by a large lake (Lago di Perugia), thence to Spoleto, Monte
Fiascone, and at length to Rome.
Rome is well known. Authors of veracity assure us that for seven hundred
years she was mistress of the world. But although their writings should
not affirm this, would there not be sufficiency of proof in all the
grand edifices now existing, in those columns of marble, those statues,
and those monuments as marvellous to see as to describe? Add to the
above the immense quantities of relics that are there; so many things
that our Lord has touched, such numbers of holy bodies of apostles,
martyrs, confessors, and virgins; in short, so many churches where the
holy pontiffs have granted full indulgences for sin. I saw there
Eugenius IV., a Venetian, who had just been elected pope[418]. The
prince of Salernum had declared war against him; he was of the Colonna
family, and nephew to pope Martin[419].
I quitted Rome the 25th of March, and, passing through a town belonging
to count de Thalamoné, a relation to the cardinal des Ursins, arrived at
Urbino; thence I proceeded through the lordships of the Malatestas to
Rimini, a part of the Venetian dominions. I crossed three branches of
the Po, and came to Chiosa, a town of the Venetians, which had formerly
a good harbour; but this was destroyed by themselves when the Genoese
came to lay siege to Venice. From Chiosa, I landed at Venice, distant
twenty-five miles.
Venice is a large and handsome town, ancient and commercial, and built
in the middle of the sea. Its different quarters being separated by
water form so many islands, so that a boat is necessary to go from one
to the other. This town possesses the body of St. Helena, mother of the
emperor Constantine, as well as many others that I have seen, especially
several bodies of the Holy Innocents, which are entire. These last are
in an island called Murano, renowned for its manufactories of glass. The
government of Venice is full of wisdom. No one can be a member of the
council, nor hold any employment, unless he be noble and born in the
town. It has a duke, who is bound to have ever with him, during the day,
six of the most ancient and celebrated members of the council. When the
duke dies, his successor is chosen from among those who have shown the
greatest knowledge and zeal for the public good.
On the 8th of May I embarked to accomplish my vow, on board a galley,
with some other pilgrims. We sailed along the coast of Sclavonia, and
successively touched at Pola, Zara, Sebenico, and Corfu. Pola seemed to
me to have been formerly a handsome and strong town, with an excellent
harbour. We were shown at Zara the body of St. Simeon, to whom our Lord
was presented in the Temple. The town is surrounded on three sides by
the sea, and its fine port is shut in by an iron chain. Sebenico belongs
to the Venetians, as does Corfu, which, with a very handsome harbour,
has also two castles.
From Corfu we sailed to Modon, a good and fair town in the Morea, also
belonging to the Venetians; thence to Candia, a most fertile island, the
inhabitants of which are excellent sailors. The government of Venice
nominates a governor, who takes the title of duke, but who holds his
place only three years. Thence to Rhodes, where I had but time to see
the town; to Baffa, a ruined town in the island of Cyprus; and at length
to Jaffa, in the Holy Land of Promise.
At Jaffa, the pardons commence for pilgrims to the Holy Land. It
formerly belonged to the Christians, and was then strong; at present it
is entirely destroyed, having only a few tents covered with reeds,
whither pilgrims retire to shelter themselves from the heat of the sun.
The sea enters the town, and forms a bad and shallow harbour; it is
dangerous to remain there long for fear of being driven on shore by a
gust of wind. There are two springs of fresh water; but one is
overflowed by the sea when the westerly wind blows a little strong. When
any pilgrims disembark here, interpreters and other officers of the
sultan[420] instantly hasten to ascertain their numbers, to serve them
as guides, and to receive, in the name of their master, the customary
tribute.
Ramlé, the first town we came to from Jaffa, is without walls, but a
good and commercial town, seated in an agreeable and fertile district.
We went to visit, in the neighbourhood, a village where St. George was
martyred; and, on our return to Ramlé, we continued our route, and
arrived, after two days, at the holy city of Jerusalem, where our Lord
Jesus Christ suffered death for us. After making the customary
pilgrimages, we performed those to the mountain where Jesus fasted forty
days; to the Jordan, where he was baptized; to the church of St. John,
near to that river; to that of St. Martha and St. Mary Magdalene, where
our Lord raised Lazarus from the dead; to Bethlehem, where he was born;
to the birth-place of St. John the Baptist; to the house of Zachariah;
and, lastly, to the holy cross, where the tree grew that formed the real
cross, after which we returned to Jerusalem.
The Cordeliers have a church at Bethlehem, in which they perform divine
service, but they are under great subjection to the Saracens. The town
is only inhabited by Saracens, and some Christians of the girdle[421].
At the birth-place of St. John the Baptist, a rock is shown, which,
during the time of Herod's persecution of the innocents, opened itself
miraculously in two, when St. Elizabeth having therein hid her son, it
closed again of itself, and the child remained shut up, as it is said,
two whole days.
Jerusalem is situated in a mountainous and strong country, and is at
this day a considerable town, although it appears to have been much more
so in former times. It is under the dominion of the sultan, to the shame
and grief of Christendom. Among the free Christians, there are but two
Cordeliers who inhabit the holy sepulchre, and even they are oppressed
by the Saracens; I can speak of it from my own knowledge, having been
witness of it for two months. In the church of the Holy Sepulchre reside
also many other sorts of Christians, Jacobites, Armenians, Abyssinians
from the country of Prester John, and Christians of the girdle; but of
these the Franks suffer the greatest hardships.
When all these pilgrimages were accomplished, we undertook another,
equally customary, that to St. Catherine's on Mount Sinai. For this
purpose we formed a party of ten pilgrims, Sir André de Thoulongeon, Sir
Michel de Ligne, Guillaume de Ligne, his brother, Sanson de Lalaing,
Pierre de Vaudrey, Godefroi de Thoisi, Humbert Buffart, Jean de la Roe,
Simonet[422], and myself.
For the information of others, who, like myself, may wish to visit this
country, I shall say, that the custom is to treat with the chief
interpreter at Jerusalem, who receives a tax for the sultan, and one for
himself, and then sends to inform the interpreter at Gaza, who, in his
turn, negotiates a passage with the Arabians of the desert. These Arabs
enjoy the right of conducting pilgrims; and, as they are not always
under due subjection to the sultan, their camels must be used, which
they let to hire at ten ducats a head. The Saracen who at this time held
the office of chief interpreter was called Nanchardin. Having received
the answer from the Arabs, he called us together before the chapel,
which is at the entrance and on the left of the holy sepulchre; he there
took down in writing our ages, names, surnames, and very particular
descriptions of our persons, and sent a duplicate of this to the chief
interpreter at Cairo. These precautions are taken for the security of
travellers, and to prevent the Arabs from detaining any of them; but I
am persuaded that it is done likewise through mistrust, and through fear
of some exchange or substitution that may make them lose the
tribute-money. On the eve of our departure we bought wine for the
journey, and laid in a stock of provision, excepting biscuit, which we
were to find at Gaza. Nanchardin having provided asses and mules to
carry us and our provision, with a particular interpreter, we set off.
The first place we came to was a village formerly more considerable, at
present inhabited by Christians of the girdle, who cultivate vines. The
second was a town called St. Abraham, and situated in the valley of
Hebron, where our Lord created our first father Adam. In that place are
buried together Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, with their wives; but this
sepulchre is now inclosed within a mosque of the Saracens. We were
anxious to see it, and even advanced to the gate; but our guides and
interpreter assured us they dared not suffer us to enter in the
day-time, on account of the dangers they should run, and that any
Christian found within a mosque is instantly put to death, unless he
renounces his religion. After the valley of Hebron, we traversed
another of greater extent, near to which the mountain on which St. John
performed his penitence was pointed out to us. Thence we crossed a
desert country, and lodged in one of those houses built through charity,
and called khan; from this khan we came to Gaza.
Gaza, situated in a fine country near the sea, and at the entrance of
the desert, is a strong town, although uninclosed. It is pretended that
it formerly belonged to the famous Samson. His palace is still shown,
and also the columns of that which he pulled down; but I dare not affirm
that these are the same. Pilgrims are harshly treated there; and we also
should have suffered, had it not been for the governor, a man about
sixty years of age, and a Circassian, who heard our complaints and did
us justice. Thrice were we obliged to appear before him; once, on
account of the swords we wore, and the two other times for quarrels
which the Saracen moucres sought to have with us. Many of us wished to
purchase asses; for the camel has a very rough movement, which is
extremely fatiguing to those unaccustomed to it. An ass is sold at Gaza
for two ducats; but the moucres not only wanted to prevent our buying
any, but to force us to hire asses from them, at the price of five
ducats, to St. Catherine's. This conduct was represented to the
governor. For myself, who had hitherto ridden on a camel, and had no
intention of changing, I desired they would tell me how I could ride a
camel and an ass at the same time. The governor decided in our favour,
and ordered that we should not be forced to hire any asses from the
moucres against our inclinations. We here laid in fresh provisions
necessary for the continuance of our journey; but, on the eve of our
departure, four of my companions fell sick, and returned to Jerusalem. I
set off with the five others, and we came to a village situated at the
entrance of the desert, and the only one to be met with between Gaza and
St. Catherine's. Sir Sanson de Lalaing also there quitted us, and
returned; so that our company consisted of Sir Andrew de Toulongeon,
Pierre de Vaudrei, Godefroi de Toisi, Jean de la Roe, and myself.
We thus travelled two days in the desert, absolutely without seeing any
thing deserving to be related. Only one morning I saw, before sunrise,
an animal running on four legs, about three feet long, but scarcely a
palm in height. The Arabians fled at the sight of it, and the animal
hastened to hide itself in a bush hard by. Sir Andrew and Pierre de
Vaudrei dismounted, and pursued it sword in hand, when it began to cry
like a cat on the approach of a dog. Pierre de Vaudrei struck it on the
back with the point of his sword, but did it no harm, from its being
covered with scales like a sturgeon. It sprung at Sir Andrew, who, with
a blow from his sword, cut the neck, partly through, and flung it on its
back, with its feet in the air, and killed it. The head resembled that
of a large hare; the feet were like the hands of a young child, with a
pretty long tail, like that of the large green lizard. Our Arabs and
interpreter told us it was very dangerous[423].
At the end of the second day's journey I was seized with such a burning
fever that it was impossible for me to proceed. My four companions,
distressed at this accident, made me mount an ass, and recommended me to
one of our Arabs, whom they charged to reconduct me, if possible, to
Gaza. This man took a great deal of care of me, which is unusual in
respect to Christians. He faithfully kept me company, and led me in the
evening to pass the night in one of their camps, which might consist of
fourscore and some tents, pitched in the form of a street. These tents
consist of two poles stuck in the ground by the bigger end, at a certain
distance from each other, and on them is placed another pole cross-way,
and over this last is laid a thick coverlid of woollen, or coarse hair.
