On entering the town, I met numbers of people coming out to meet the

caravan, for such is the custom. The most considerable look on it as a

duty, and it constitutes the festival. Several of them, supposing I was

one of the pilgrims, kissed my hands and robe. When I had entered the

town, I was greatly embarrassed, for I had come to a square that had

four streets opening from it, and I knew not which to take. God again

pointed out to me the right one, that which leads to the bazaar, where

the merchants reside with their merchandise. I addressed myself to the

first Christian I saw, and fortunately he happened to be one of the

Espinolis of Genoa, the very person to whom Parvesin of Baruth had given

me letters. He was much surprised to see me, and conducted me to the

house of a Florentine, where I was lodged, as well as my horse. I

remained there ten days, and employed that time in examining the town,

being conducted by the merchants, who took great pleasure in so doing.

Of all the towns in the possession of the Turks this is the most

considerable. It is of great extent, carries on considerable trade, and

is situated at the foot of the north side of Mount Olympus, whence flows

a river which, passing through the town, divides itself into several

branches, forming, as it were, a number of small towns that make it look

larger than it is. It is at Bursa that the Turkish sultans are buried.

There are many handsome buildings, and particularly a great number of

hospitals, among which there are four, where bread, wine, and meat are

frequently distributed to the poor who will accept of them for the sake

of God. At one of the extremities of the town, towards the west, is a

handsome and vast castle, built on an eminence that may well contain a

thousand houses. There is also the place of the sultan, which they told

me was a very delightful place within side, having a garden and pretty

pond. The prince had at that time fifty wives; and he often, as they

said, amuses himself in a boat with some of them on this piece of water.

Bursa was also the residence of Camurat, bashaw, or, as we should say,

governor or lieutenant of Turkey. He is a very brave man, the most

active the Turk has, and the most able to conduct any enterprise, which

qualities have been the principal cause of his elevation to this

lieutenancy. I asked if he governed the country well, and if he knew how

to make himself obeyed. I was told that he was obeyed and respected like

Amurath himself, and had for his salary fifty thousand ducats a year;

and that, when the Turk went to war, he brought him, at his own expense,

twenty thousand men; but that he had likewise his pensioners, who in

this case were bound to supply him at their charges, one with a thousand

men, another with two, another with three thousand, and so on with the

rest.

There are in Bursa two bazaars; one where all sorts of silken stuffs,

and rich and brilliant diamonds, are sold, great quantities of pearls,

and cheap cotton cloths, and a variety of other merchandise, the

enumeration of which would be tiresome. In the other bazaar, cotton and

white soap are sold, and constitute a great article of commerce. I saw

also, in a market-house, a lamentable sight—a public sale of Christians

for slaves, both men and women. The custom is to make them sit down on

benches, and he who comes to buy sees only the face, the hands, and a

little of the arm of the females. I witnessed at Damascus the sale of a

young black girl, of not more than fifteen or sixteen years of age; she

was led along the streets quite naked, excepting the belly, the hinder

parts, and a little below them.

It was at Bursa that I ate, for the first time, caviare and olive oil.

This food is only fit for Greeks, and when nothing better can be had.

Some days after the return of Hoyarbarach, I went to take leave of him,

and to thank him for the means he had procured me of continuing my

journey to this place. I found him in the bazaar, seated on an elevated

stone bench, with many of the principal inhabitants of the town. The

merchants had accompanied me in this visit: some of them, Florentines by

nation, interested themselves on behalf of a Spaniard, who, having been

a slave to the sultan, found means to escape from Egypt and come to

Bursa. They begged I would take him with me. I carried him at my expense

as far as Constantinople, where I left him; but I am persuaded he was a

renegade, and I have never heard any thing of him since.

Three Genoese had bought spices from the merchants of the caravan, and

intended carrying them for sale to Pera, near Constantinople, and on the

other side of the straits, which we call the Straits of St. George.

Wishing to take the advantage of their company, I waited for their

departure, and for this reason stayed at Bursa, for no one can pass this

strait unless he be known. With this view, they procured me a letter

from the governor, which I carried with me; but it was useless, for I

found means to cross with them. We set out together; but they made me,

for greater security, buy a high red hat, with a huvette of iron

wire[477], which I wore as far as Constantinople.

On leaving Bursa, we travelled northward over a plain watered by a deep

river, which, about four leagues lower down, falls into the gulf between

Constantinople and Gallipoli. We had a day's journey among mountains,

which wood and a clayey soil made very disagreeable. There was on the

road a small tree bearing a fruit somewhat bigger than our largest

cherries, and of the shape and taste of strawberries, but a little acid.

It is pleasant to eat; but, if a great quantity be eaten, it mounts to

the head, and intoxicates. It is ripe in November and December[478].

From the summit of the mountain, the gulf of Gallipoli is visible; and

when we had descended it we entered a valley terminated by a very large

lake, round which many houses are built. It was there I first saw

Turkish carpets made. I passed the night in this valley, which is very

fertile in rice. On pursuing our road, we came sometimes to mountains,

valleys, pasture-lands, and great forests, which it would be impossible

to pass without a guide, and where the horses plunge so deeply in the

soil that they can hardly extricate themselves. I believe, for my part,

that is the forest spoken of in the history of Godfrey de Bouillon,

which he had such difficulty to traverse. I passed the night on the

further side of it, at a village within four leagues of Nicomedia, which

is a large town, with a harbour for shipping. This harbour is called

Lenguo, and commences at the gulf of Constantinople, and extends to the

town, where it is a bow-shot in breadth. All this country is difficult

to travel; but beyond Nicomedia, towards Constantinople, it is very

fine, and tolerably good travelling. It is more peopled with Greeks than

Turks; but these Greeks have a greater aversion to the Latin Christians

than the Turks themselves.

I coasted the gulf of Constantinople, and leaving the road to Nicea, a

town situated to the southward near the Black Sea, I successively lodged

at a village in ruins, inhabited solely by Greeks; then at another near

to Scutari; and, lastly, at Scutari itself, on the strait, and opposite

to Pera. The Turks guard this passage[479], and receive a toll from all

who cross it. It has rocks that would make it easy of defence, if they

were fortified. Men and horses can readily embark and disembark. My

companions and I crossed in two Greek vessels. The owners of my boat

took me for a Turk, and paid me great honours; but when they saw me,

after landing, leave my horse at the gate of Pera to be taken care of,

and inquire after a Genoese merchant named Christopher Parvesin, to whom

I had letters, they suspected I was a Christian. Two of them waited for

me at the gate, and when I returned for my horse they demanded more than

I had agreed on for my passage, and wanted to cheat me. I believe they

would even have struck me, had they dared; I had my sword and my good

tarquais, but a Genoese shoemaker who lived hard by, coming to my aid,

they were forced to retreat. I mention this as a warning to travellers,

who, like me, may have any thing to do with the Greeks. All those with

whom I have had any concerns have only made me more suspicious, for I

have found more probity in the Turks. These people[480] love not the

Christians of the Roman persuasion, and the submission which they have

since made to this church was more through self-interest than

sincerity[481]. Therefore I have been told that, a little before I came

to Constantinople, the pope, in a general council, had declared them

schismatics and accursed, and had devoted them to be the slaves of

slaves[482].

Pera is a large town, inhabited by Greeks, Jews, and Genoese; the last

are masters of it, under the duke of Milan, who styles himself Lord of

Pera. It has a podestat and other officers, who govern it after their

manner. A great commerce is carried on with the Turks; but the latter

have a singular privilege, namely, that should any of their slaves run

away, and seek an asylum in Pera, they must be given up. The port is the

handsomest of all that I have seen, and I believe I may add, of any in

the possession of the Christians, for the largest Genoese vessels may

lie alongside the quays; but, as all the world knows this, I shall not

say more. It, however, seems to me, that on the land side and near the

church, in the vicinity of the gate at the extremity of the haven, the

place is weak.

I met at Pera an ambassador from the duke of Milan, named Sir Benedicto

de Fourlino. The duke, wanting the support of the emperor Sigismond

against the Venetians, and seeing Sigismond embarrassed with the defence

of his kingdom of Hungary against the Turks, had sent an embassy to

Amurath, to negotiate a peace between the two princes. Sir Benedicto, in

honour of my lord of Burgundy, gave me a gracious reception. He even

told me, that to do mischief to the Venetians he had contributed to make

them lose Salonica, taken from them by the Turks; and certainly in this

he acted so much the worse, for I have since seen the inhabitants of

that town deny Jesus Christ and embrace the Mohammedan religion.

There was also at Pera a Neapolitan, called Peter of Naples, with whom I

was acquainted. He said he was married in the country of Prester John,

and made many efforts to induce me to go thither with him. I questioned

him much respecting this country, and he told me many things which I

shall here insert, but I know not whether what he said be the truth, and

shall not therefore warrant any part of it[483].

Two days after my arrival at Pera, I crossed the haven to

Constantinople, to visit that city. It is large and spacious, having the

form of a triangle; one side is bounded by the Straits of St. George,

another towards the south by the bay, which extends as far as Gallipoli,

and on the north side is the port. There are, it is said, three large

towns on the earth, each inclosing seven hills,—Rome, Constantinople, and

Antioch. Rome is, I think, larger and more compact than Constantinople.

As for Antioch, as I only saw it when passing by, I cannot speak of its

size; its hills, however, appeared to me higher than those of the two

others.

They estimate the circuit of the city of Constantinople at eighteen

miles, a third of which is on the land side towards the west. It is well

inclosed with walls, particularly on the land side. This extent,

estimated at six miles from one angle to the other, has likewise a deep

ditch, _en glacis_, excepting for about two hundred paces at one of its

extremities, near the palace called Blaquerne. I was assured that the

Turks had failed in their attempt to take the town at this weak part.

Fifteen or twenty feet in front of this ditch is a false bray of a good

and high wall. At the two extremities of this line were formerly

handsome palaces, which, if we may judge from their present ruins, were

also very strong. I was told they had been destroyed by an emperor, when

taken prisoner by the Turks and in danger of his life. The conqueror

insisted on his surrendering Constantinople, and, in case of refusal,

threatened to put him to death. The other replied, that he preferred

death to the disgrace of afflicting Christendom by so great a loss, and

that his death would be nothing in comparison. When the Turk saw he

could gain nothing by this means, he offered him his liberty on

condition that the square in front of St. Sophia should be demolished,

with the two palaces. His project was thus to weaken the town, that he

might the more easily take it. The emperor accepted his offers, the

proof of which exists at this day.