On my arrival, four or five Arabs, who were acquainted with my
companion, came to meet us. They dismounted me from my ass, and laid me
on a mattress which I had with me, and then, treating me according to
their method, kneaded and pinched me so much with their hands[424], that
from fatigue and lassitude I slept and reposed for six hours. During
this time no one did me the least harm, nor took any thing from me. It
would, however, have been very easy for them to do so; and I must have
been a tempting prey, for I had with me two hundred ducats, and two
camels laden with provision and wine.
I set out, on my return to Gaza, before day; but when I came thither, I
found neither my four companions who had remained behind nor Sir Sanson
de Lalaing: the whole five had returned to Jerusalem, carrying with them
the interpreter. Fortunately I met with a Sicilian Jew to whom I could
make myself understood; and he sent me an old Samaritan, who, by some
medicines which he gave me, appeased the great heat I endured. Two days
after, finding myself a little better, I set off in company with a Moor,
who conducted me by a road on the sea-side. We passed near Ascalon, and
thence traversed an agreeable and fertile country to Ramlé, where I
regained the road to Jerusalem.
On the first day's journey I met on my road the governor of that town
returning from a pilgrimage, with a company of fifty horsemen, and one
hundred camels, mounted principally by women and children, who had
attended him to his place of devotion. I passed the night with them, and
the morrow, on my return to Jerusalem, took up my lodgings with the
Cordeliers at the church of Mount Sion, where I again met my five
comrades.
On my arrival I went to bed, that my disorder might be properly treated;
but I was not cured, or in a state to depart, until the 19th of August.
During my convalescence I recollected that I had frequently heard it
said that it was impossible for a Christian to return overland from
Jerusalem to France. I dare not, even now, when I have performed this
journey, assert that it is safe. I thought, nevertheless, that nothing
was impossible for a man to undertake, who has a constitution strong
enough to support fatigue, and has money and health. It is not, however,
through vain boasting that I say this; but, with the aid of God and his
glorious mother, who never fail to assist those who pray to them
heartily, I resolved to attempt the journey. I kept my project secret
for some time, without even hinting it to my companions: I was also
desirous, before I undertook it, to perform other pilgrimages,
especially those to Nazareth and Mount Tabor. I went, in consequence, to
make Nanchardin, principal interpreter to the sultan, acquainted with my
intentions, who supplied me with a sufficient interpreter for my
journey. I thought of making my first pilgrimage to Mount Tabor, and
every thing was prepared for it; but when I was on the point of setting
out, the head of the convent where I lodged dissuaded me, and opposed
my intentions most strongly. The interpreter, on his side, refused to
go, saying, that in the present circumstances I should not find any
person to attend me; for that the road lay through the territories of
towns which were at war with each other, and that very lately a Venetian
and his interpreter had been assassinated there. I confined myself,
therefore, to the second pilgrimage, in which Sir Sanson de Lalaing and
Humbert wished to accompany me. We left Sir Michel de Ligne sick at
Mount Sion, and his brother William remained with his servant to attend
on him. The rest of us set off on the day of mid-August, with the
intention of going to Jaffa by way of Ramlé, and from Jaffa to Nazareth;
but, before I departed, I went to the tomb of our Lady, to implore her
protection for my grand journey home. I heard divine service at the
Cordeliers, and saw there people who call themselves Christians, but
some of them are very strange ones, according to our notions.
The principal monk at Jerusalem was so friendly as to accompany us as
far as Jaffa, with a Cordelier friar of the convent of Beaune. They
there quitted us, and we engaged a bark from the Moors, which carried us
to the port of Acre. This is a handsome port, deep and well inclosed.
The town itself appears to have been large and strong; but at present
there do not exist more than three hundred houses, situated at one of
its extremities, and at some distance from the sea. With regard to our
pilgrimage, we could not accomplish it. Some Venetian merchants, whom we
consulted, dissuaded us, and from what they said we gave it up. They
told us, at the same time, that a galley from Narbonne was expected at
Baruth; and my comrades being desirous to take that opportunity of
returning to France, we consequently followed the road to that town. We
saw, on our way thither, Sur, an inclosed town, with a good port, then
Seyde, another sea-port tolerably good. Baruth has been more
considerable than it is now, but its port is still handsome, deep, and
safe for vessels. On one of its points we see the remains of a strong
castle which it formerly had, but which is now in ruins[425].
As for myself, solely occupied with my grand journey, I employed the
time we staid in this town in seeking information concerning it; and to
this end addressed myself to a Genoese merchant, called Jacques
Pervezin. He advised me to go to Damascus, assuring me that I should
find there merchants from Venice, Catalonia, Florence, Genoa, and other
places, whose counsels might guide me. He even gave me a letter of
recommendation to a countryman of his, named Ottobon Escot. Being
resolved to consult Escot before I proceeded farther, I proposed to Sir
Sanson to go and see Damascus, without, however, telling him any thing
of my project. He accepted my proposal with pleasure, and we set out
under the conduct of a moucre. I have before said that the moucres in
Syria are the people whose trade is conducting travellers, and hiring
out to them asses and mules.
On quitting Baruth, we had to traverse some high mountains to a long
plain, called the valley of Noah, because it is said that Noah there
built the ark. This valley is not, at the utmost, more than a league
wide; but it is pleasant and fertile, watered by two rivers, and peopled
by Arabs. As far as Damascus, we continued to travel between mountains,
at whose feet are many villages and vineyards. But I warn those who,
like me, shall have occasion to make this journey, to take good care of
themselves during the night, for in my life I never felt such cold. This
excess of cold is caused by the fall of the dew[426], and it is thus
throughout Syria. The greater the heat during the day, the more abundant
the dew and the cold of the night.
It is two days' journey from Baruth to Damascus. The Mohammedans have
established a particular custom for Christians all through Syria, in not
permitting them to enter the towns on horseback. None that are known to
be such dare do it, and, in consequence, our moucre made Sir Sanson and
myself dismount before we entered any town. Scarcely had we arrived in
Damascus than about a dozen Saracens came round to look at us. I wore a
broad beaver hat, which is unusual in that country; and one of them gave
me a blow with a staff, which knocked it off my head on the ground[427].
I own that my first movement was to lift my fist at him; but the
moucre, throwing himself between us, pushed me aside, and very
fortunately for me he did so, for in an instant we were surrounded by
thirty or forty persons; and if I had given a blow, I know not what
would have become of us. I mention this circumstance to show that the
inhabitants of Damascus are a wicked race, and, consequently, care
should be taken to avoid any quarrels with them. It is the same in other
Mohammedan countries. I know by experience that you must not joke with
them, nor at the same time seem afraid, nor appear poor, for then they
will despise you; nor rich, for they are very avaricious, as all who
have disembarked at Jaffa know to their cost.
Damascus may contain, as I have heard, one hundred thousand souls. The
town is rich, commercial, and, after Cairo, the most considerable of all
in the possession of the sultan. To the north, south, and east is an
extensive plain: to the west rises a mountain, at the foot of which the
suburbs are built. A river runs through it, which is divided into
several canals. The town only is inclosed by a handsome wall, for the
suburbs are larger than the town. I have nowhere seen such extensive
gardens, better fruits, nor greater plenty of water. This is said to be
so abundant, that there is scarcely a house without a fountain. The
governor is only inferior to the sultan in all Syria and Egypt; but, as
at different times some governors have revolted, the sultans have taken
precautions to restrain them within proper bounds. Damascus has a strong
castle on the side toward the mountain, with wide and deep ditches, over
which the sultan appoints a captain of his own friends, who never
suffers the governor to enter it. It was, in 1400, destroyed and reduced
to ashes by Tamerlane. Vestiges of this disaster now remain; and toward
the gate of St. Paul there is a whole quarter that has never been
rebuilt. There is a khan in the town, appropriated as a deposit and
place of safety to merchants and their goods. It is called Khan Berkot,
from its having originally been the residence of a person of that name.
For my part, I believe that Berkot was a Frenchman[428]; and what
inclines me to this opinion is, that on a stone of the house are carved
fleur-de-lis, which appear as ancient as the walls. Whatever may have
been his origin, he was a very gallant man, and to this day enjoys a
high reputation in that country. Never during his lifetime, and while he
was in power, could the Persians or Tartars gain the smallest portion of
land in Syria. The moment he learned that one of their armies was
advancing, he instantly marched to meet it, as far as the river, beyond
Aleppo, that separates Syria from Persia, and which, from a guess of the
situation, I believe to be the river Jehon, which falls into the Misses
in Turcomania[429]. The people of Damascus are persuaded that, had he
lived, Tamerlane would never have carried his arms thither. Tamerlane,
however, did honour to his memory; for when he took the town, and
ordered it to be set on fire, he commanded the house of Berkot to be
spared, and appointed a guard to prevent its being hurt by the fire, so
that it subsists to this day.
The Christians are hated at Damascus. Every evening the merchants are
shut up in their houses by persons appointed for this purpose, who, on
the morrow, come to open their gates when it may please them. I found
there many Genoese, Venetian, Calabrian, Florentine, and French
merchants. The last were come thither to purchase several articles, and
particularly spiceries, with the intention of taking them to Baruth, and
embarking them on board the galley expected from Narbonne. Among them
was Jacques Cœur[430], who has since acted a great part in France, and
was master of the wardrobe to the king. He told us the galley was then
at Alexandria, and that probably Sir Andrew and his three companions
would embark on board at Baruth.
I was shown the place, without the walls of Damascus, where St. Paul had
a vision, was struck blind, and thrown from his horse. He caused himself
to be conducted to Damascus, where he was baptized; but the place of his
baptism is now a mosque. I saw also the stone from which St. George
mounted his horse when he went to combat the dragon. It is two feet
square; and they say, that when formerly the Saracens attempted to
carry it away, in spite of all the strength they employed they could not
succeed.
Having seen Damascus, Sir Sanson and myself returned to Baruth, where we
found Sir Andrew, Pierre de Vaudrei, Geoffroi de Toisi, and Jean de la
Roe, who had come thither, as Jacques Cœur had told us. The galley
arrived from Alexandria two or three days afterward; and, during this
short interval, we witnessed a feast celebrated by the Moors in their
ancient manner. It began in the evening at sunset. Numerous companies,
scattered here and there, were singing and uttering loud cries. While
this was passing, the cannons of the castle were fired, and the people
of the town launched into the air, very high and to a great distance, a
kind of fire, larger than the greatest lantern that I ever saw lighted.
They told me they sometimes made use of such at sea, to set fire to the
sails of an enemy's vessel. It seems to me, that as it is a thing easy
to be made, and of little expense, it may be equally well employed to
burn a camp or a thatched village, or in an engagement with cavalry to
frighten the horses. Curious to know its composition, I sent the servant
of my host to the person who made this fire, and requested him to teach
me the method. He returned for answer that he dared not, for that he
should run great danger were it known; but as there is nothing a Moor
will not do for money, I offered him a ducat, which quieted his fears,
and he taught me all he knew, and even gave me the moulds in wood, with
the other ingredients, which I have brought to France.