Constantinople is formed of many separate parts, so that it contains

several open spaces to a greater extent than those built on. The largest

vessels can anchor under its walls, as at Pera; it has, beside, a small

harbour in the interior, capable of containing three or four galleys.

This is situated to the southward, near a gate, where a hillock is

pointed out composed of bones of the Christians, who, after the

conquests of Jerusalem and Acre, by Godfrey de Bouillon, were returning

by this strait. When the Greeks had ferried them over, they conducted

them to this place, which is remote and secret, where they were

murdered. The whole, although a very numerous body, would have thus

perished, had not a page found means to re-cross to Asia, and inform

them of the danger that awaited them. On this, they spread themselves on

the shores of the Black Sea; and from them are said to be descended

those rude Christians who inhabit that part of the country—Circassians,

Mingrelians, Ziques, Gothlans, and Anangats. But, as this is an old

story, I know of it no more than what was told me.

The city has many handsome churches, but the most remarkable and

principal is that of St. Sophia, where the patriarch resides, with

others of the rank of canons. It is of a circular shape, situated

near the eastern point, and formed of three different parts; one

subterraneous, another above the ground, and a third over that. Formerly

it was surrounded by cloisters, and was three miles, as they say, in

circumference. It is now of smaller extent, and only three cloisters

remain, all paved, and incrusted with squares of white marble, and

ornamented with large columns of various colours[484]. The gates are

remarkable for their breadth and height, and are of brass. This church,

they say, possesses one of the robes of our Lord, the end of the lance

that pierced his side, the sponge that was offered him to drink from,

and the reed that was put into his hand. I can only say, that behind the

choir, I was shown the gridiron on which St. Laurence was broiled, and a

large stone in the shape of a wash-stand, on which they say Abraham gave

the angels to eat, when they were going to destroy Sodom and Gomorrah. I

was curious to witness the manner of the Greeks' performing divine

service, and went to St. Sophia on a day when the patriarch officiated.

The emperor was present, accompanied by his wife, his mother, and his

brother, the despot of the Morea[485]. A mystery was represented, the

subject of which was the three youths whom Nebuchadnezzar had ordered to

be thrown into the fiery furnace[486].

The empress, daughter to the emperor of Trebisonde, seemed very

handsome, but as I was at a distance I wished to have a nearer view; and

I was also desirous to see how she mounted her horse, for it was thus

she had come to the church, attended only by two ladies, three old men,

ministers of state, and three of that species of men to whose guard the

Turks intrust their wives. On coming out of St. Sophia, she went into an

adjoining house to dine, which obliged me to wait until she returned to

her palace, and consequently to pass the whole day without eating or

drinking. At length she appeared. A bench was brought forth and placed

near her horse, which was superb, and had a magnificent saddle. When she

had mounted the bench, one of the old men took the long mantle she wore,

passed to the opposite side of the horse, and held it in his hands

extended as high as he could; during this, she put her foot in the

stirrup, and bestrode the horse like a man. When she was in her seat,

the old man cast the mantle over her shoulders; after which, one of

those long hats with a point, so common in Greece, was given to her; it

was ornamented at one of the extremities with three golden plumes, and

was very becoming. I was so near that I was ordered to fall back, and,

consequently, had a full view of her. She wore in her ears broad and

flat rings, set with several precious stones, especially rubies. She

looked young and fair, and handsomer than when in church. In one word, I

should not have had a fault to find with her, had she not been painted,

and assuredly she had not any need of it. The two ladies mounted their

horses at the same time that she did; they were both handsome, and wore,

like her, mantles and hats. The company returned to the palace of

Blaquerne.

In the front of St. Sophia is a large and handsome square, surrounded

with walls like a palace, where games were performed in ancient

times[487]. I saw the brother of the emperor, the despot of the Morea,

exercising himself there, with a score of other horsemen. Each had a

bow, and they galloped along the inclosure, throwing their hats before

them, which, when they had passed, they shot at; and he who with his

arrow pierced his hat, or was nearest to it, was esteemed the most

expert. This exercise they had adopted from the Turks, and it was one of

which they were endeavouring to make themselves masters.

On this side, near the point of the angle, is the beautiful church of

St. George, which has, fronting Turkey in Asia, a tower at the narrowest

part of the straits. On the other side, to the westward, is a very high

square column, with characters traced on it, and bearing on the summit

an equestrian statue of Constantine, in bronze. He holds a sceptre in

his left hand, with his right extended towards Turkey in Asia, and the

road to Jerusalem, as if to denote that the whole of that country was

under his government. Near this column are three others, placed in a

line, and of one single piece, bearing three gilt horses, now at

Venice[488].

In the pretty church of the Panthéacrator, occupied by Greek monks, who

are what we should call in France Grey Franciscan Friars, I was shown a

stone or table of divers colours, which Nicodemus had caused to be cut

for his own tomb, and which he made use of to lay out the body of our

Lord, when he took him down from the cross. During this operation the

virgin was weeping over the body, but her tears, instead of remaining

on it, fell on the stone, and they are all now to be seen upon it. I at

first took them for drops of wax, and touched them with my hand, and

then bended down to look at them horizontally, and against the light,

when they seemed to me like drops of congealed water. This is a thing

that may have been seen by many persons as well as myself. In the same

church are the tombs of Constantine and of St. Helena, his mother,

raised each about eight feet high on a column, having its summit

terminated in a point, cut into four sides, in the fashion of a diamond.

It is reported that the Venetians, while in power at Constantinople,

took the body of St. Helena from its tomb, and carried it to Venice,

where they say it is now entire. It is added, that they attempted the

same thing in regard to the body of Constantine, but could not succeed;

and this is probable enough, for to this day two broken parts are to be

seen, where they made the attempt. The two tombs are of red jasper.

In the church of St. Apostola is shown the broken shaft of the column to

which our Saviour was fastened when he was beaten with rods, by order of

Pilate. This shaft, longer than the height of a man, is of the same

stone with the two others that I have seen, at Rome and at Jerusalem;

but this exceeds in size the other two put together. There are likewise

in the same church, in wooden coffins, many holy bodies, very entire,

and any one that chooses may see them. One of them had his head cut off,

and that of another saint has been given him. The Greeks, however, have

not the like devotion that we have for these relics. It is the same in

respect to the stone of Nicodemus and the pillar of our Lord, which last

is simply inclosed by planks, and placed upright near one of the columns

on the right hand of the great entrance at the front of the church.

Among the fine churches, I shall mention one more as remarkable, namely,

that called Blaquerne, from being near the imperial palace, which,

although small and badly roofed, has paintings, with a pavement and

incrustations of marble. I doubt not but there may be others worthy of

notice, but I was unable to visit them all. The Latin merchants have one

situated opposite to the passage to Pera, where mass is daily said after

the Roman manner.

There are merchants from all nations in this city, but none so powerful

as the Venetians, who have a bailiff to regulate all their affairs,

independent of the emperor and his officers. This privilege they have

enjoyed for a long time[489]. It is even said, that they have twice by

their galleys saved the town from the Turks; but, for my part, I believe

that God has spared it, more for the holy relics it contains than for

any thing else. The Turks have also an officer to superintend their

commerce, who, like the Venetian bailiff, is independent of the emperor;

they have even the privilege, that if one of their slaves shall run

away, and take refuge within the city, on their demanding him, the

emperor is bound to give him up.

This prince must be under great subjection to the Turk, since he pays

him, as I am told, a tribute of ten thousand ducats annually; and this

sum is only for Constantinople, for beyond that town he possesses

nothing but a castle situated three leagues to the north, and in Greece

a small city called Salubria.

I was lodged with a Catalonian merchant, who having told one of the

officers of the palace that I was attached to my lord of Burgundy, the

emperor caused me to be asked if it were true that the duke had taken

the Maid of Orleans, which the Greeks would scarcely believe. I told

them truly how the matter had passed, at which they were greatly

astonished[490].

The merchants informed me, that on Candlemas-day there would be a solemn

service performed in the afternoon, similar to what we perform on that

day, and they conducted me thither. The emperor was at one end of the

hall, seated on a cushion. The empress saw the ceremony from a window in

an upper apartment. The chaplains who chant the service are strangely

ornamented and dressed; they sing the service by heart, "selon leurs

dois."

Some days after, they carried me to see a feast given on account of the

marriage of one of the emperor's relations. There was a tournament after

the manner of the country, but which appeared very strange to me. I will

describe it. In the middle of a square they had planted, like a

quintain, a large pole, to which was fastened a plank three feet wide

and five feet long. Forty cavaliers advanced to the spot, without any

arms or armour whatever but a short stick. They at first amused

themselves by running after each other, which lasted for about half an

hour; then from sixty to fourscore rods of elder were brought, of the

thickness and length of those we use for thatching. The bridegroom first

took one, and set off full gallop towards the plank, to break it; as it

shook in his hand, he broke it with ease, when shouts of joy resounded,

and the instruments of music, namely, nacaires, like those of the Turks,

began to play. Each of the other cavaliers broke their wands in the same

manner. Then the bridegroom tied two of them together, which in truth

were not too strong, and broke them without being wounded[491]. Thus

ended the feast, and every one returned to his home safe and sound. The

emperor and empress had been spectators of it from a window.

My intentions were to leave Constantinople with this Sir Benedict de

Fourlino, who, as I have said, had been sent ambassador to the Turk by

the duke of Milan. There was a gentleman named Jean Visconti, and seven

other persons in his company, with ten led horses; for when a traveller

passes through Greece, he must absolutely carry every necessary with

him.

I departed from Constantinople the 23rd of January, 1433, and first came

to the pass of Rigory, which was formerly tolerably strong; it is formed

in a valley through which runs an arm of the sea, twenty miles long.

There was a tower, but the Turks have destroyed it. In this place there

remains a bridge, a causeway, and a Greek village. In the way to

Constantinople by land, there is but this pass, and another lower down,

still more dangerous, on a river which there discharges itself into the

sea. From Rigory I went to Thiras, inhabited also by Greeks; it has been

a good town, and a pass as strong as the preceding one, being formed in

like manner by the sea. At each end of the bridge there was a large

tower; but tower and town have been entirely destroyed by the Turks.

I went from Thiras to Salubria. This town, two days' journey from

Constantinople, is situated on the gulf that extends from this place as

far as Gallipoli, and has a small harbour. The Turks could never take

it, although it is not strong toward the sea. It belongs to the emperor,

as well as the whole country hitherto; but this country is completely

ruined, and has but poor villages. Thence I came to Chorleu, formerly

considerable, destroyed by the Turks, and now inhabited by them and

Greeks. Next to Chorleu is Misterio, a small inclosed place, inhabited

only by Greeks, with one single Turk, to whom his prince has given it.

From Misterio we came to Pirgasy, where there are none but Turks. The

walls have been thrown down. Zambry is the next place to Pirgasy, and is

equally destroyed.

We next came to Adrianople, a large commercial town, very populous, and

situated on a great river called the Mariza, six days' journey from

Constantinople. This is the strongest town possessed by the Turk in

Greece, and here he chiefly resides. The lieutenant or governor of

Greece lives here also; and many merchants from Venice, Catalonia,

Genoa, and Florence are likewise residents. The country from

Constantinople hither is good and well watered, but thinly peopled,

having fertile valleys that produce every thing but wood. The Turk was

at Lessère[492], a large town in Pyrre, near to Pharsalia, where the

decisive battle was fought between Cæsar and Pompey, and Sir Benedict

took the road thither to wait on him. We crossed the Mariza in a boat,

and shortly after met fifty women of the Turk's seraglio, attended by

about sixteen eunuchs, who told us they were escorting them to

Adrianople, whither their master proposed soon following them.

We came to Dymodique[493], a good town, inclosed with a double wall. It

is defended on one side by a river, and on the other by a large and

strong castle, constructed on an elevation which is almost round, and

which may contain within its extent three hundred houses. In the castle

is a dungeon, wherein I was told the Turk keeps his treasure. From

Demetica we came to Ypsala[494]; it has been a tolerable town, but is

totally destroyed. I crossed the Mariza a second time. It is two days'

journey from Adrianople, and the country throughout was marshy, and

difficult for the horses.

Ayne[495], beyond Ypsala, is on the sea-shore, and at the mouth of the

Mariza, which at this place is full two miles wide. When Troy flourished

this was a powerful city, and had a king; at present its lord is brother

to the lord of Matelin, and tributary to the Turk. On the circular

hillock is the tomb of Polydore, the youngest of the sons of Priam. The

father had sent this son during the siege of Troy, to the king of Eno,

with much treasure; but, after the destruction of Troy, the king, as

much through fear of the Greeks as the wish to possess this treasure,

put the young prince to death.

At Eno, I crossed the Mariza in a large vessel and came to Macri,

another maritime town to the westward of the first, and inhabited

by Turks and Greeks. It is near to the island of Samandra[496],

which belongs to the lord of Eno, and seems to have been formerly

considerable; at present the whole of it is in ruins excepting a part of

the castle. Caumissin, whither we came next, after having traversed a

mountain, has good walls, which make it sufficiently strong although it

is small. It is situated on a brook, in a fine flat country, inclosed by

mountains to the westward; and this plain extends for five or six days'

journey, to Lessère. Missy was equally strong, and well fortified, but

part of its walls are thrown down and every thing within is destroyed;

it is uninhabited.

Peritoq, an ancient town, and formerly considerable, is seated on a gulf

which runs inland about forty miles, beginning at Monte Santo, where are

such numbers of monks. The inhabitants are Greeks, and it is defended by

good walls, which have, however, many breaches in them. Thence to

Lessère, the road leads over an extensive plain. It was near Lessère,

they say, that the grand battle of Pharsalia was fought.

We did not proceed to this last town; for hearing the Turk was on the

road we waited for him at Yamgbatsar, a village constructed by his

subjects. When he travels, his escort consists of four or five hundred

horse; but, as he is passionately fond of hawking, the greater part of

his troop was composed of falconers and goshawk-trainers, a people that

are great favourites with him; and it is said that he keeps more than

two thousand of them. Having this passion, he travels very short days'

journeys, which are to him more an object of amusement and pleasure. He

entered Yamgbatsar in a shower of rain, having only fifty horsemen

attending him and a dozen archers, his slaves, walking on foot before

him. His dress was a robe of crimson velvet, lined with sable, and on

his head he wore, like the Turks, a red hat; to save himself from the

rain, he had thrown over this robe another, in the manner of a mantle,

after the fashion of the country.

He was encamped in a pavilion which had been brought with him; for

lodgings are nowhere to be met with, nor any provision, except in the

large towns, so that travellers are obliged to carry all things with

them. He had numbers of camels and other beasts of burden. In the

afternoon he came out of his pavilion to go to the bath, and I saw him

at my ease. He was on horseback, with the same hat and crimson robe,

attended by six persons on foot. I heard him speak to his attendants,

and he seemed to have a deep-toned voice. He is about twenty-eight or

thirty years old, and is already very fat.

The ambassador sent one of his attendants to ask him if he could have an

audience, and present him the gifts he had brought. He made answer,

that, being now occupied with his pleasures, he would not listen to any

matters of business; that, besides, his bashaws were absent; that the

ambassador must wait for them, or return to Adrianople. Sir Benedict

accepted the latter proposal, and consequently we returned to Caumissin,

whence, having repassed the mountain I have spoken of, we entered a road

formed between two high rocks, and through them flows a river. A strong

castle, called Coloung, had been built on one of these rocks for its

defence, but it is now in ruins. The mountain is partly covered with

wood, and is inhabited by a wicked race of assassins.

At length we arrived at Trajanopoly, a town built by the emperor Trajan,

who did many things worthy of record. He was the son of the founder of

Adrianople; and the Saracens say that he had an ear like to that of a

sheep[497]. This town was very large, near to the sea and the Mariza;

but now nothing is seen but ruins, with a few inhabitants. A mountain

rises to the east of it, and the sea lies on the south. One of its baths

bears the name of Holy Water. Further on is Vyra, an ancient castle,

demolished in many places. A Greek told me the church had three hundred

canons attached to it. The choir is still remaining, but the Turks have

converted it into a mosque. They have also surrounded the castle with a

considerable town, inhabited by them and Greeks. It is seated on a

mountain, near the Mariza.

On leaving Vyra, we met the lieutenant of Greece, whom the Turk had sent

for, and he was on his road to him with a troop of one hundred and

twenty horse. He is a handsome man, a native of Bulgaria, and had been

the slave of his master; but as he has the talent of drinking hard, the

prince gave him the government of Greece, with a revenue of fifty

thousand ducats. Demetica, on my return, appeared much larger and

handsomer than I thought it the first time; and, if it be true that the

Turk has there deposited his treasure, he is certainly in the right to

do so.

We were forced to wait eleven days in Adrianople. At length he arrived,

on the first day of Lent. The mufti, who is with them what the pope is

to us, went out to meet him, accompanied by the principal persons of the

town, who formed a long procession. He was already near the town when

they met him, but had halted to take some refreshment, and had sent

forward part of his attendants. He did not make his entry until

night-fall.

During my stay at Adrianople I had the opportunity of making

acquaintance with several persons who had resided at his court, and

consequently knew him well, and who told me many particulars about him.

In the first place, as I have seen him frequently, I shall say that he

is a little, short, thick man, with the physiognomy of a Tartar. He has

a broad and brown face, high cheek bones, a round beard, a great and

crooked nose, with little eyes; but they say he is kind, good, generous,

and willingly gives away lands and money. His revenues are two millions

and a half of ducats, including twenty-five thousand received as

tribute-money[498]. Besides, when he raises an army, it not only costs

him nothing, but he gains by it; for the troops that are brought him

from Turkey in Europe, pay at Gallipoli, the comarch, which is three

aspers for each man, and five for each horse. It is the same at the

passage of the Danube. Whenever his soldiers go on an expedition, and

make a capture of slaves, he has the right of choosing one out of every

five. He is, nevertheless, thought not to love war, and this seems to me

well founded. He has, in fact, hitherto met with such trifling

resistance from Christendom that, were he to employ all his power and

wealth on this object, it would be easy for him to conquer great part of

it[499]. His favourite pleasures are hunting and hawking; and he has, as

they say, upwards of a thousand hounds, and two thousand trained hawks

of different sorts, of which I have seen very many. He loves liquor and

those who drink hard; as for himself, he can easily quaff off from ten

to twelve gondils of wine, which amount to six or seven quarts[500].

When he has drunk much, he becomes generous, and distributes his great

gifts; his attendants, therefore, are very happy when they hear him call

for wine. Last year, a Moor took it into his head to preach to him on

this subject, admonishing him that wine was forbidden by the prophet,

and that those who drank it were not good Saracens. The only answer the

prince gave was to order him to prison: he then banished him his

territories, with orders never again to set his foot on them. He unites

to his love for women a taste for boys, and has three hundred of the

former and about thirty of the latter, which he prefers, and when they

are grown up he recompenses them with rich presents and lordships. One

of them he married to a sister of his, with an annual income of 25,000

ducats. Some persons estimate his treasure at half a million of ducats,

others at a million. This is exclusive of his plate, his slaves, the

jewels for his women, which last article is estimated alone at a million

of gold. I am convinced that if he would for one year abstain from thus

giving away blindly, and hold his hand, he would lay by a million of

ducats without wronging any one.

Every now and then he makes great and remarkable examples of justice,

which procures him perfect obedience at home and abroad. He likewise

knows how to keep his country in an excellent state of defence, without

oppressing his Turkish subjects by taxes or other modes of extortion.

His household is composed of five thousand persons, as well horse as

foot; but in war-time he does not augment their pay, so that he does not

expend more than in time of peace, contrary to what happens in other

nations. His principal officers are three bashaws, or visir bashaws. The

visir is a counsellor; the bashaw a sort of chief, or lieutenant. These

three have the charge of all that concerns himself or his household, and

no one can speak with him but through them. When he is in Greece, the

lieutenant of Greece has the superintendence of the army; and when in

Turkey, the lieutenant of Turkey. He has given away great possessions,

but he may resume them at pleasure. Besides, those to whom they have

been given are bound to serve him in war, with a certain number of

troops, at their own expense.

It is thus that Greece annually supplies him with thirty thousand men,

whom he may lead whither he pleases; and Turkey ten thousand, for whom

he only finds provisions. Should he want a more considerable army,

Greece alone, as they tell me, can then furnish him with one hundred and

twenty thousand more; but he is obliged to pay for these. The pay is

five aspers for the infantry, and eight for the cavalry. I have,

however, heard, that of these hundred and twenty thousand there was but

half, that is to say, the cavalry, that were properly equipped, and well

armed with tarquais and sword; the rest were composed of men on foot

miserably accoutered; some having swords without bows, others without

swords, bows, or any arms whatever, many having only staves. It is the

same with the infantry supplied by Turkey, one-half armed with staves.