The evening before the embarkation, I took Sir Andrew de Toulongeon
aside, and, having made him promise that he would not make any
opposition to what I was about to reveal to him, I informed him of my
design to return home overland. In consequence of his promise, he did
not attempt to hinder me, but represented all the dangers I should have
to encounter, and the risk I should run of being forced to deny my faith
to Jesus Christ. I must own that his representations were well founded;
and of all the perils he had menaced me with, there was not one I did
not experience, except denying my religion. He engaged his companions to
talk with me also on this subject; but what they urged was vain: I
suffered them to set sail, and remained at Baruth.
On their departure, I visited a mosque that had originally been a
handsome church, built, as it is said, by St. Barbara. It is added
that, when the Saracens had gained possession, and their criers had, as
usual, ascended the tower to announce the time of prayer, they were so
beaten that from that day no one has ventured to return thither. There
is also another miraculous building that has been changed into a church,
which formerly was a house belonging to the Jews. One day these people
finding an image of our Lord began to stone it, as their fathers had in
times past stoned the Original; but the image having shed blood, they
were so frightened with the miracle, that they fled and accused
themselves to the bishop, and gave up even their house in reparation for
their crime. It was made into a church, which at present is served by
the Cordeliers.
I was lodged at the house of a Venetian merchant, named Paul Barberico;
and as I had not entirely renounced my two pilgrimages to Nazareth and
Mount Tabor, in spite of the obstacles which it had been said I should
meet with, I consulted him on this double journey. He procured for me a
moucre, who undertook to conduct me, and bound himself before him to
carry me safe and sound as far as Damascus, and to bring him back from
thence a certificate of having performed his engagement, signed by me.
This man made me dress myself like a Saracen. The Franks, for their
security in travelling, have obtained permission from the sultan to wear
this dress when on a journey.
I departed with my moucre from Baruth on the morrow after the galley had
sailed, and we followed the road to Seyde that lies between the sea
and the mountains. These frequently run so far into the sea that
travellers are forced to go on the sands, and at other times they are
three-quarters of a league distant. After an hour's ride, I came to a
small wood of lofty pines, which the people of the country preserve with
care. It is even forbidden to cut down any of them; but I am ignorant of
the reason for such a regulation. Further on was a tolerably deep river,
which my moucre said came from the valley of Noah, but the water was not
good to drink. It had a stone bridge over it, and hard by was a khan,
where we passed the night. On the morrow we arrived at Seyde, a town
situated near the sea, and inclosed on the land side by ditches, which
are not deep. Sur, called by the Moors Sour, has a similar situation. It
is supplied with excellent water from a spring a quarter of a league to
the southward of the town, conducted to it by an aqueduct. I only
passed through; and it seemed to be handsome, though not strong, any
more than Seyde, both having been formerly destroyed, as appears from
their walls, which are not to be compared to those of our towns. The
mountain near Sur forms a crescent, the two horns advancing as far as
the sea: the void between them is not filled with villages, though there
are many on the sides of the mountain. A league farther we came to a
pass which forced us to travel over a bank, on the summit of which is a
tower. Travellers going to Acre have no other road than this, and the
tower has been erected for their security. From this defile to Acre the
mountains are low, and many habitations are visible, inhabited, for the
greater part, by Arabs. Near the town I met a great lord of the country,
called Fancardin: he was encamped on the open plain, carrying his tents
with him.
Acre, though in a plain of about four leagues in extent, is surrounded
on three sides by mountains, and on the fourth by the sea. I made
acquaintance there with a Venetian merchant, called Aubert Franc, who
received me well, and procured me much useful information respecting my
two pilgrimages, by which I profited. With the aid of his advice, I took
the road to Nazareth, and, having crossed an extensive plain, came to
the fountain, the water of which our Lord changed into wine at the
marriage of Archetriclin[431]: it is near a village where St. Peter is
said to have been born.
Nazareth is another large village, built between two mountains; but the
place where the angel Gabriel came to announce to the Virgin Mary that
she would be a mother is in a pitiful state. The church which had been
built there is entirely destroyed; and of the house wherein our lady was
when the angel appeared to her, not the smallest remnant exists.
From Nazareth I went to Mount Tabor, the place where the transfiguration
of our Lord, and many other miracles, took place. These pasturages
attract the Arabs, who come thither with their beasts; and I was forced
to engage four additional men as an escort, two of whom were Arabs. The
ascent of the mountain is rugged, because there is no road: I performed
it on the back of a mule, but it took me two hours. The summit is
terminated by an almost circular plain of about two bow-shots in
length, and one in width. It was formerly inclosed within walls, the
ruins of which, and the ditches, are still visible: within the wall, and
around it, were several churches, and one especially, where, although in
ruins, full pardon for vice and sin is gained.
To the east of Mount Tabor, and at the foot of it, we saw the Tiberiade,
beyond which the Jordan flows. To the westward is an extensive plain,
very agreeable from its gardens, filled with date palm trees, and small
tufts of trees planted like vines, on which grows the cotton. At
sun-rise these last have a singular effect, and, seeing their green
leaves covered with cotton, the traveller would suppose it had snowed on
them[432]. I descended into this plain to dinner, for I had brought with
me chickens and wine. My guides conducted me to the house of a man, who,
when he saw my wine, took me for a person of consequence, and received
me well. He brought me a porringer of milk, another of honey, and a
branch loaded with dates. They were the first I had ever seen. I noticed
also the manner of manufacturing cotton, in which men and women were
employed. Here my guides wanted to extort more money from me, and
insisted on making a fresh bargain to reconduct me to Nazareth. It was
well I had not my sword with me, for I confess I should have drawn it;
and it would have been madness in me, and in all who shall imitate me.
The result of the quarrel was, that I was obliged to give them twelve
drachms of their money, equivalent to half a ducat. The moment they had
received them, the whole four left me, so that I was obliged to return
alone with my moucre.
We had not proceeded far on our road when we saw two Arabs, armed in
their manner, and mounted on beautiful horses, coming towards us. The
moucre was much frightened; but, fortunately, they passed us without
saying a word. He owned that, had they suspected I was a Christian, they
would have killed us both without mercy, or, at the least, have stripped
us naked. Each of them bore a long and thin pole, shod at the ends with
iron; one of which was pointed, the other round, but having many sharp
blades a span long. Their buckler was round, according to their custom,
convex at the centre, whence came a thick point of iron; and from that
point to the bottom it was ornamented with a long silken fringe. They
were dressed in robes, the sleeves of which, a foot and a half wide,
hung down their arms; and instead of a cap they had a round hat,
terminated in a point of rough crimson wool, which, instead of having
the linen cloth twisted about it like other Moors, fell down on each
side of it, the whole of its breadth.
We went to lodge at Samaria, because I wished to see the lake of
Tiberias, where, it is said, St. Peter was accustomed to fish; and, by
so doing, some pardons may be gained, for it was the ember week of
September. The moucre left me to myself the whole day. Samaria is
situated on the extremity of a mountain. We entered it at the close of
the day, and left it at midnight to visit the lake. The moucre had
proposed this hour to evade the tribute extracted from all who go
thither; but the night hindered me from seeing the surrounding country.
I went first to Joseph's well, so called from his being cast into it by
his brethren. There is a handsome mosque near it, which I entered, with
my moucre, pretending to be a Saracen. Further on is a stone bridge over
the Jordan, called Jacob's Bridge, on account of a house hard by, said
to have been the residence of that patriarch. The river flows from a
great lake situated at the foot of a mountain to the north-west, on
which Namcardin has a very handsome castle.
From the lake I took the road to Damascus. The country is tolerably
pleasant; and, although the road leads between mountains, they are
generally from one to two leagues asunder. There is, however, one narrow
place, where the road is only wide enough for a horse to pass. The tract
all around it, to the right and left for the space of about a league in
length and breadth, is covered with immense flint stones, like pebbles
in a river, the greater part as big as a wine-tun. Beyond this pass is a
handsome khan, surrounded by fountains and rivulets. Four or five miles
from Damascus is another, the most magnificent I ever saw, seated near a
small river, formed by a junction of springs rising on the spot. The
nearer you approach the town, the finer is the country.
I met, near Damascus, a very black Moor, who had ridden a camel from
Cairo in eight days, though it is usually sixteen days' journey. His
camel had run away from him; but, with the assistance of my moucre, we
recovered it. These couriers have a singular saddle, on which they sit
cross-legged; but the rapidity of the camel is so great that, to prevent
any bad effects from the air, they have their heads and bodies tightly
bandaged. This courier was the bearer of an order from the sultan. A
galley and two galliots of the prince of Tarentum had captured, before
Tripoli in Syria, a vessel from the Moors; and the sultan, by way of
reprisal, had sent to arrest all the Catalonians and Genoese who might
be found in Damascus and throughout Syria. This news, which my moucre
told me, did not alarm me: I entered the town boldly with other
Saracens, because, dressed like them, I thought I had nothing to fear.
This expedition had taken up seven days.
On the morrow of my arrival I saw the caravan return from Mecca. It was
said to be composed of three thousand camels; and, in fact, it was two
days and as many nights before they had all entered the town. This event
was, according to custom, a great festival. The governor of Damascus,
attended by the principal persons of the town, went to meet the caravan
out of respect to the Alcoran, which it bore. This is the book of law
which Mohammed left to his followers. It was enveloped in a silken
covering, painted over with Moorish inscriptions; and the camel that
bore it was, in like manner, decorated all over with silk. Four
musicians, and a great number of drums and trumpets, preceded the camel,
and made a loud noise. In front, and around, were about thirty men—some
bearing cross-bows, others drawn swords, others small harquebuses, which
they fired off every now and then[433]. Behind this camel followed eight
old men, mounted on the swiftest camels, and near them were led their
horses, magnificently caparisoned and ornamented with rich saddles,
according to the custom of the country. After them came a Turkish lady,
a relation of the grand seignior, in a litter borne by two camels with
rich housings. There were many of these animals covered with cloth of
gold. The caravan was composed of Moors, Turks, Barbaresques, Tartars,
Persians, and other sectaries of the false prophet Mohammed. These
people pretend that, having once made a pilgrimage to Mecca, they cannot
be damned. Of this I was assured by a renegado slave, a Bulgarian by
birth, who belonged to the lady I have mentioned. He was called
Hayauldoula, which signifies, in the Turkish language, "servant of God,"
and pretended to have been three times at Mecca. I formed an
acquaintance with him, because he spoke a little Italian, and often kept
me company in the night as well as in the day. In our conversations I
frequently questioned him about Mohammed, and where his body was
interred. He told me he was at Mecca; that the shrine containing the
body was in a circular chapel, open at the top, and that it was through
this opening the pilgrims saw the shrine; that among them were some who,
having seen it, had their eyes thrust out, because they said, after what
they had just seen, the world could no longer offer them any thing worth
looking at. There were, in fact, in this caravan two persons, the one of
sixteen and the other of twenty-two or twenty-three years old, who had
thus made themselves blind. Hayauldoula told me also, that it was not at
Mecca where pardons for sin were granted, but at Medina, where St.