This Turkish infantry is nevertheless more esteemed than the Greek, and

considered as better soldiers.

Other persons, whose testimony I regard as authentic, have since told

me, that the troops Turkey is obliged to furnish, when the prince wants

to form an army, amount to thirty thousand men, and those from Greece to

twenty, without including two or three thousand slaves of his own, whom

he arms well. Among these slaves are many Christians; and there are

likewise numbers of them among the troops from Greece, Albanians,

Bulgarians, and from other countries. In the last army from Greece,

there were three thousand Servian horse, which the despot of the

province had sent under the command of one of his sons. It was with

great regret that these people came to serve him, but they dared not

refuse.

The bashaws arrived at Adrianople three days after their lord, bringing

with them part of his people and his baggage. This baggage consists of

about a hundred camels, and two hundred and fifty mules and sumpter

horses, as the nation does not use wagons.

Sir Benedict was impatient to have an audience, and made inquiries of

the bashaws if he could see the prince: their answer was a negative. The

reason of this refusal was, that they had been drinking with him, and

were all intoxicated. They, however, sent on the morrow to the

ambassador to let him know they were visible, when he instantly waited

on each with his presents; for such is the custom of the country, that

no one can speak to them without bringing something; even the slaves who

guard their gates are not exempted from it. I accompanied him on this

visit. On the following day, in the afternoon, he was informed that he

might come to the palace. He instantly mounted his horse to go thither

with his attendants, and I joined the company; but we were all on foot,

he alone being on horseback.

In front of the court we found a great number of men and horses. The

gate was guarded by about thirty slaves, under the command of a chief,

armed with staves. Should any person offer to enter without permission,

they bid him retire: if he persist, they drive him away with their

staves. What we call the court of the king, the Turks call "Porte du

Seigneur."[501] Every time the prince receives a message or an embassy,

which happens almost daily, "il fait porte." "Faire porte," is for him

the same as when our kings of France hold royal state and open court,

although there is much difference between the two ceremonies, as I shall

presently show.

When the ambassador had entered, they made him sit down near the gate,

with many other persons who were waiting for the prince to quit his

apartment and hold his court. The three bashaws first entered, with the

governor of Greece and others of the great lords. His chamber looked

into a very large court; the governor went thither to wait for him. At

length he appeared. His dress was, as usual, a crimson satin robe, over

which he had, by way of mantle, another of green figured satin, lined

with sable. His young boys accompanied him, but no further than to the

entrance of the apartment, when they returned. There was nobody with him

but a small dwarf, and two young persons who acted the part of

fools[502]. He walked across an angle of the court to a gallery, where a

seat had been prepared for him. It was a kind of couch covered with

velvet, and four or five steps to mount to it. He seated himself on it,

like to our tailors when they are going to work, and the three bashaws

took their places a little way from him. The other officers, who on

these days make part of the attendants, likewise entered the gallery,

and posted themselves along the walls as far from him as they could.

Without, but fronting him, were twenty Wallachian gentlemen seated, who

had been detained by him as hostages for the good conduct of their

countrymen. Within this apartment were placed about a hundred dishes of

tin, each containing a piece of mutton and rice. When all were placed, a

lord from Bosnia was introduced, who pretended that the crown of that

country belonged to him, and came in consequence to do homage for it to

the Turk, and ask succour from him against the present king. He was

conducted to a seat near the bashaws; and, when his attendants had made

their appearance, the ambassador from Milan was sent for. He advanced,

followed by his presents, which were set down near the tin dishes.

Persons appointed to receive them raised them above their heads, as

high as they could, that the prince and his court might see them. While

this was passing, sir Benedict walked slowly toward the gallery. A

person of distinction came to introduce him.

On entering, he made a reverence without taking off the bonnet from his

head, and when near the steps of the couch he made another very low one.

The prince then rose, descended two steps to come nearer to the

ambassador, and took him by the hand. The ambassador wished to kiss his

hand, but he refused it; and by means of a Jew interpreter, who

understood the Turkish and Italian languages, asked how his good brother

and neighbour the duke of Milan was in health. The ambassador having

replied to this question, he was conducted to a seat near the Bosnian,

but walking backwards, with his face towards the prince, according to

the custom of the country. The prince waited to reseat himself, until

the ambassador had sat down; then the different officers on duty who

were in the apartment sat down on the floor; and the person who had

introduced the ambassador went to seek for us his attendants, and placed

us near the Bosnians.

In the meantime a silken napkin was attached to the prince, and a round

piece of thin red leather was placed before him, for their usage is to

eat only from table-coverings of leather; then some dressed meat was

brought to him in two gilded dishes. When he was served, his officers

went and took the tin dishes I have spoken of, and distributed them to

the persons in the hall, one dish among four. There was in each a piece

of mutton, and some clear rice, but neither bread nor any thing to

drink. I saw, however, in a corner of the court a high buffet with

shelves, which had some little plate on them, and at the foot was a

large silver vase, in the shape of a drinking cup, which I perceived

many to drink out of, but whether water or wine I know not. With regard

to the meat on the dishes, some tasted of it, others not; but, before

all were served, it was necessary to take away, for the prince had not

been inclined to eat. He never takes any thing in public, and there are

very few persons who can boast of having heard him speak, or of having

seen him eat or drink. On his going away, the musicians, who were placed

in the court near the buffet, began to play. They played on instruments,

and sung songs that celebrated the heroic actions of Turkish warriors.

When those in the gallery heard any thing that pleased them, they

shouted, after their manner, most horrid cries. Being ignorant on what

they were playing, I went into the court, and saw they were stringed

instruments, and of a large size. The musicians entered the apartment,

and ate whatever they could find. At length the meat was taken away,

when every one rose up, and the ambassador retired without having said a

word respecting his embassy, which is never customary at a first

audience. There is also another custom, that when an ambassador has been

presented to the prince, this latter, until he shall have given him his

answer, sends him wherewith to pay his daily expenses, and the sum is

two hundred aspers. On the morrow, therefore, one of the officers of the

treasury, the same who had conducted sir Benedict to the court, came to

him with the above sum. Shortly after, the slaves who guarded the gate

came for what is usually given them; they are, however, satisfied with a

little.

On the third day, the bashaws let the ambassador know, they were ready

to learn from him the subject of his embassy. He immediately went to the

court, and I accompanied him; but the prince had closed his audience,

and was just retired, and only the three bashaws, with the beguelar or

governor of Greece, were now remaining. When we had passed the gate, we

found these four seated on a piece of wood that happened to be outside

of the gallery. They sent to desire the ambassador would come forward,

and had a carpet placed on the ground before them, on which they made

him seat himself, like to a criminal before his judge, notwithstanding

there were present great numbers of people. He explained to them the

object of his mission, which was, as I heard, to entreat their lord, on

the part of the duke of Milan, to consent to yield up, to the Roman

emperor Sigismond, Hungary, Wallachia, Bulgaria, as far as Sophia,

Bosnia, and the part of Albania he now possessed, which was dependant on

Sclavonia. They replied they could not at that moment inform the prince

of his request, as he was occupied; but that within ten days he should

have his answer, if they should then have received it from him. There is

likewise another custom; that from the time when an ambassador is

announced as such, he can never speak with the prince personally. This

regulation was made since the grandfather of the present prince was

murdered by an ambassador from Servia. That envoy had come to solicit

from him some alleviation in favour of his countrymen, whom the prince

wanted to reduce to slavery. In despair at not obtaining his object, he

stabbed him, and was himself massacred the instant after[503].

On the tenth day we went to the court to receive the answer. The prince

was there, as at the first time, seated on his couch; but he had with

him in the gallery only those that served his table. I saw neither

buffet, minstrels, nor the lord of Bosnia, nor the Wallachians, but only

Magnoly, brother to the duke of Cephalonia, whose manners to the prince

were those of a respectful servant. Even the bashaws were without, and

standing at a distance, as well as the greater part of the persons whom

I had before seen in the interior, but their number was much lessened.

During the time we were made to wait without, the chief cadi, with his

assessors, administered justice at the outward gate of the palace, when

I saw some foreign Christians come to plead their cause before him: but,

when the prince rose up, the judges ended their sittings and retired to

their homes. I saw the prince pass with his attendants to the great

court, which I was unable to do the first time. He wore a robe of cloth

of gold and green, somewhat rich, and he seemed to me to have a hasty

step. When he had re-entered his apartments, the bashaws, seated as on

the preceding day on the piece of wood, sent for the ambassador. Their

answer was that their master charged him to salute, in his name, his

brother the duke of Milan; that he was very desirous of doing much for

him, but that his present request was unreasonable; that from regard to

him their prince had frequently abstained from pushing his conquests

further in Hungary, which he might easily have done, and such a

sacrifice ought to satisfy him; that it would be too hard for him to

surrender all he had won by the sword; and that, in the present

circumstances, he and his soldiers had no other theatre to occupy their

courage besides the territories of the emperor, and that he should be

the more unwilling to renounce them, because hitherto he had never met

the emperor's forces without beating them, or putting them to flight, as

was well known to all the world.

The ambassador, in fact, knew this personally, for, in the last defeat

of Sigismond before Couloubath, he had witnessed his disaster: he had

even, the night preceding the battle, quitted his camp, to wait on the

Turk. In our conversations, he told me many particulars on this subject.

I saw also two Genoese cross-bowmen, who related to me how the emperor

and his army had repassed the Danube in his galleys.

The ambassador, having received his answer from the bashaws, returned to

his lodgings; but he was scarcely arrived, when he received, on the part

of the sultan, five thousand aspers, with a robe of crimson camocas

lined with yellow calimanco. Thirty-six aspers are worth a Venetian

ducat; but, of the five thousand aspers, the treasurer deducted ten per

cent. as fees of office. I saw also, during my stay at Adrianople, a

present of another sort, made likewise by the sultan to a bride on her

wedding day. This bride was daughter to the Begler Bey, governor of

Greece; and the daughter of one of the bashaws, attended by upwards of

thirty other women, had been charged to offer it. Her dress was of

crimson tissue and gold: her face was covered, according to custom, with

a very rich veil ornamented with diamonds. The attendant ladies had

magnificent veils, and their dresses were robes of crimson velvet, and

robes of cloth of gold without fur. They were all on horseback, riding

astride like men, and some of them had superb saddles. In front of the

procession marched thirteen or fourteen horsemen, and two minstrels also

on horseback, as well as other musicians carrying a trumpet, a very

large drum, and about eight pairs of cymbals, which altogether made a

most abominable noise. After the musicians came the present, and then

the ladies. This present consisted of seventy broad platters of tin

loaded with different sorts of sweetmeats, wet and dry, and of twenty

other platters having on them sheep skinned, painted red and white, and

all had a silver ring suspended from the nose, and two others in the

ears. I had an opportunity of seeing, while at Adrianople, numbers of

Christians chained, who were brought thither for sale. They begged for

alms in the street; but my heart bleeds when I think of the shocking

hardships they suffer.