Abraham built a house that still remains[434]. The building is in the
form of a cloister, of which pilgrims make the circuit.
With regard to the town, it is seated on the sea-shore. Indians, the
inhabitants of Prester John's country, bring thither, in large ships,
spices and other productions of their country; and thither the
Mohammedans go to purchase them. They load them on camels, and other
beasts of burden, for the markets of Cairo, Damascus, and other places,
as is well known. The distance from Mecca to Damascus is forty days'
journey across the desert. The heat is excessive; and many of the
caravan were suffocated. According to the renegado slave, the annual
caravan to Medina should be composed of seven hundred thousand persons;
and when this number is incomplete, God sends his angels to make it up.
At the great day of judgment Mohammed will admit into Paradise as many
persons as he shall please, where they will enjoy honey, milk, and women
at pleasure. As I was incessantly hearing Mohammed spoken of, I wished
to know something about him; and, for this purpose, I addressed myself
to a priest in Damascus, attached to the Venetian consul, who often said
mass in his house, confessed the merchants of that nation, and, when
necessary, regulated their affairs. Having confessed myself to him, and
settled my worldly concerns, I asked him if he were acquainted with the
doctrines of Mohammed. He said he was, and knew all the Alcoran. I then
besought him, in the best manner I could, that he would put down in
writing all he knew of him, that I might present it to my lord the duke
of Burgundy. He did so with pleasure; and I have brought with me his
work.
My intention was to go to Bursa[435]; and, in consequence, I was
introduced to a Moor, who engaged to conduct me thither in the track of
the caravan on paying him thirty ducats and his expenses; but as I was
advised to distrust the Moors, as people of bad faith and accustomed to
break their promises, I did not conclude the bargain. I say this for the
instruction of those who may have any concerns with them; for I believe
them to be such as they were described to me. Hayauldoula, on his part,
procured me the acquaintance of some Caramanian merchants; but I took
another resolution.
In regard to the pilgrims that go to Mecca, the grand Turk has a custom
peculiar to himself—at least, I am ignorant if the other Mohammedan
powers do the same—which is, that when the caravan leaves his states he
chooses for it a chief, whom they are bound to obey as implicitly as
himself. The chief of this caravan was called Hoyarbarach; he was a
native of Bursa, and one of its principal inhabitants. I caused myself
to be presented to him, by mine host and another person, as a man that
wanted to go to that town to see a brother. They entreated him to
receive me in his company, and to afford me his security. He asked if I
understood Arabic, Turkish, Hebrew, the vulgar tongue, or Greek? When
they replied that I did not, he answered, "Well, what can he pretend to
do?" However, representations were made to him that, on account of the
war, I dared not go thither by sea; and that, if he would condescend to
admit me, I would do as well as I could. He then consented; and, having
placed his two hands on his head and touched his beard, he told me, in
the Turkish language, that I might join his slaves; but he insisted that
I should be dressed just like them.
I went, immediately after this interview, with one of my friends, to
the market, called the Bazaar, and bought two long white robes that
reached to my ancles, a complete turban, a linen girdle, a fustian pair
of drawers to tuck the ends of my robe in; two small bags, the one for
my own use, the other to hang on my horse's head while feeding him with
barley and straw; a leathern spoon and salt; a carpet to sleep on; and,
lastly, a paletot of a white skin, which I lined with linen cloth, and
which was of service to me in the nights. I purchased also a white
tarquais (a sort of quiver) complete, to which hung a sword and knives;
but as to the tarquais and sword, I could only buy them privately; for
if those who have the administration of justice had known of it, the
seller and myself would have run great risks.
The Damascus blades are the handsomest and best of all Syria; and it is
curious to observe their manner of burnishing them. This operation is
performed before tempering; and they have, for this purpose, a small
piece of wood, in which is fixed an iron, which they rub up and down the
blade, and thus clear off all inequalities, as a plane does to wood.
They then temper and polish it. This polish is so highly finished, that,
when any one wants to arrange his turban, he uses his sword for a
looking-glass. As to its temper, it is perfect; and I have nowhere seen
swords that cut so excellently. There are made at Damascus, and in the
adjoining country, mirrors of steel, that magnify objects like burning
glasses. I have seen some that, when exposed to the sun, have reflected
the heat so strongly as to set fire to a plank fifteen or sixteen feet
distant.
I bought a small horse that turned out very well. Before my departure I
had him shod at Damascus; and thence, as far as Bursa, which is near
fifty days' journey, so well do they shoe their horses that I had
nothing to do with his feet, excepting one of the fore ones, which was
pricked by a nail, and made him lame for three weeks. The shoes are
light, thin, lengthened towards the heel, and thinner there than at the
toe. They are not turned up, and have but four nail holes, two on each
side. The nails are square, with a thick and heavy head. When a shoe is
wanted, and it is necessary to work it to make it fit the hoof, it is
done cold, without ever putting it in the fire, which can readily be
done because it is so thin. To pare the hoof they use a pruning knife,
similar to what vine-dressers trim their vines with, both on this as
well as on the other side of the sea. The horses of this country only
walk and gallop; and, when purchased, those which have the best walk are
preferred, as, in Europe, those which trot the best. They have wide
nostrils, gallop well, and are excellent, costing little on the road;
for they eat only at night, and then but a small quantity of barley with
chopped straw. They never drink but in the afternoon; and their bridles
are always left in their mouths, even when in the stable, like mules.
When there they have the two hinder legs tied; and they are all
intermixed together, horses and mares. All are geldings, excepting a few
kept for stallions. Should you have any business with a rich man, and
call on him, he will carry you, to speak with you, to his stables, which
are, consequently, kept always very cool and very clean. We Europeans
prefer a stone-horse of a good breed; but the Moors esteem only mares.
In that country a great man is not ashamed to ride a mare with its foal
running after the dam. I have seen some, exceedingly beautiful, sold as
high as two or three hundred ducats. They are accustomed to keep their
horses very low, and never to allow them to get fat. The men of fortune
carry with them, when they ride, a small drum, which they use in battle,
or in skirmishes, to rally their men. It is fastened to the pommel of
their saddles, and they beat on it with a piece of flat leather. I also
purchased one, with spurs, and vermilion coloured boots, which came up
to my knees, according to the custom of the country.
As a mark of my gratitude to Hoyarbarach, I went to offer him a pot of
green ginger; but he refused it, and it was by dint of prayers and
entreaties that I prevailed on him to accept of it. I had no other
pledge for my security than what I have mentioned; but I found him full
of frankness and good will—more, perhaps, than I should have found in
many Christians.
God, who had protected me in the accomplishment of this journey, brought
me acquainted with a Jew of Caiffa, who spoke the Tartar and Italian
languages; and I requested him to assist me in putting down in writing
the names of every thing I might have occasion to want for myself and my
horse while on the road. On our arrival, the first day's journey, at
Ballec, I drew out my paper to know how to ask for barley and chopped
straw, which I wanted to give my horse. Ten or twelve Turks near me,
observing my action, burst into laughter; and, coming nearer to examine
my paper, seemed as much surprised at our writing as we are with theirs.
They took a liking to me, and made every effort to teach me to speak
Turkish. They were never weary of making me often repeat the same thing,
and pronounced it so many different ways that I could not fail to retain
it; so, when we separated, I knew how to call for every thing necessary
for myself and horse.
During the stay of the caravan at Damascus, I made a pilgrimage, about
sixteen miles distant, to our Lady of Serdenay. To arrive there we
traversed a mountain a full quarter of a mile in length, to which the
gardens of Damascus extend. We then descended into a delightful valley,
full of vineyards and gardens, with a handsome fountain of excellent
water. Here, on a rock, has been erected a small castle, with a church
of green monks, having a portrait of the Virgin painted on wood, whose
head has been carried thither miraculously, but in what manner I am
ignorant. It is added that it always sweats, and that this sweat is an
oil[436]. All I can say is, that when I went thither, I was shown, at
the end of the church, behind the great altar, a niche formed in the
wall, where I saw the image, _which was a flat thing_, and might be
about one foot and a half high by one foot wide. I cannot say whether it
is of wood or stone, for it was entirely covered with clothes. The front
was closed with an iron trellis, and underneath was the vase containing
the oil. A woman accosted me, and with a silver spoon moved aside the
clothes, and wanted to anoint me with the sign of the cross on the
forehead, the temples, and breast. I believe this was a mere trick to
get money; nevertheless I do not mean to say that our Lady may not have
more power than this image.
I returned to Damascus, and, on the evening of the departure of the
caravan, settled my affairs and my conscience as if I had been at the
point of death; for suddenly I found myself in great trouble. I have
before mentioned the messenger whom the sultan had sent with orders to
arrest all the Genoese and Catalonian merchants found within his
dominions. By virtue of this order my host, who was a Genoese, was
arrested, his effects seized, and a Moor placed in his house to take
care of them. I endeavoured to save all I could for him; and, that the
Moor might not notice it, I made him drunk. I was arrested in my turn,
and carried before one of their cadies, who are considered as somewhat
like our bishops, and have the office of administering justice. This
cadi turned me over to another cadi, who sent me to prison with the
merchants, although he knew I was not one; but this disagreeable affair
had been brought on me by an interpreter, who wanted to extort money
from me, as he had before attempted on my first journey hither. Had it
not been for Antoine Mourrouzin, the Venetian consul, I must have paid a
sum of money; but I remained in prison; and, in the mean time, the
caravan set off. The consul, to obtain my liberty, was forced to make
intercession, conjointly with others, to the governor of Damascus,
alleging that I had been arrested without cause, which the interpreter
well knew. The governor sent for a Genoese, named Gentil Imperial, a
merchant employed by the sultan to purchase slaves for him at Caiffa. He
asked me who I was, and my business at Damascus. On my replying that I
was a Frenchman returning from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, he said they
had done wrong to detain me, and that I might depart when I pleased.
I set off on the morrow of the sixth of October, accompanied by a
moucre, whom I had first charged to carry my Turkish dress out of the
town, because a Christian is not permitted to wear a white turban there.
At a short distance a mountain rises, on which I was shown a house said
to have been that of Cain. During the first day we travelled over
mountains, but the road was good. On the second day we entered a fine
country, which continued cheerful until we came to Balbeck. My moucre
there quitted me, as I had overtaken the caravan. It was encamped near a
river, on account of the great heat in these parts; the nights are
nevertheless very cold, which will scarcely be believed, and the dews
exceedingly heavy. I waited on Hoyarbarach, who confirmed the permission
he had granted me to accompany him, and recommended me not to quit the
caravan. On the morrow morning, at eleven o'clock, I gave my horse
water, with oats and straw, according to the custom of our countries.
This time the Turks said nothing to me; but at six o'clock in the
evening, when, having given him water, I was about fastening the bag,
that he might eat, they opposed it and took off the bag; for they never
suffer their horses to eat but during the night, and will not allow one
to begin eating before the rest, unless when they are at grass.
The captain of the caravan had with him a mameluke of the sultan, who
was a Circassian, and going to Caramania in search of a brother. This
man, seeing me alone and ignorant of the language of the country,
charitably wished to serve me as a companion, and took me with him; but,
as he had no tent, we were often obliged to pass the nights under trees
in gardens. It was then that I was obliged to learn to sleep on the
ground, to drink nothing but water, and to sit cross-legged. This
posture was at first painful, but it was still more so to accustom
myself to sit on my horse with such very short stirrups,—and I suffered
so much that, when I had dismounted, I could not remount without
assistance, so sore were my hams; but after a little time this manner
seemed even more convenient than ours. That same evening I supped with
the mameluke; but we had only bread, cheese, and milk. I had, when
eating, a table-cloth, like the rich men of the country. These cloths
are four feet in diameter, and round, having strings attached to them,
so that they may be drawn up like a purse. When they are used they are
spread out; and, when the meal is over, they are drawn up with all that
remains within them, without their losing a crumb of bread or a raisin.
But I observed that, whether their repast had been good or bad, they
never failed to return thanks aloud to God.
Balbeck is a good town, well inclosed with walls, and tolerably
commercial. In the centre is a castle, built with very large stones. At
present it contains a mosque, in which, it is said, there is a human
skull, with eyes so enormous that a man may pass his head through their
openings. I cannot affirm this for fact, as none but Saracens may enter
the mosque.
From Balbeck we went to Hamos[437], and encamped on the banks of a
river. It was there I observed their manner of encamping and pitching
their tents. The tents are neither very high nor very large, so that one
man can pitch them, and six persons may with ease repose in them during
the heat. In the course of the day they lay open the lower parts, to
give passage to the air, and close them in the night time. One camel can
carry seven or eight with thin poles; some of them are very handsome. As
my companion, the mameluke, and myself, had no tent, we fixed our
quarters in a garden. There we were joined by two Turcomans of Satalia,
returning from Mecca, who supped with us. These men, seeing me well
clothed and well mounted, having a handsome sword, and well furnished
tarquais, proposed to the mameluke, as he afterwards owned when we
separated, to make away with me, considering that I was but a Christian,
and unworthy of being in their company. He answered that, since I had
eaten bread and salt with them, it would be a great crime; that it was
forbidden by their law; and that, after all, God had created the
Christians as well as the Saracens. They, however, persisted in their
design; and as I testified a desire of seeing Aleppo, the most
considerable town in Syria after Damascus, they pressed me to join them.
I was ignorant of their intention, and accepted their offer; but I am
now convinced they only wanted to cut my throat. The mameluke forbade
them to come any more near us, and by this means saved my life.
We set out from Balbeck two hours before day; and our caravan consisted
of from four to five hundred persons, with six or seven hundred camels
and mules; for it had great quantities of spicery. I will describe the
order of its march. The caravan has a very large drum; and the moment
the chief orders the departure, three loud strokes are beaten. Every one
then makes himself ready, and, when prepared, joins the file without
uttering a word. Ten of our people would, in such cases, make more noise
than a thousand of theirs. Thus they march in silence, unless it be at
night, or that any one should sing a song celebrating the heroic deeds
of their ancestors. At the break of day, two or three placed at a great
distance from each other cry out, and answer one another, as is done
from the towers of the mosques at the usual hours. In short, a little
before and after sun-rise, devout people make their customary prayers
and oblations. To perform these oblations, if they be near a rivulet
they dismount, and, with feet naked, they wash their whole bodies.
Should there be no rivulet near, at the usual time for these ceremonies
they pass their hands over their bodies. The last among them washes his
mouth and the opposite part, and then turns to the south, when all raise
two fingers in the air, prostrate themselves, and kiss the ground
thrice; they then rise up and say their prayers. They have been ordered
to practise these ablutions instead of confessions. Persons of rank, to
avoid failing in their performance, always carry, when they travel,
leathern bottles full of water, which are suspended under the bellies of
camels or horses, and are generally very handsome.
Hamos (Hems) is a good town, well inclosed with walls and ditches "en
glacis," situated in a plain on the banks of a small river. Here
terminates one end of the plain of Noah[438], which is said to extend as
far as Persia. Tamerlane made his irruption through this plain when he
took and destroyed so many cities. At the extremity of the town is a
handsome castle, constructed on a height, with glaces as far as the
walls.
From Hems, we went to Hama[439]. The country is fine, but I saw few
inhabitants excepting Arabs, who were rebuilding some of the ruined
villages. In Hama I met with a merchant from Venice, named Laurent
Souranze. He received me well, lodged me in his house, and showed me the
town and castle. It has good towers, with strong and thick walls, built,
like the castle of Provins, on a rock, in which deep ditches have been
cut. At one end of the town is the castle, strongly and well built on an
elevation, which is fortified by ditches, and surmounted by a citadel
which commands the whole; and the sides are washed by a river, said to
be one of the four that flowed out of Paradise[440]. I know not if this
be the fact or not; all that I know is, that it runs east-south-east,
and loses itself near Antioch. Here is the greatest wheel[441] I ever
saw. It is put in motion by the river, and supplies the inhabitants,
although numerous, with the necessary quantity of water. The water falls
into a trough cut in the castle-rock, and thence is conducted to the
town, where it flows through the streets in an aqueduct formed on great
square pillars twelve feet high and two wide. I was in want of several
things to be like my fellow-travellers, of which the mameluke having
informed me, my host Laurent carried me himself to the bazaar to
purchase. The things wanted were small silken bonnets, in the fashion of
the Turcomans, a cap to wear under them, Turkish spoons, knives with
their steel, a comb and case, and a leathern cup, all of which are
suspended to the sword. I likewise bought some finger-stalls to draw the
bow, another complete tarquais, to save the one I had, which was very
handsome, and lastly, a capinat, which is a robe of fine white felt,
impenetrable to the rain.
On the road I made acquaintance with some of my fellow-travellers, who,
when they found out that I lodged with a Frank, came to ask me to
procure them some wine. This liquor is forbidden them by their religion,
and they dare not drink it before their own countrymen; but they hoped
to do it without risk at the house of a Frank, and yet they were
returning from Mecca! I spoke of it to my host Laurent, but he said he
was afraid to comply, from the great dangers he should run were it
known. I went to carry them this answer, but they had been more
fortunate elsewhere, in procuring some at the house of a Greek. They
proposed that I should accompany them to partake, either from pure
friendship, or to authorize them to drink wine in the presence of the
Greek. This man conducted us to a small gallery, where we all six seated
ourselves in a circle on the floor. He first placed in the midst of us a
large and handsome earthen jug, that might contain four gallons at
least; he then brought for each of us a pot full of wine, which he
poured into the jug, and placed beside it two earthen porringers to
serve for glasses. The first who began drank to his companion, according
to their custom; this did the same to the next, and so on the others. We
drank in this manner for a long time without eating; at length, I
perceived that I could no longer continue it without suffering, and
begged of them, with uplifted hands, to permit me to leave off; but they
grew very angry, and complained as if I had been resolved to interrupt
their pleasure and do them an injury. Fortunately there was one among
them more acquainted with me than the rest, and who loved me so that he
called me _kardays_, that is to say, brother. He offered to take my
place, and to drink for me when it should be my turn. This appeased
them, and, having accepted the offer, the party continued until evening,
when it was necessary for us to return to the khan.
The captain of the caravan was at the moment seated on a bench of stone,
and had before him a lighted torch. It was not difficult for him to
guess whence we came, and, consequently, four of our companions slipped
away, and one only remained with me. I mention all this to forewarn any
persons that may travel through these countries to avoid drinking with
the natives, unless they shall wish to swallow so much as will make them
fall to the ground. The mameluke, who was ignorant of my debauch, had,
during that time, bought a goose for us both. He had just boiled it, and
for want of verjuice, had dressed it with the green leaves of the leek;
I ate of it with him, and it lasted us for three days.
I should have liked to see Aleppo, but the caravan taking the strait
road to Antioch, I was forced to give up all thoughts of it. As the
caravan was not to set out for two days, the mameluke proposed that we
should ride forward, the more easily to procure lodgings. Four Turkish
merchants desired to be of our party, and we six travelled together.
Half a league from Hama, we came to the river, and crossed it by a
bridge. It had overflowed, although there had not been any rain. Here I
wished to give my horse some water, but as the bank was steep and the
river deep, had not the mameluke come to my aid I must inevitably have
been drowned. On the opposite side of the river is a long and vast
plain, where we met six or eight Turcomans, accompanied by a woman. She
wore a tarquais like them, and, on inquiring into this, I was told that
the women of this nation are brave, and in time of war fight like men.
It was added, and this seemed to me very extraordinary, that there are
about thirty thousand women who thus bear the tarquais, and are under
the dominion of a lord, named Turcgadiroly[442], who resides among the
mountains of Armenia, on the frontiers of Persia.
The second day's journey was through a mountainous country, tolerably
fertile though ill watered, but we saw nothing but ruined houses. As we
travelled, my mameluke taught me to shoot with the bow, and made me buy
finger-stalls and rings for this purpose. At length we arrived at a
village that was rich in woods, vineyards, and corn-fields, but having
no other water than what was in cisterns. This district seemed to have
been formerly inhabited by Christians, and I own it gave me great
pleasure when I was told that it had all belonged to Franks, and the
ruins of churches were shown me as a proof of it. We fixed our quarters
in this village, and it was then I first saw the habitations of the
Turcomans, and women of that nation with uncovered faces. They commonly
hide them under a piece of black tammy, to which those who are wealthy
attach pieces of money and precious stones. The men are good archers. I
saw several draw the bow, which they do sitting, and at a short
distance; and this gives to their arrows great rapidity and strength.