We left that town on the 12th of March, under the escort of a slave whom

the sultan had ordered to accompany the ambassador. This man was of

great utility to us on the road, more especially in regard to

lodgings—for, wherever he demanded any thing for us, it was eagerly and

instantly granted. Our first day's journey was through a beautiful

country ascending the Mariza, which we crossed at a ferry; the second,

though the roads were good, was employed in passing through woods. At

length we entered Macedonia, between two mountains opening to an

extensive plain, which may be forty miles wide, and is watered by the

Mariza. I there met fifteen men and ten women chained by the neck,

inhabitants of Bosnia, whom the Turks had just carried off in an

excursion which they had made thither. Two Turks were leading them for

sale to Adrianople.

Shortly after, we arrived at Philopopoli, the capital of Macedonia, and

built by king Philip. It is situated in a plain on the Mariza, in an

excellent country, where all sorts of provision are sold very cheap. It

was formerly a considerable town, and indeed is so now. Within it are

three mountains, two of which are at one of its extremities toward the

southward, and the other in the centre. On this last had been

constructed a large castle, in the form of a crescent, now destroyed. I

was shown the situation of king Philip's palace, which has been

demolished, but the walls still remain. Philopopoli is inhabited chiefly

by Bulgarians, who follow the Greek ritual.

I crossed the Mariza by a bridge, on leaving Philopopoli, and rode a

whole day over the plain I mentioned: it terminates at a mountain

sixteen or twenty miles in length, covered with wood. This place was in

former times infested by robbers, and very dangerous to pass. The Turk

has ordered that whoever inhabits these parts shall be free: in

consequence, two villages have been erected and inhabited by Bulgarians,

in one of which, situated on the confines of Bulgaria and Macedonia, I

passed the night. Having crossed the mountain, we came to a plain six

miles long by two broad—then to a forest sixteen miles in length—then

to another great plain wholly shut in by mountains, well peopled with

Bulgarians, and having a river running through it.

After three days' journey, I came at last to a town named Sophia, which

had been very considerable, as may be judged from the ruins of its

walls, now thrown down; but it is at present the best in Bulgaria. It

has a small castle, and is situated near a mountain on the southward,

and at the beginning of a great plain sixty miles long by ten wide. The

inhabitants are chiefly Bulgarians, as in the adjacent villages. The

Turks are few in number, which causes the others to feel the greatest

desire to throw off their yoke, if they could find any to assist them. I

saw some Turks return from an excursion to Hungary; and a Genoese, named

Nicolas Ciba, told me he had also seen those who had crossed the Danube

return, and that there was not one in ten that had both bow and sword:

for my part, of those I saw there were many more that had neither bow

nor sword than those who were armed with both. The best equipped had a

small wooden target. In truth, we must confess that it is a great shame

for Christendom to suffer itself to be subjugated by such a race, for

they are much below what is thought of them.

On quitting Sophia I traversed fifty miles of the plain I spoke of. The

country is well inhabited by Bulgarians of the Greek religion. I then

passed through a mountainous country, tolerably good for travelling on

horseback, and came to a little town in a plain on the Nissave, called

Pirotte. It is uninclosed, but has a small castle, defended on one side

by the river, on the other by a marsh: to the north is a mountain. It is

inhabited by Turks only. Beyond Pirotte the country is again

mountainous, when, after a circuit, we came again to the Nissave, which

runs through a beautiful valley between two tolerably high hills. At the

foot of one of them was the town of Ysvouriere, now totally destroyed,

even to the walls. We followed the banks of the river through the

valley, and came to another mountain, difficult to pass, although cars

and carts do go over it. We then arrived at an agreeable valley, still

watered by the Nissave, which having crossed by a bridge, we entered

Nissa. This town had a handsome castle that belonged to the despot of

Servia. The Turk took it, five years ago, by storm, and entirely

destroyed it. The situation is in a delightful country, abounding in

rice. I continued to follow the river from Nissa, through a country

equally pleasant, and well filled with villages. I at last crossed it at

a ferry, and saw it no more. The mountains now commenced, and I had a

long miry forest to pass, and, after ten days' journey from Adrianople,

arrived at Corsebech[504], a small town situated a mile distant from the

Morava.

The Morava is a large river that runs from Bosnia, and divides Bulgaria

from La Rascia, or Servia, a province which indifferently bears these

two names, and which the Turk conquered six years ago. Corsebech had a

small castle, now demolished: it has still a double wall, but the other

parts, as far as the battlements, have been thrown down. I found there

Cénasin Bey, captain or commandant of this vast frontier country, that

extends from Wallachia as far as Sclavonia. He resides part of the year

in this town; and they told me he was originally a Greek, who did not

drink wine like other Turks; that he was prudent and brave, and knew how

to make himself feared and obeyed. The Turk has intrusted him with the

government of this country, of which he possesses the greater part as

his own property. He suffers no one to cross the river, unless they be

known to him, or unless they be bearers of letters from his master, or,

in his absence, from the governor of Greece. We saw there a beautiful

woman, one of the Hungarian nobility, whose situation inspired us with

pity. An Hungarian renegado, one of the lowest rank, had carried her off

in an excursion, and treated her as his wife. On seeing us, she melted

into tears, for she had not as yet renounced her religion.

On leaving Corsebech, we crossed the Morava by a ferry, and entered the

territory of the despot of Servia, a fine and well-peopled country. All

on this side the river belongs to him—the district on the other to the

Turk; but the despot pays him an annual tribute of fifty thousand

ducats. He possesses also, on this river, toward the common boundaries

of Bulgaria, Sclavonia, Albania, and Bosnia, a town called Nyeuberge,

which has a mine producing gold and silver at the same time. Each year

it pays him more than two hundred thousand ducats, as well-informed

people assured me: without this, he would be soon driven out of his

dominions.

I passed on my road near to the castle of Escalache, that belongs to

him. It has been a strong place, on the point of a hill, at the foot of

which the Nissave forms a junction with the Morava. Part of the walls,

with a tower in the form of a dungeon, are all that remain.

At the mouth of these two rivers, the Turk usually keeps from eighty to

a hundred galleys, galliots, and rafts, to convey over his cavalry and

army in time of war. I could not see them, as no Christian is allowed to

approach them; but a man, worthy of belief, informed me there was a body

of three hundred men always posted there to guard them, and that they

are relieved every two months. The distance from Escalache to the Danube

is one hundred miles: nevertheless, in all this distance, there does not

subsist any fort, or place of defence, but a village, and a house

erected by Cénasnin-Bey on the declivity of a mountain, with a mosque. I

followed the course of the Morava, and with the exception of a very miry

pass, that continues about a mile, caused by a mountain pressing too

close on the river, I had a good road through a pleasant well-peopled

country. It was not the same the second day, for I had mountains, wood,

and much mud to travel through. The country, notwithstanding, was as

fine as a mountainous country can be. It is full of villages, and all

your wants may be there supplied.

From the time we had entered Macedonia, Bulgaria, and Servia, I found on

our passage that the Turk every where caused proclamation to be made

that whoever was bound to join the army should hold himself in readiness

to march. They told us that those who, in obedience to this duty, fed a

horse, were exempted from the tax of the comarch; that such Christians

as were desirous of being excused from serving pay fifty aspers a head;

and that some are forced to join the army, but only when it requires

reinforcements. I learnt also, at the court of the despot, that the Turk

has divided the guard and defence of these frontier provinces among

three captains; one, called Dysem Bey, has the district from the

confines of Wallachia to the Black Sea; Cénasnin Bey commands from

Wallachia to the borders of Bosnia; and Isaac Bey from these frontiers

as far as Sclavonia, that is to say, all beyond the Morava.

To continue the account of my journey, I shall say that I came to a

town, or rather a country house, called Nicodem. It is here the despot

has fixed his residence because the soil is good, and there are woods

and rivers abounding with every thing needful for the pleasures of the

chase and hawking, of which he is very fond. He was out hawking by the

river side, attended by fifty horse, three of his children, and a Turk,

who had been sent by the sultan to summon him to send his contingent to

the army, under the escort of one of his sons. Independently of his

tribute, this is one of the conditions imposed upon him. Every time the

sultan sends him his orders, he is obliged to furnish him with eight

hundred or a thousand horse, under the command of his second son. He

gave the sultan one of his daughters in marriage; nevertheless, there

passes not a day that he does not fear being deprived of his dominions.

I have even heard say, that some wished to inspire the sultan with this

idea, but that he answered, "I draw more from them now than if they were

my own, for in this case I should be obliged to give them to one of my

slaves, and should not receive any thing." The troops he is now raising

are said to be intended against Albania. Ten thousand have already

marched thither, which was the reason he had so few with him when I saw

him at Lessère; but this first army had been destroyed[505].

The prince of Servia is a tall, handsome man, from fifty-eight to sixty

years old; he has five children, three boys and two girls[506]. Of the

boys, one is twenty years, another sixteen, and the third fourteen; and

all three, like their father, have very agreeable countenances. In

respect to the girls, one is married to the sultan, another to the count

de Seil; but as I have not seen them I cannot describe them. When we met

him hawking, the ambassador and myself took him by the hand, which I

kissed, for such is the custom. On the morrow, we went to pay him our

respects. He had a tolerably numerous court, composed of very handsome

men, who wore the beard and hair long, as they are of the Greek church.

There were in the town a bishop, and a doctor in theology, on their road

to Constantinople, sent as ambassadors to the emperor, by the holy

council of Basil[507].

I had employed two days in going from Corsebech to Nicodem, and from

Nicodem to Belgrade half a day. There is nothing but forests, mountains,

and valleys to this town, but the valleys are crowded with villages, in

which provision and good wines are met with.

Belgrade is in Servia, and did belong to the despot; but four years ago

he ceded it to the king of Hungary, for fear lest he should suffer it to

be taken by the Turk, as he had done Coulumbach. This was a heavy loss

to Christendom. The other would be still greater, because the place is

stronger, and can contain from five to six thousand horse[508]. Its

walls are washed on one side by a large river that comes from Bosnia,

called the Save; and on the other it has a castle, near to which runs

the Danube, and into this the Save flows. The town is built on the point

formed by these two rivers. Within its walls the ground rises; but on

the land side it is so flat that any one may march into the ditch. There

is, however, a village on this side that extends from the Save to the

Danube, and surrounds the town to the distance of a bow-shot. This

village is inhabited by Servians, and on Easter-day I heard mass there

in the Sclavonic tongue. It is under obedience to the church of Rome,

and its ceremonies are nothing different from ours.

The place is strong from its situation, and by art, having ditches _en

glacis_, a double wall, well kept in repair, that follows exactly the

rise and fall of the ground. It has also five forts, three on the

elevated ground I spoke of, and two on the river, but these last are

commanded by the preceding ones. It has likewise a small harbour, that

may hold from fifteen to twenty galleys, defended by towers constructed

at each extremity. It is shut up by a chain from one tower to the other,

at least so it was told me, for the two shores are so distant I could

not see it. I saw on the Save six galleys and five galliots, near to the

weakest of the five forts. In this are many Servians, but they are not

permitted to enter the other forts. The whole five are well furnished

with artillery. I particularly noticed three cannons of brass[509]; two

of them were formed of two pieces, and one of such a size, I never

before saw the like. Its mouth was forty-two inches in diameter, but it

seemed short for its thickness[510]. The commandant of the place was Sir

Mathico, a knight of Arragon, and he had for his lieutenant his own

brother, styled my lord brother.

The Turk is in possession of the castle of Coulumbach, on the Danube,

two days' journey below Belgrade. He seized it from the despot, and it

is, as they say, a strong place, but easily attacked with artillery, and

all succour may be cut off from it, which is a great disadvantage. He

there keeps a hundred light galleys having sixteen or eighteen oars on a

side, to pass over to Hungary at his pleasure. The governor of this

place is Cénasnin Bey, before spoken of.

On the Danube, but in Hungary, and opposite to Belgrade, the despot has

a town and castle that were given him by the emperor[511], with several

others, that afford him an income of fifty thousand ducats, on

condition of his becoming his liege man, but he obeys the Turk more than

the emperor.

Two days after my arrival at Belgrade I saw twenty-five men, armed after

the manner of the country, enter the town, whom count Mathico the

governor had sent for to remain in garrison. They told me they were

Germans, although they had Servians and Hungarians so near at hand; but

they said the Servians were subjects and tributaries to the Turk: of

course they could not trust them; and, as for the Hungarians, they were

so much afraid of him, that should he appear they would not dare to

defend it, however great its strength. They were obliged therefore to

call in strangers, and this measure became the more necessary from its

being the only place in the possession of the emperor to enable him to

pass and repass the Danube, in case of need. This conversation greatly

astonished me, and caused me to make some reflections on the strange

subjection in which the Turk keeps Macedonia, Bulgaria, the emperor of

Constantinople, the Greeks, the despot of Servia, and his subjects. Such

a dependence appeared to me a lamentable thing for Christendom; and, as

I lived with the Turks, and became acquainted with their manner of

living and fighting, and have frequented the company of sensible persons

who have observed them narrowly in their great enterprises, I am

emboldened to write something concerning them, according to the best of

my abilities, under correction, however, from those better informed, and

to show how it may be possible to reconquer the territories they have

gained possession of, and to beat them in the field of battle. I shall

begin with what regards their persons, and say they are a tolerably

handsome race, with long beards, but of moderate size and strength. I

know well that it is a common expression to say as strong as a Turk;

nevertheless, I have seen an infinity of Christians, when strength was

necessary, excel them, and I myself, who am not of the strongest make,

have, when circumstances required labour, found very many weaker than

me.

They are diligent, willingly rise early, and live on little, being

satisfied with bread badly baked, raw flesh dried in the sun, milk

curdled or not, honey, cheese, grapes, fruit, herbs, and even a handful

of flour, with which they make a potage sufficient to feed six or eight

for a day. Should they have a horse or camel sick without hopes of

recovery, they cut its throat and eat it. I have witnessed this many

and many a time. They are indifferent where they sleep, and lie on the

ground. Their dress consists of two or three robes of cotton, thrown one

over the other, which fall to their feet. Over these again they wear

another of felt, in the manner of a mantle, called a capinat. This,

though light, resists rain, and there are some very fine and handsome.

Their boots come up to the knees, and they have large drawers, some of

crimson velvet, others of silk or fustian and common stuffs. In war, or

when travelling, to avoid being embarrassed by their robes, they tuck

the ends into their drawers, by which they can move with greater

freedom.

Their horses are good, cost little in food, gallop well and for a long

time. They keep them very poor, never feeding them but at night, and

then only giving them five or six handfuls of barley and double the

quantity of chopped straw, the whole put into a bag which hangs from

their ears. At break of day, they bridle, clean and curry them, but

never allow them to drink before mid-day, then in the afternoon every

time that they find water, and in the evening when they lodge or encamp;

for they always halt early, and near a river if possible. This last time

they leave them bridled for an hour like mules, and then, at a fixed

moment, each gives his horse provender. During the night-time, they

cover them with felt or other stuffs, and I have seen such coverings

very handsome; they have the like also for their hounds, in which they

are curious and have a good breed, although with long hanging ears and

tufted tails, which, however they carry well. All their horses are

geldings; they keep some others for stallions, but so few, that I have

never seen a single one. They saddle and bridle them _à la genette_.

Their saddles are commonly very rich, but hollow, having pummels before

and behind, with short stirrup leathers and wide stirrups.

With regard to their accoutrements and dresses for war, I had twice an

opportunity of seeing them, on the occasions of Greek renegadoes, who,

renouncing their own, had embraced the Mohammedan religion. The Turks

celebrate these events with much festivity. They dress themselves in

their best arms, and traverse the town with as numerous a procession as

possible. On these occasions I have seen them wear very handsome coats

of armour like to ours, except that the links of the mail were smaller;

the vambraces were the same. In one word, they resemble those pictures

that represent figures of the time of Julius Cæsar. Their armour

descends almost half way down the thigh, but a piece of silken stuff is

attached circularly to the bottom of it, that falls down to the calf of

the leg. On their head they wear a round white cap, half a foot high,

terminated in a point. It is ornamented with plates of iron on all

sides, to ward off from the face, neck, and cheeks, blows of the sword,

and is like the helmets in France, called salades[512]. Beside this

head-piece, they usually wear another over it, namely, a bonnet of iron

wire. There are some of these so rich and handsome, that they cost from

forty to fifty ducats, whereas the first are bought for one or two;

although not so strong as the others, they resist the cut of a sword. I

have spoken of their saddles, in which they sit as in an arm-chair, deep

sunk in them, their knees very high, and with short stirrups, a position

in which they cannot support the smallest blow from a lance without

being unhorsed. The arms of those who have any fortune are a bow, a

tarquais, a sword, a heavy mace with a short handle, the thick end of

which is cut into many angles. This is a dangerous weapon when struck on

the shoulders, or on an unguarded arm. I am convinced that a blow given

with it on a head armed with a salade would stun a man. Several have

small wooden bucklers, with which they cover themselves well on

horseback when they draw the bow. I have been assured of this by those

who have long used them, as well as from having seen it myself.

Their obedience to superiors is boundless. None dare disobey, even when

their lives are at hazard; and it is chiefly owing to this steady

submission that such great exploits have been performed, and such vast

conquests gained, as render them masters of a more extensive and

considerable country than all France. I have been assured that, whenever

the Christian powers have taken up arms against them, they have always

had timely information of it. In this case the sultan has their march

watched by men assigned to this purpose, and he lays wait for them with

his army two or three days' march from the spot where he proposes to

fight them. Should he think the opportunity favourable, he falls

suddenly on them; and for these occasions they have a particular kind

of march, beaten on a large drum. When this signal is given, those who

are to lead march quietly off, followed by the others with the same

silence, without the file ever being interrupted, from the horses and

men being trained to this purpose. Ten thousand Turks, on such an

occasion, will make less noise than one hundred men in the Christian

armies. In their ordinary marches they only walk, but in these they

always gallop; and as they are beside lightly armed, they will thus

advance further, from evening to day-break, than in three other days;

and this is the reason why they cannot wear such complete armour as the

French and Italians. They choose, also, no horses but such as walk fast,

and gallop for a long time, while we select only those that gallop well

and with ease. It is by these forced marches that they have succeeded in

surprising and completely defeating the Christians in their different

wars. It is thus they conquered Duke John, whose soul may God

pardon[513]! and, again, the emperor Sigismond, so recently before

Coulumbach, where Sir Advis, a Polish knight, perished. Their manner of

fighting varies according to circumstances. When they find a favourable

opportunity for it, they divide themselves into different troops, and

thus attack many parts of an army at once. This mode is particularly

used when they are among woods or mountains, from the great facility

they have of uniting together again. At other times they form

ambuscades, and send out scouts well mounted to observe the enemy. If

their report be that he is not on his guard, they instantly form their

plan and take advantage of the circumstance. Should they find the army

well drawn up, they curvet round it within bow-shot, and, while thus

prancing, shoot at the men and horses, and continue this manœuvre so

long, that they at last throw it into disorder. If the army attempt to

pursue them, they fly, and disperse each separately, even should only a

fourth part of their own number be ordered against them; but it is in

their flight that they are formidable, and it has been almost always

then that they have defeated the Christians. In flying they have the

adroitness to shoot their arrows so very true that they scarcely ever

fail to hit man or horse. Each cavalier has also on the pummel of his

saddle a tabolcan. When the chief, or any of his officers, perceives the

enemy who pursues to be in disorder, he gives three strokes on this

instrument; the others, on hearing it, do the same, and they are

instantly formed round their chief like so many hogs round the old one;

and then, according to circumstances, they either receive the charge of

the assailants, or fall on them by troops, and attack them in different

places at the same time. In pitched battles they employ another

stratagem, which consists in throwing fireworks among the cavalry to

frighten the horses. They often post in their front a great body of

dromedaries and camels, which are bold and vicious; these they drive

before them on the enemy's line of horse, and throw it into confusion.