On leaving Syria, we entered Turcomania, called by us Armenia. The
capital is a very considerable town, named Antequaye (Antakiyah) by
them, and by us Antioch. It was very flourishing in former times, and
has still handsome walls in good repair, which inclose a large tract of
ground, and even some mountains; but its houses are not more than three
hundred in number. It is bounded on the south by a mountain, on the
north by a great lake, beyond which is an open and fine country. The
river that comes from Hama runs alongside the walls. Almost all the
inhabitants are Turcomans or Arabs, and their profession is breeding
cattle, such as camels, goats, cows, and sheep. The goats are, for the
most part, white, and the handsomest I have ever seen, not having, like
those of Syria, hanging ears; and their hair is soft, of some length,
and curling. Their sheep have thick and broad tails. They also feed wild
asses, which they tame; these much resemble stags in their hair, ears,
and head, and have, like them, cloven feet. I know not if they have the
same cry, for I never heard them. They are large, handsome, and go with
other beasts, but I have never seen them mounted[443]. For the carriage
of merchandise they use the buffalo and ox, as we do the horse. They
also use them to ride on; and I have seen large herds, some carrying
goods, and others men.
The lord of this country was Ramedan, a rich, powerful, and brave
prince. For some time he was so redoubtable that the sultan was
alarmed, and afraid to anger him; but, wishing to destroy him, he
practised with the karman[444], who could more easily deceive Ramedan
than any other, having given him his sister in marriage. In consequence,
one day, as they were eating together, the karman arrested him and
delivered him to the sultan, who put him to death, and took possession
of Turcomania, giving, however, a portion of it to the karman. On
leaving Antioch, I continued my road with the mameluke, and we first
crossed a mountain called Negre[445], on which he pointed out to me
three or four handsome castles in ruins, that had belonged to the
Christians. The road is good, and incessantly perfumed by the number of
laurels with which the country abounds; but the descent is twice as
rapid as the ascent. It finishes at the gulf of Asacs[446], which we
call Layaste, because, in fact, it takes its name from the town of Ayas.
This gulf extends between two mountains inland for upwards of fifteen
miles; its breadth may be about twelve, but I refer for this to the sea
charts.
At the foot of the mountain, near the road and close to the sea-shore,
are the ruins of a strong castle[447], defended on the land side by a
marsh, so that it could only be approached by sea, or by a narrow
causeway across the marsh. It was inhabited, but the Turcomans had
posted themselves hard by. They occupied one hundred and twenty tents,
some of felt, others of white and blue cotton, all very handsome, and
capable of containing, with ease, from fifteen to sixteen persons. These
are their houses, and, as we do in ours, they perform in them all their
household business, except making fires. We halted among them; they
placed before us one of the table-cloths before-mentioned, in which
there remained fragments of bread, cheese, and grapes. They then brought
us a dozen of thin cakes of bread, with a large jug of curdled milk,
called by them yogort[448]. The cakes are a foot broad, round, and
thinner than wafers; they fold them up as grocers do their papers for
spices, and eat them filled with the curdled milk. A league further is a
caravansera, where we lodged. These establishments consist of houses
like the khans of Syria.
In the course of this day's journey, I overtook on the road an
Armenian, who spoke a little Italian. Finding I was a Christian, he
entered into conversation with me, and told me many things of the
country, its inhabitants, and likewise of the sultan, and Ramedan, lord
of Turcomania, whom I have already mentioned. He said that this last was
of a large size, very brave, and the most expert of all the Turks in
handling a battle-axe and sword. His mother was a Christian, and had
caused him to be baptized according to the Greek ritual, to take from
him the smell and odour of those who are not baptized[449]. But he was
neither a good Christian nor a good Saracen; and when they spoke to him
of the two prophets, Jesus and Mohammed, he said, "For my part, I am for
the living prophets; they will be more useful to me than dead ones." His
territories on one side joined those of the karman, whose sister he had
married, and on the other reached to Syria, which belonged to the
sultan. Every time the subjects of the latter passed through his country
he exacted tolls from them. But at length the sultan prevailed on the
karman, as I have said before, to betray his brother-in-law to him; and
at this moment he possesses all Turcomania as far as Tharsis, and even
one day's journey further.
That day, accompanied by the Armenian, we once more lodged with the
Turcomans, who again served us with milk. It was here I saw women make
those thin cakes I spoke of. This is their manner of making them; they
have a small round table, very smooth, on which they throw some flour,
and mix it with water to a paste, softer than that for bread. This paste
they divide into round pieces, which they flatten as much as possible,
with a wooden roller of a smaller diameter than an egg, until they make
them as thin as I have mentioned. During this operation they have a
convex plate of iron placed on a tripod, and heated by a gentle fire
underneath, on which they spread the cake and instantly turn it, so that
they make two of their cakes sooner than a waferman can make one wafer.
I was two days traversing the country round the gulf. It is handsome,
and had formerly many castles belonging to Christians, at present
destroyed. Such was the one seen to the eastward before we arrived at
Ayas. The inhabitants are Turcomans, who are a handsome race, excellent
archers, and living on little. Their dwellings are round, like
pavilions, covered with felt. They live in the open plain, and have a
chief whom they obey; but they frequently change their situation, when
they carry their houses with them. In this case, they are accustomed to
submit themselves to the lord on whose lands they fix, and even to
assist him with their arms, should he be at war. But should they quit
his domains, and pass over to those of his enemy, they serve him in his
turn against the other; and they are not thought the worse of for this,
as it is their custom, and they are wanderers. On my road, I met one of
their chiefs hawking with falcons, with which he took tame geese. I was
told that he might have under his command ten thousand Turcomans. The
country is favourable to the chase, but intersected by many small rivers
that fall into the gulf. Wild boars are here abundant.
About the centre of the gulf is a defile formed by a rock[450], under
which the road passes; it is not two bow-shots from the sea; and this
passage was formerly defended by a castle, which made it very strong,
but it is now in ruins.
On leaving this strait, we entered a fine extensive plain[451],
inhabited by Turcomans; my companion, the Armenian, pointed out to me a
castle on a mountain[452] where were only people of his nation, and the
walls of which were washed by a river called Jehon[453]. We travelled
along the banks of this river to a town called Misse on the Jehon[454],
because it runs through it.
Misse, situated four days' journey from Antioch, belonged to the
Christians, and was a considerable city. Many churches, half destroyed,
still remain[455]; the choir of the great church is yet entire, but
converted into a mosque. The bridge is of wood, the former stone one
having been carried away by the floods[456]. One half of the town is
completely in ruins; the other half has preserved its walls, and about
three hundred houses, filled with Turcomans.
From Misse to Adena[457] the country continues level and good, inhabited
by Turcomans. Adena is two days' journey from Misse, and I there
proposed to wait for the caravan. It arrived; I went with the mameluke,
together with some others, many of whom were great merchants, to lodge
near the bridge, between the river and the walls of the town; and it was
there I observed the manner of the Turks saying their prayers and
offering sacrifice. They no way hid themselves from my notice, but on
the contrary seemed well pleased when I said my paternoster, which
seemed to them wonderful. I sometimes heard them chaunt their prayers at
the beginning of the night, when they seat themselves in a circle, and
shake their bodies and heads while they sing in a very uncouth manner.
One day they carried me with them to the stoves and baths of the town;
and as I refused to bathe, for I must have undressed myself, and was
afraid of showing my money, they gave me their clothes to keep. From
this moment we were much connected. The bath-house is very high, and
terminated by a dome, in which a circular opening is contrived to light
the whole interior. The stoves and baths are handsome, and very clean.
When the bathers come out of the water, they seat themselves on small
hurdles of thin osiers, dry themselves, and comb their beards. It was at
Adena I first saw the two young men who had got their eyes thrust out at
Mecca, after having seen the tomb of Mohammed.
The Turks bear well fatigue and a hard life; they are not incommoded, as
I have witnessed, during the whole journey, by sleeping on the ground
like animals. They are of a gay, cheerful humour, and willingly sing
songs of the heroic deeds of their ancestors. Any one, therefore, who
wishes to live with them must not be grave or melancholy, but always
have a smiling countenance. They are also men of probity, and charitable
toward each other. I have often observed, that should a poor person pass
by when they are eating, they would invite him to partake of their meal,
which is a thing we never do.
In many places I found they did not bake their bread half as much as
ours. It is soft, and, unless a person be accustomed to it, is
difficult to be chewed. In regard to meat, they eat it raw, dried in the
sun. When any of their beasts, horse or camel, is so dangerously ill
that no hopes remain of saving its life, they cut its throat, and eat
it, not raw, but a little dressed. They are very clean in dressing their
meat, but eat it dirtily. They in like manner keep their beards very
neat and clean, but never wash their hands but when they bathe, when
they are about to say their prayers, or when they wash their beards and
hinder parts.
Adena is a tolerably good commercial town, well inclosed with walls,
situated in a fine country, and sufficiently near the sea. The river of
Adena[458], which is wide, and rises among the high mountains of
Armenia, flows beneath its walls. It has over it a long bridge, and the
broadest I ever saw. Its inhabitants and prince are Turcomans; the
prince is brother to the brave Ramedan, whom the sultan had murdered. I
was told the sultan had his son in his power, but dared not suffer him
to return into Turcomania.
From Adena I went to Thuro[459], which we call Tharsis. The country
continues good, though near the mountains, and is inhabited by
Turcomans, who live in villages or in tents. The district around Tharsis
abounds in corn, wine, wood, and water. It was a famous town, and very
ancient buildings are still seen in it. I believe this was the town[460]
besieged by Baldwin, brother to Godfrey of Bouillon. At present it has a
governor appointed by the sultan, and many Moors live within it. It is
defended by a castle with ditches _à glacis_, and by a double wall,
which in some parts is triple. A small river[461] runs through it, and
there is another at a short distance. I found there a Cypriot merchant,
named Antony, who had resided in this country a long time, and knew the
language well. He talked to me very pertinently about it; but he did me
another favour, that of giving me some good wine, for I had not tasted
any for several days. Tharsis is but sixty miles from Curco[462], a
castle built on the sea-shore, belonging to the king of Cyprus. In this
whole country they speak the Turkish tongue, which begins even to be
spoken at Antioch, the capital, as I have before said, of Turcomania. It
is a very fine language, laconic, and easily learned.
As we had to cross the high mountains of Armenia, Hoyarbarach, the
chief of our caravan, would have it all assembled; and for this purpose
he waited some days, for those in the rear to come up. At last we
departed, on the eve of All-Souls'-Day. The mameluke advised me to lay
in provision for four days. I consequently purchased a sufficiency of
bread and cheese for myself, and of oats and barley for my horse. On
quitting Tharsis, we travelled three French leagues over a fine
champaign country, peopled with Turcomans; and then we entered on the
mountains, which are the highest I have ever seen. They skirt on three
sides the country I had travelled over from Antioch; the sea bounds the
other on the south. We first passed through woods during a whole day,
but the road is not bad. We lodged in the evening at a narrow pass,
where there seemed to have been formerly a castle. The second day's
journey was not at all disagreeable, and we passed the night at a
caravansera. The third, we followed the banks of a small river, and saw
on the mountains an innumerable quantity of speckled partridges. In the
evening, we halted on a plain, about a league in length and a quarter
wide, where four great valleys meet: the one by which we had come;
another that runs northward, towards the country of the lord called
Turcgadirony, and towards Persia; the third runs eastward, and I know
not whether this also does not lead to Persia; the last extends to the
westward, and it is that which I followed, and which conducted me to the
country of the karman. Each of these four has a river, and the four
rivers run to this last country.