Such are the modes of fighting the Turks have hitherto adopted against

the Christians. I would not, most assuredly, wrong or depreciate them;

for I must own that I have always found them, in my different

connections, frank and loyal, and when it was necessary to show courage

they have never failed to do so; but I am not the less convinced that it

would be no difficult matter for troops, well mounted and well

commanded, to defeat them: and, in regard to myself, I declare that,

with one-half of their numbers, I should never hesitate to attack them.

Their armies, I know, commonly consist of two hundred thousand men; but

the greater part are on foot, and destitute, as I before said, of

tarquais, helmets, mallets, or sword; few, indeed, being completely

armed. They have, besides, among them a great number of Christians, who

serve through force, Greeks, Bulgarians, Macedonians, Albanians,

Sclavonians, Wallachians, Servians, and other subjects of the despots of

that country. All these people detest the Turk, because he holds them in

a severe captivity; and should they see the Christians march in force

against him, and above all the French, I have not the smallest doubt but

they would turn against him and do him great mischief.

The Turks are not, therefore, so terribly formidable as I have heard

say. I own, however, that it will be necessary, if any attempt be made

against them, to have a general well obeyed by his troops, and who would

particularly listen to the advice of those acquainted with their mode of

warfare. This was the fault, as I am informed, of the emperor Sigismond,

when he was defeated by them at Coulumbach. Had he attended to the

advice given him, he would not have been forced to raise the siege,

since he had from twenty-five to thirty thousand Hungarians. Did not two

hundred Genoese and Lombardy cross-bows alone check the enemy, overawe

them, and cover his retreat, while he embarked on board the galleys that

he had on the Danube; while six thousand Wallachians, under the Polish

knight before mentioned, having separated and posted themselves on a

small eminence, were all cut to pieces?

I speak nothing here but what I have seen myself, or heard from

undoubted authority; therefore, in case any Christian prince or general

may wish to attempt the conquest of Turkey in Europe, or even to

penetrate further, I think I am able to give much information on this

subject. I shall, however, speak according to my abilities; and, should

any thing escape me that may be displeasing to some of my readers, I beg

they will excuse it, and pass it by, as if I had said nothing.

The monarch who should form such a project ought at first to propose to

himself for his object, not glory and renown, but God, religion, and the

salvation of so many souls that are in the road to perdition. He must be

well assured, beforehand, that the regular payment of his troops is

provided for, and that he carries with him none but such as have a fair

reputation, with a good will for the purpose, and, above all, that they

be not pillagers. With regard to the payment of them, I think it should

depend on the holy father to see that it be regularly made; but, until

the moment when the army enters the Turkish territory, there should be

made a strict law that no one take any thing without paying for it. No

person likes to see his property stolen; and I have heard that those who

have been guilty of such things have not found themselves the better for

it. I, however, refer these things to the prince and the lords of his

council; I shall confine myself to speak of the sort of troops I think

proper for such an attempt, and whom, if I had the choice, I should like

to accompany.

I would, in the first place, select from France men at arms, archers,

and cross-bows, in as great numbers as possible and of the sort

mentioned above. Secondly, from England, a thousand men at arms and ten

thousand archers. Thirdly, from Germany, the greatest number possible of

gentlemen, with their cross-bowmen on horse and foot. Collect together

from fifteen to twenty thousand archers and cross-bows of these three

nations, adding thereto from two to three hundred light troops; and I

will ask from God the grace to march with them, and engage they shall

advance without difficulty from Belgrade to Constantinople. They will

require but light armour, as I have before observed that the Turkish bow

has no great strength. When near, their archers shoot true and quick;

but they do not shoot nearly so far as we do. Their bows are thick and

short, and their arrows thin and of no length; their iron heads are

stuck into the wood, which cannot bear a great blow nor make a deep

wound, even on an unarmed place. From this it will be seen slight armour

only is wanted for the troops, that is to say, light greaves for the

legs and thighs, thin plate armour for the body, with helmets having

light vizor-pieces. A Turkish arrow would perhaps pierce a light coat of

mail, but would be turned aside by plate-armour, however thin. I shall

add that, in case of necessity, our archers can make use of the arrows

of the Turks; but that they cannot do the same with ours, because the

notch is not sufficiently wide, and the strings of their bows, being

made of sinews, are too thick.

According to my opinion, our cavalry should be armed with light,

sharp-headed lances, and with strong, well-tempered swords. It may be

also advantageous to have small battle-axes on the wrist. The infantry

should have double-headed battle-axes, and a long and sharp spear, both

having their hands defended with gauntlets. With regard to this last

article, I own I have seen some in Germany, made of boiled leather, that

I consider as effectual as those of iron.

When the army shall come to an open plain, where a combat may be fought

with advantage, it should be done; but then the whole should be formed

into one body; the van and rear guards should be employed on the wings.

The pikemen to be intermixed in the line, unless it should be preferred

to post them otherwise to skirmish; but the general will be careful not

thus to post the men at arms. In front of the line, and on the wings,

the light troops will be scattered; and every one must be strictly

forbidden, under pain of death, to pursue the runaways.

It is the policy of the Turks to have their armies twice as numerous as

those of the Christians. This superiority of numbers augments their

courage, and allows them to form different corps, and to make their

attack on various parts at the same time. Should they once force an

opening, they rush through in incredible crowds, and it is then a

miracle if all be not lost. To prevent this misfortune, the light troops

should be numerously posted on the angles of the line of battle, and, by

this means, keep it compact, so as not to suffer it to be broken. This

manœuvre seems to me to be the more easily executed from these light

troops not being sufficiently armed to form a column capable, by its

weight, of any great impulsion. The Turkish lances are worth nothing;

their archers are the best troops they have, and these do not shoot so

strong nor so far as ours do. They have a more numerous cavalry; and

their horses, though inferior in strength to ours, and incapable of

bearing such heavy weights, gallop better, and skirmish for a longer

time without losing their wind. This is an additional reason for the

army always keeping in a close and good order. When this method is

constantly followed, they will be forced to combat disadvantageously,

and, consequently, to risk every thing or retreat before the army.

Should this last be the case, the cavalry must be sent in pursuit; but

it must always march in good order, and be ever ready to fight and

receive them well should they turn about. With such conduct it is no way

doubtful but they must always be defeated; and if a contrary one be

followed they will beat us, as has ever happened.

I may, perhaps, be told that it would be disgraceful thus to remain on

the defensive when in presence of the enemy; and that, living as they do

on little, they would starve us, unless we quitted our intrenchment to

fight with them. I shall answer that it is not customary for them to

remain long in one place; that to-day they are at this place, to-morrow

a day and a half's march off; they reappear again as suddenly as they

disappeared; and that, if an army be not continually on its guard, it

will run great risks. The important point is, to be ever on the watch

from the moment they appear in sight, and ready to mount for the combat.

Should there be any difficult passage on the line of march, as many men

at arms and archers must be sent thither as the situation will allow

for a combat, and they must be continually in order of battle until the

whole be passed. No foragers must ever be sent out, for they would be as

so many lost men; and besides they would find nothing abroad, for in

war-time the Turks transport every thing into towns.

With all these precautions the conquest of Turkey in Europe would not be

a difficult enterprise, provided—I repeat it—that the army be kept in

one body, never divided, and no detachments ever sent after the enemy.

Should I be asked how I would secure provision, I answer that Turkey and

Servia have navigable rivers, and Bulgaria, Macedonia, and the Greek

provinces are fertile. The army advancing always thus in a mass, the

Turks would be forced to retreat; and they must of necessity choose one

of two extremities, as I have before said; either to re-cross into Asia,

and abandon their properties, their wives, and their children, since the

country is, as may be seen from my description of it, defenceless, or

risk a battle, as they have always done, when they have passed the

Danube. I conclude, therefore, that with good troops, composed from the

three nations I have named, French, English, and Germans, success would

be certain; and that, if they were sufficiently numerous, well united,

and commanded, they might march to Jerusalem. But I shall now return to

my travels.

I crossed the Danube at Belgrade. It was at this moment exceedingly

swollen, and may have been twelve miles broad. Never in the memory of

man had such a flood been seen. Being unable to travel to Buda by the

direct road, I went to a village called Pensey. On leaving Pensey, I

came to the most level plain I ever saw, and, after being ferried over a

river, arrived at the town of Beurquerel, which belongs to the despot of

Servia, and where I crossed two other rivers by a bridge. From

Beurquerel I came to Verchet, belonging also to the despot; there I

crossed the Theis, a wide and deep river, and at length I arrived at

Zegedin, situated upon it. In the whole length of this road, with the

exception of two small woods inclosed by a rivulet, I did not see a

single tree. The natives use, for firing, straw or reeds, collected from

the banks of rivers, or from their numerous marshes. They eat, instead

of bread, soft cakes; but they have not much food.

Zegedin is a large country town, of a single street, that seems about a

league in length. It is in a fertile country, abounding with all sorts

of provision. Many cranes and bustards are taken here, and I saw the

market-place full of them; but they dress and eat them in a filthy

manner. The Theis abounds in fish, and I have nowhere seen a river that

produces such large ones. Many wild horses are brought thither for sale,

and their manner of conquering and taming them is curious. I have been

told that, should any one want three or four thousand, they could be

procured within the town; and they are so cheap that a very good road

horse may be bought for ten Hungarian florins. The emperor, as I heard,

had given Zegedin to a bishop. I saw this bishop, and he seemed a man of

a broad conscience. The Cordelier friars have a handsome church in this

town, where I heard service; but it was performed a little after the

Hungarian mode.

From Zegedin I came to Pest, a tolerably good country town on the

Danube, opposite to Buda. The country, from one town to the other, was

good and level, and full of immense herds of horses, that live wild on

these plains like savage animals; and hence the numbers seen at the

markets of Zegedin. I crossed the Danube at Pest, and entered Buda seven

days after my departure from Belgrade. Buda is the capital of Hungary,

situated on an eminence, and longer than it is broad. To the east is the

Danube, to the west a valley, to the south a palace, which commands the

gate of the town. It was begun by the present emperor, and, when he

shall have finished it, will be extensive and strong. On this side, but

without the walls, are very handsome hot baths. There are also others

along the banks of the Danube to the eastward; but these are not so good

as the preceding ones. The town is governed by Germans, as well in

respect to police as commerce, and what regards the different

professions. Many Jews live there who speak French well, several of them

being descendants of those driven formerly from France. I found, also,

there a merchant from Arras, called Clays Davion. He was one of those

whom the emperor Sigismond had brought from France, to establish

manufactories in his country. Clays was a tapestry weaver[514].