It snowed much during the night. To save my horse from the weather, I
covered him with my capinat, the felt robe which I used for a cloak; but
I myself caught cold, and got that disagreeable disorder a dysentery.
Had it not been for my mameluke, I should have been in great danger; but
he assisted me, and made me instantly quit the place in which I was. We
both, therefore, set off very early, and ascended the high mountains
where the castle of Cublech[463] is situated, and is the highest I am
acquainted with. It is seen two days' journey off; but sometimes we
turned our backs to it, by reason of the windings of the mountains,
sometimes also we lost sight of it, as it was hidden by their height. No
one can penetrate into the country of the karman but on foot over the
mountain on which this castle is built. The pass is narrow, and in some
places has been perforated by the chisel, but it is every where
commanded by Cublech. This castle, the last which the Armenians lost,
belongs at this day to the karman, who had it in his division after the
death of Ramedan. These mountains are covered with perpetual snow,
having only a road for horses, although there are some plains scattered
among them. They are dangerous on account of the Turcomans who inhabit
them; but during the four days I was travelling among them I never
perceived a single dwelling.
On leaving the mountains of Armenia, to enter the country of the karman,
there are still others to be crossed. On one of them is a pass, having a
castle called Léve, where a toll is paid to the karman. This toll was
farmed to a Greek, who, on seeing me, judged from my features that I was
a Christian, and stopped me. If I had been forced to return I should
have been a dead man, for I was afterwards assured, that before I had
gone half a league my throat would have been cut, for the caravan was at
a great distance. Fortunately my mameluke bribed the Greek, and, in
consideration of two ducats that I gave him, he opened the passage.
Further on is the castle of Asers, and beyond that the castle of a town
called Araclie (Eregli).
On descending the mountain, we entered a plain as level as the sea; then
are seen some heights towards the north, which, scattered here and
there, appear like so many islands in the midst of the waves. It is on
this plain that Eregli is situated, a town formerly inclosed, but now in
the greatest state of ruin. I found there, however, some provision; for
my last four days' journey from Tharsis had afforded me nothing but
water. The environs of the town are covered with villages, inhabited
chiefly by Turcomans.
On quitting Eregli, we met two gentlemen of the country, who appeared to
be men of distinction; they showed great friendship to the mameluke, and
carried him to regale at an adjoining village, the dwellings of which
are cut out of the rock. We passed the night there, but I was forced to
stay the remainder of the time in a cavern, to take care of our horses.
When the mameluke returned, he told me that these two men had asked who
I was, and that in his answer he had misled them, by saying I was a
Circassian, who could not speak Arabic.
From Eregli to Larande[464], whither our route lay, is two days'
journey. This town, though not inclosed, is large, commercial, and well
situated. There was, in ancient times, a great and strong castle in the
centre of the town, the gates of which are now visible; they are of
iron, and very handsome, but the walls are destroyed. There is a fine
plain between these two towns; and after I left Léve I did not notice a
single tree in the open country. There were in Larande two Cypriot
gentlemen, the one named Lyachin Castrico, the other Leon Maschero, who
both spoke very tolerable French[465]. They inquired of me my country,
and what had brought me thither: I replied that I was a servant of my
lord of Burgundy, that I came from Jerusalem to Damascus, and was
following the caravan. They appeared astonished that I had been suffered
to pass; but when they had asked whither I was going, and I had answered
that I was on my return overland through France to my aforesaid lord,
they told me it was impossible to be done, and that if I had a thousand
lives I should lose them all; they therefore proposed that I should
return to Cyprus with them; for there were at that island two galleys
that had come thither to convey back the daughter of the king, who had
been betrothed in marriage to the son of my lord of Savoy[466]; and they
doubted not but the king, from the love and respect he bore to the duke
of Burgundy, would grant me a passage on board one of them. I replied,
that, since God had graciously permitted that I should arrive at
Larande, he would probably allow me to go further; but that, at all
events, I was determined to finish my journey as I had begun it, or die
in the attempt. I asked them, in my turn, whither they were going. They
said their king was just dead; that during his life there had always
been a truce with the grand karman, and that the young king and his
council had sent them to renew this alliance. Being curious to make
acquaintance with this great prince, whom his nation reverences as we do
our king, I entreated permission to accompany them, to which they
consented. I met likewise with another Cypriot at Larande, called Perrin
Passerot, a merchant, who had resided some time in the country. He was
from Famagusta, and had been banished from that town, because he and one
of his brothers had attempted to deliver it up to the king, as it was
then in the hands of the Genoese.
My mameluke also met with five or six of his countrymen, young
Circassian slaves, who were on their way to the residence of the sultan.
He was desirous to regale them on their meeting; and, as he had heard
there were Christians at Larande, he guessed they would not be without
wine, and begged of me to procure him some. By dint of inquiry, and for
half a ducat, I was enabled to purchase the half of a goatskin full, of
which I made him a present. He showed great joy on receiving it, and
instantly went to his companions, with whom he passed the whole night
drinking. He himself swallowed so much, that on the morrow he was near
dying on the road, but he cured himself by a method which is peculiar to
them. In such cases, they have a very large bottle full of water, and as
their stomach becomes empty, they drink water as long as they are able,
as if they would rinse a bottle, which they throw up, and then drink of
it again. He was thus employed on the road until mid-day, when he was
perfectly recovered.
From Larande we went to Qulongue, called by the Greeks
Quhonguopoly[467]. These places are two days' journey distant from each
other. The country is fine, and well furnished with villages, but wants
water, and has no trees but such as have been planted near houses for
their fruit, nor any other river but that which runs near the town. This
town is considerable and commercial, defended by ditches _en glacis_,
and good walls strengthened with towers, and is the best the karman
possesses. There remains a small castle: formerly there was a very
strong one in the centre of the town, but it has been pulled down to
furnish materials to build the prince's palace.
I staid there four days, that the ambassador from Cyprus and the
caravan might have time to arrive. When the ambassador came, I asked him
when he intended to wait on the karman, and repeated my request to be
present, which he promised to grant. There were, however, among his
slaves four Greek renegadoes, one of whom was his usher-at-arms, who
united in their efforts to dissuade him from it; but he replied that he
saw no inconvenience, and besides, that I had shown such eagerness to
witness the ceremony, that he should take pleasure in obliging me. He
was apprized of the hour when he might make his obeisance to the prince,
inform him of the object of his mission, and offer his presents; for it
is an established custom in the east never to appear before a superior
without bringing presents. His were six pieces of camlet of Cyprus, I
know not how many ells of scarlet, forty sugar loaves, a peregrine
falcon, two cross-bows, and a dozen of bolts. Some genets were sent him
to carry the presents; and he and his attendants were mounted on horses,
which the great lords, who had come to the palace to attend the prince
during this ceremony, had left at the gate. The ambassador made use of
one of them, but dismounted at the entrance of the palace, when we were
ushered into a large hall where there might be about three hundred
persons. The prince occupied the adjoining apartment, around which were
arranged thirty slaves, standing; he was himself in a corner, seated on
a carpet on the ground, according to the custom of the country, clad in
a crimson and gold cloth, with his elbow leaning on a cushion of another
sort of cloth of gold. Near him was his sword, his chancellor standing
in front, and, at a little distance, three men seated.
The presents were first laid before him, which he scarcely deigned to
look at; then the ambassador entered, attended by an interpreter,
because he did not understand the Turkish language. After the usual
reverences, the chancellor demanded his credential letters, which he
read aloud. The ambassador then addressed the king by means of his
interpreter, and said that the king of Cyprus had sent him to salute
him, and to request that he would accept the presents now before him, as
a mark of his friendship. The prince made no answer, but caused him to
be seated on the ground after their manner, below the three persons
before mentioned, and at some distance from the prince. He now inquired
after the health of his brother the king of Cyprus, and was told that
he had lost his father, and had commissioned him to renew the alliance
that had subsisted between the two countries during the lifetime of the
deceased, for which he was very anxious. The prince answered that he
desired it as earnestly. He then questioned the ambassador when the late
king died, the age of his successor, if he were prudent, if his country
was obedient; and, as the answer to these last questions was 'Yes,' he
seemed well pleased.
After these words, the ambassador was told to rise, which he did, and
took leave of the prince, who did not move more at his departure than at
his entrance. On leaving the palace, he found the same horses which had
carried him thither; and, having mounted one of them, he was reconducted
to his lodgings: but he was scarcely entered, when the ushers of arms
presented themselves, for in these ceremonies it is customary to give
them money, and the ambassador did not neglect it. He next went to pay
his compliments to the son of the prince, to offer him presents and
deliver his letters. He was seated like his father, with three persons
near him; but when the ambassador made his reverence, he rose up, then
reseated himself, and placed the ambassador above these three
personages. As for us, who accompanied him, they placed us far behind.
Having noticed a bench, I was about to seat myself on it without any
ceremony; but I was pulled off, and made to bend my knees and crouch on
the ground like the rest. On our return home, an usher of arms to the
son visited us, as those of the father had done, who also received some
money. These people, however, are satisfied with a little. The prince
and his son, in their turn, sent the ambassador a present for his
expenses, which is likewise one of their customs. The first sent fifty
aspres, the second thirty. An aspre is the money of the country, and
fifty are equal in value to a Venetian ducat.
I saw the prince go through the town in procession on a Friday, which is
a holiday with them, when he was going to say his prayers. His guards
were about fifty horsemen, the greater part his slaves, and about thirty
infantry, who surrounded him. He bore a sword in his belt, and had a
tabolcan at the pommel of his saddle, according to the custom of the
country. He and his son have been baptized in the Greek manner, to take
off _the bad smell_; and I was told that the son's mother was a
Christian. It is thus all the grandees get themselves baptized, that
they may not stink. His territories are considerable: they begin one
day's journey on this side Tharsis, and extend to the country of Amurath
Bey[468], the other karman I spoke of, and whom we call the Grand Turk.
In this line they are, as it is said, twenty leagues in breadth; but
they are sixteen days' journey in length, as I know well from having
travelled them. They extend, as they assured me, on the north-east, as
far as the frontiers of Persia. The karman possesses also a maritime
coast, called the Farsats. It extends from Tharsis to Courco, which
belongs to the king of Cyprus, and to a port called Zabari. This
district produces the most expert sailors known, but they have revolted
against him.
The karman is a handsome prince, about thirty-two years old, and married
to a sister of Amurath Bey. He is well obeyed by his subjects, although
I have heard people say he was very cruel, and that few days passed
without some noses, feet, or hands being cut off, or some one put to
death. Should any man be rich, he condemns him to die, that he may seize
his fortune; and it is said that the greater part of his nobles have
thus perished. Eight days before my arrival he had caused one to be torn
to pieces by dogs. Two days after this execution he had caused one of
his wives to be put to death, even the mother of his eldest son, who,
when I saw him, knew nothing of this murder. The inhabitants of the
country are a bad race—thieves, cheats, and great assassins; they kill
each other, and justice is so relaxed that they are never arrested for
it.
I found at Couhongue Antoine Passerot, brother to Perrin Passerot, whom
I had seen at Larande. They had both been accused of attempting to
deliver Famagusta to the king of Cyprus, and had been banished. They had
retired to the states of the karman; the one to Larande, the other to
Couhongue. Antony had been unfortunate. Vice sometimes blinds people;
and he had been caught with a Mohammedan woman, and the king had forced
him to deny his religion to escape death; but he appeared to be still a
stanch Catholic. In our conversations, he told me many particulars of
the country, of the character and government of the prince, and
especially as to the manner in which he had taken and delivered up
Ramedan. The karman, he said, had a brother whom he banished from the
country, and who took refuge at the court of the sultan, where he found
an asylum. The sultan did not dare to declare war against him, but gave
him to understand, that, unless he delivered Ramedan into his hands, he
would send his brother with troops so to do. The karman made no
hesitation, and rather than fight with him committed an infamous treason
in regard to his brother-in-law. Antony added, that he was weak and
cowardly, although his people are the bravest in all Turkey. His real
name is Imbreymbas; but he is called karman, from his being the lord of
the country. Although he is allied to the Grand Turk, having married his
sister, he detests him for having taken from him a portion of the
karman. He is, however, afraid to make war on him, as he is the
stronger; but I am persuaded that if he saw him successfully attacked by
the Europeans he would not leave him in peace.
In traversing his country, I passed near the frontiers of another,
called Gasserie[469], which is bounded on one side by the karman, and on
the other by the high mountains of Turcomania that extend towards
Tharsis and Persia. Its lord is a valiant warrior, called Gadiroly[470],
who has under his command thirty thousand Turcoman men-at-arms, and
about one hundred thousand women, as brave and as fit for combat
as men[471]. There are four lords continually at war with each
other—Gadiroly, Quharaynich, Quarachust, and the son of Tamerlane, who
is said to govern Persia.
Antony told me, that when I quitted the mountains on the other side of
Eregli, I had passed within half a day's journey of a celebrated
town[472] where the body of St. Basil is interred, and spoke of it in
such a manner that I had a wish to see it; but he so strongly
represented that I should lose more by separating myself from the
caravan, and expose myself to great risks when travelling alone, that I
renounced all thoughts of it. He owned to me that his intentions were to
accompany me to my lord the duke; for that he had no desire to become a
Saracen, and that if he had entered into any engagements on this head it
was solely to escape death. It had been ordered that he should be
circumcised, and he was expecting the execution of it daily, which gave
him many fears. He was a very handsome man, about thirty-six years old.
He told me also that the natives offer up public prayers in their
mosques, like as we do in our churches on Sundays, in behalf of
Christian princes, and for other objects which we ask from God. Now one
of the things they pray to God for is, to deliver them from the coming
of such a man as Godfrey de Bouillon.
The chief of the caravan making preparations to depart, I went to take
leave of the Cypriot ambassadors. They had flattered themselves that I
would return with them, and renewed their entreaties, assuring me that I
should never complete my journey; but I persisted. It was at Couhongue
that the caravan broke up. Hoyarbarach took with him only his own
people, his wife, two of his children, whom he had carried with him to
Mecca, one or two foreign women, and myself. I bade adieu to my
mameluke. This good man, whose name was Mohammed, had done me
innumerable services. He was very charitable, and never refused alms
when asked in the name of God. It was through charity he had been so
kind to me, and I must confess that without his assistance I could not
have performed my journey without incurring the greatest danger; and
that, had it not been for his kindness, I should often have been exposed
to cold and hunger, and much embarrassed with my horse. On taking leave
of him, I was desirous of showing my gratitude; but he would never
accept of any thing except a piece of our fine European cloth to cover
his head, which seemed to please him much. He told me all the occasions
that had come to his knowledge, on which, if it had not been for him, I
should have run risks of being assassinated, and warned me to be very
circumspect in my connections with the Saracens, for that there were
among them some as wicked as the Franks. I write this to recall to my
reader's memory that the person who, from his love to God, did me so
many and essential kindnesses, was a man not of our faith.
The country we travelled through, on leaving Couhongue, is handsome,
with tolerably good villages, but the inhabitants are wicked.
Hoyarbarach forbade me to go out of my quarters when we halted, even in
villages, lest I should be assassinated. There is near this place a
celebrated bath, to which sick persons come for a cure of their several
disorders. There are the remains of many houses that formerly belonged
to the Knights Hospitallers of Jerusalem, with the cross of Jerusalem on
them.
After three days' march, we came to a small town, called Achsaray[473],
situated at the foot of a high mountain that shelters it from the south.
The country is level, but not populous, and the natives have a bad
character; I was consequently forbidden to leave my house in the
evening. I travelled the ensuing day between two high mountains, whose
tops were crowned with wood. The district is well peopled, partly by the
Turcomans, and consists of pasture and marsh land. I there crossed a
little brook that divides this country of karman from that of the other
karman possessed by Amurath Bey, called by us the Grand Turk. This
division resembles the former, in being a flat country, with mountains
here and there.
On our road we passed a town with a castle, called Achanay, and further
on we came to a caravansera, where we intended to pass the night, but we
found there twenty-five asses. Our commander refused to enter, and
preferred returning a league further back to a large village, where we
lodged, and found bread, cheese, and milk.
From this place we went to Carassar[474], which took two days. Carassar,
in the Turkish language, signifies "black stone." It is the capital of
the country that Amurath Bey took by force of arms. Although uninclosed,
it is a place of considerable trade, and has one of the finest castles I
have seen, but without any other water than what is collected in
cisterns. It is seated on the summit of a high rock, so round that it
might be thought to be worked with a chisel. Below is the town,
surrounding it on three sides; but both are commanded by a mountain,
from the north-east to the north-west. The other side opens to a plain,
through which runs a river. Not long ago, the Greeks had gained
possession of this place, but afterwards lost it by their cowardice.
They dress sheeps' feet here with a cleanliness I have nowhere seen. I
regaled myself with them the more eagerly, as I had not eaten any
dressed meat since I had left Couhongue. They cook also a nice dish with
green walnuts. Their manner is to peel them, cut them into two, and put
them on a string; then they are besprinkled with boiled wine, which
attaches itself to them, and forms a jelly like paste all around them.
It is a very agreeable food, especially when a person is hungry. We were
obliged to lay in a stock of bread and cheese for two days, as I was
disgusted with raw meat.
Two days were employed in journeying from Carassar to Cotthay[475]. The
country is good, well watered, having no very high mountains. We
traversed one end of a forest, which seemed to me only remarkable for
consisting entirely of oak, taller and larger than any I had hitherto
met with, having besides, like fir-trees, branches only at the top. We
took up our quarters for the night at a caravansera, distant from any
habitations. We found there barley and straw in plenty, and we could the
more easily have supplied our wants, as there was but a single servant
to take care of them; but the owners never have any thing to fear of
this kind, for at such places there is no man so bold as to take the
smallest article without paying for it. On our road was a small river
renowned for its water. Hoyarbarach went to drink of it with his women,
and wished me to do the same, he himself offering me some in his
leathern cup. This was the first time on the journey that he had done me
this favour.
Cotthay, although pretty considerable, is without walls; but it has a
handsome and large castle, composed of three forts rising one above the
other, on the declivity of a hill, which has a double inclosure. This
place was the residence of the son of the Grand Turk. There was a
caravansera in the town, whither we went to lodge. It was already
occupied by a party of Turks, and we were obliged, according to custom,
to turn our horses pell-mell. On the next morning, when making ready to
depart, I perceived that one of my straps had been taken, which served
to fasten on my horse's crupper, my carpets and other things I carried
behind me. At first I began to cry out with much noise and anger; but
there was a Turkish slave present, one belonging to the sultan's son, a
man of weight and about fifty years old, who, hearing me speak the
language very incorrectly, took me by the hand, and conducted me to the
gate of the caravansera, when he asked me in Italian who I was? I was
stupified to hear him thus speak, and replied that I was a Frank.
"Whence do you come?" "From Damascus, in company with Hoyarbarach, and I
am going to Bursa to meet one of my brothers." "Indeed! but you are a
spy, and come to make your remarks on this country. If you were not,
would you not have embarked, and returned home by sea?" This unexpected
accusation confounded me. I answered, however, that the Venetians and
Genoese were carrying on so bitter a war that I was afraid to venture by
sea. He asked whence I came? "From the kingdom of France," was my
answer. "Are you from the neighbourhood of Paris?" I replied I was not,
and, in my turn, asked if he were acquainted with Paris? He said he had
formerly been there with a captain, named Bernabo. "Take my advice,"
continued he; "return to the caravansera, seek your horse, and bring him
hither to me, for there are some Albanian slaves, who will steal from
you every thing he carries. While I am taking care of him, do you go and
breakfast, and procure for yourself and your horse provision for five
days, for so long will you be on the road without meeting with any." I
followed his advice, and went to purchase provision. I breakfasted also
the more heartily as I had not tasted meat for two days, and was told
that I must not expect to meet with any for five days more.
When I quitted the caravansera, I took the road to Bursa[476], leaving
that leading to Troy on my left, between the south and west points.
There were many high mountains, several of which I had to pass over. I
had also two days' journey through forests, after which I traversed a
handsome plain, in which are some villages good enough for the country.
Half a day's journey from Bursa, we came to one that supplied us with
meat and grapes, which last were as fresh as in the time of vintage;
this mode of preserving them is a secret they have. The Turks offered me
some roast meat; but it was not half dressed, and as the meat was
roasting on the spit we cut off slices. We had also some kaymack, or
buffalo cream; and it was so good and sweet that I ate of it till I
almost burst.
Before we entered this last village, we noticed the arrival of a Turk
from Bursa, who had been sent to the wife of Hoyarbarach, to announce
to her the death of her father. She showed great grief on the occasion,
and I had then, for the first time, an opportunity of seeing her face
uncovered. She was a most beautiful woman. There was at this place a
renegado slave, a native of Bulgaria, who through affectation of zeal,
and to show himself a good Saracen, reproached the Turks of the caravan
for having allowed me to be in their company, saying it was sinful in
them to do so, who were returning from the holy pilgrimage to Mecca. In
consequence, they notified to me that we must separate, and I was
obliged to set off for Bursa. I departed, therefore, on the morrow, an
hour before day, with the aid of God, who had hitherto conducted me. He
now guided me so well, that I never asked my road more than once on the
whole way.