The environs of Buda are agreeable, and its territory fertile in all

sorts of provision, especially in white wines; but they are somewhat

fiery, which is attributed to the adjacent hot springs, and to the

sulphur they emit. One league from the town is the body of St. Paul the

hermit, which is in a perfect state of preservation.

I returned to Pest, where I also found six or eight French families,

whom the emperor had sent thither to construct on the Danube, and

opposite to his palace, a large tower. His intentions were to shut up

the river with a chain, extending from it; and I should suppose he

wanted to imitate what had been done from the town of Burgundy, that

fronts the fort of L'Ecluse; but I do not believe it is practicable

here, for the river is too broad. I had the curiosity to visit the

tower, which is about the length of three lances high, and round about

were quantities of hewn stone; but it had remained some time in this

state, because the masons who had begun the work were dead, and those

that had survived them were said not to have knowledge enough to

continue it. Pest is inhabited by many horse-dealers; and, whoever may

want two thousand good horses, they can furnish the quantity. They sell

them by stables full, containing ten horses; and their price for each

stable is two hundred florins. I looked into several, where two or three

horses alone were worth that price. They come for the most part from the

mountains of Transylvania, which bound Hungary to the eastward. I

purchased one that galloped well, as indeed they almost all do. The

country is excellent for breeding them, from the quantity of grass it

produces; but they have the fault of being a little headstrong, and

particularly difficult to shoe; so that I have sometimes seen them

obliged to be cast on the ground to be shod.

The mountains just spoken of contain mines of gold and salt, each of

which pay annually to the king one hundred Hungarian florins. He had

given up that of gold to the lord of Prussia and to count Mathico, on

condition that the first would guard the frontier against the Turk, and

the second Belgrade. The queen had reserved to her own use the revenue

from salt. The salt is beautiful. It is cut out of a rock like

freestone, into pieces of about a foot long, squared, but a little

convex on the upper side. Whoever should see them in a cart would take

them for stone. It is afterwards pounded in a mortar, and turns out

tolerably white, but finer and better than any I have elsewhere tasted.

In my road through Hungary I have frequently met wagons with six, seven,

or eight persons in them, and drawn by only a single horse; for it is

customary with them, when they make long journeys, to use only one. They

universally have the hind wheels higher than the fore wheels. There are

some covered in their country manner, which are very handsome, and so

light that, including wheels, it seemed that a man could carry one of

them suspended to his neck. As the country is perfectly smooth and

level, there is nothing to prevent the horse from being always on the

trot. It is from this great evenness of the ground that, when they

plough, they draw furrows of an extraordinary length. Until I came to

Pest I had no servant; but there I treated myself with one, and took one

of those French masons into my service whom I found at Pest. He was from

Brai-sur-Somme.

On my return to Buda I accompanied the Milanese ambassador to pay our

compliments to the grand count of Hungary, a title which answers to that

of lieutenant of the emperor. The grand count received me with much

distinction, because, from my dress, he took me for a Turk; but, when he

learnt I was a Christian, he was somewhat colder. I was told that he was

a man whose conversation was little to be depended on, and that no great

trust must be placed in his promises. This is somewhat generally the

reproach made of the Hungarians; and, for my own part, I own that, after

the idea given me of them by my acquaintance, I should have less

confidence in an Hungarian than in a Turk. The grand count is an old

man. It was he, as I heard, who formerly arrested Sigismond, king of

Bohemia and Hungary, and afterwards emperor, and threw him into prison,

whence he afterwards released him by an amicable agreement. His son was

just married to a beautiful Hungarian lady. I saw him at a tournament

after their manner, when the combatants were mounted on small horses and

low saddles. They were gallantly dressed, and had strong and short

lances. It was a pleasing spectacle. Whenever the two champions hit,

both perhaps, but certainly one of them, must be unhorsed; and it is

then seen who has the firmest seat[515].

When they tilt for golden wands, all the horses are of the same size,

all the saddles of the same form; and they are drawn for by lot, and the

jousters are taken by pairs. Should one of two adversaries fall, the

victor is obliged to retire, and is not permitted to tilt again.

I had never quitted the company of the Milanese ambassador until we came

to Buda; but he had told me on the road that we must there separate,

that he might continue his route to Milan. Soon after my return to Buda

I called, in consequence, on Clays Davion, who gave me a letter of

recommendation to a merchant of his acquaintance at Vienna. As I had

fully opened myself to him, not thinking it right to make a secret of my

rank, my name, or the country I had come from, or the honour I had of

belonging to my lord duke of Burgundy, he had inserted all this in his

letter, and I profited from it.

From Buda I came to Thiat, a country town, where the king is said to be

fond of residing; then to Janiz, in German, "Jane,"[516] a town on the

Danube. I afterwards passed by another town, built on an island in that

river, which had been given by the emperor to one of the dependants of

the duke of Burgundy, whom I believe to be Sir Renier Pot. I also passed

through Brut[517], situated on a river that divides the kingdom of

Hungary from the duchy of Austria. The river runs through a marsh, where

a long and narrow causeway has been constructed. This is an important

place; and I am convinced that a small body of men could effectually

defend it on the Austrian side.

Two leagues further the ambassador took leave of me, and followed

another road to return to the duke of Milan, his lord. I took that

leading to Vienna, where I arrived after five days' journey. On my

entering the town no one would lodge me, supposing I was a Turk. At

last, by accident, some one pointed out to me an inn, where I was

received. Fortunately my servant, whom I had hired at Pest, knew the

Hungarian and high German languages. He desired that the merchant to

whom I had a letter might be sent for. On seeking him he came, and not

only offered me every service in his power, but went to inform my lord

duke Albert[518], cousin-german to my lord, of my arrival, who instantly

despatched to me a poursuivant-at-arms, and shortly after Sir Albrech de

Potadorf. Not two hours after my arrival I saw Sir Albrech dismount at

the gate of my inn, and, hearing him ask for me, I thought myself

undone. A little before my departure for the Holy Land, I, with some

others, had arrested him between Flanders and Brabant, because we

thought him a subject of Frederic of Austria[519], who had challenged my

lord; and I now doubted not but that he was come, in his turn, to arrest

me, and perhaps do worse. He told me, however, that his lord, duke

Albert, having learned that I was attached to the duke of Burgundy, had

sent him to me to offer, on his part, every service that was in his

power; that he desired me to ask whatever I might want as boldly from

him as from my own lord; for that he wished to treat his servants in the

same manner as he would his own. Sir Albrech then spoke for himself. He

presented me with money, and offered me horses or any thing else. In

short, he rendered me good for evil; although, after all, I had not done

any thing to him but what honour permitted and even obliged me to do.

Two days after duke Albert sent to say he wished to speak with me; and

Sir Albrech again came to conduct me to him. I presented myself to him

the moment he came from mass, attended by eight or ten old knights of a

respectable appearance. Scarcely had I made my reverence when he took me

by the hand, and would not suffer me to speak to him on my knees. He

asked many questions, particularly about my lord, which induced me to

think he had a great affection for him.

He was of a tolerably good size, brown complexion, good-humoured,

affable, valiant, and generous, and was said to possess every good

quality. Among the persons who accompanied him were some lords from

Bohemia, whom the Hussites had expelled from that country because they

would not be of their religion. At the same time a great lord of that

country, called Paanepot, was presented to him, who had come with

several others, on the part of the Hussites, to treat with him and

establish peace. These last proposed to march to the assistance of the

king of Poland, against the lords of Prussia, and made, as I heard,

great offers to duke Albert, if he would second them; but he replied,

according to my information, that, until they submitted themselves to

the religion of Jesus Christ, he would never make truce nor peace with

them as long as he should live. In fact, at this very time, he had twice

beaten them in battle; had conquered from them all Moravia; and, by his

conduct and valour, had aggrandized himself at their expense.

On quitting his presence, I was conducted to that of the duchess, a

tall, handsome woman, daughter to the emperor, and heiress, after him,

to the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia and their dependencies. She had

just been brought to bed of a daughter, which had occasioned festivals

and tournaments, that were the more numerously attended because,

hitherto, she had not had any children.

On the morrow the duke sent Sir Albrech to invite me to dinner, and made

me sit at his table with an Hungarian lord and another, an Austrian. All

his attendants are on board wages, and no one dines with him unless

invited by the master of his household. The table was square; and the

custom is, for one dish to be brought at a time, and for him who is

nearest to eat of it, which supplies the place of a taster[520]. Fish

and flesh were served; and, above all, a quantity of meat, strongly

seasoned, but always dish by dish. After the dinner I was carried to see

the dancing in the apartments of the duchess. She gave me a bonnet of

gold thread and silk, a ring, and a diamond to wear on my head,

according to the fashion of the country. There were present many nobles

of each sex; and I saw there some very handsome women, with the finest

heads of hair that can be conceived. When I had remained in these

apartments some time, a gentleman named Payser, who, though but a

squire, was a chamberlain and keeper of the jewels of the duke of

Austria, came, by his orders, to show them to me. I saw the crown of

Bohemia, which has some very fine diamonds, and the largest ruby I ever

saw. It seemed bigger than a full-sized date; but it is not clear, and

there are some cavities toward the bottom that show a few black spots.

The keeper then carried me to see the wague-bonnes[521], which the duke

of Austria had constructed to combat the Bohemians. I perceived none

that could hold more than twenty men; but he assured me there was one

that would contain three hundred, and did not require more than eighteen

horses to draw it.

I met at this court the lord de Valse, a gallant knight, and the

greatest baron in Austria after the duke. I saw there, also, Sir Jacques

Trousset, a handsome Swabian knight; but there was another, named Le

Chant, hereditary cup-bearer to the emperor, who having lost his brother

and many friends at the battle of Bar, and hearing that I belonged to my

lord of Burgundy, caused me to be watched, to know the day of my

departure, that he might seize me as I was travelling through Bavaria.

Luckily for me, the duke of Austria was informed of his intentions, and

sent him away, making me stay longer at Vienna than I intended, to wait

for the departure of the lord de Valse and Sir Jacques Trousset, that I

might accompany them.

During my stay I witnessed three of the tournaments I mentioned, with

small horses and low saddles. One took place at court, the others in the

streets; but at the last several were unhorsed so heavily that they were

dangerously wounded.

The duke of Austria made me, in private, offers of money. I received

similar offers from Sir Albert and Sir Robert Daurestoff, a great lord

in Austria, who, the preceding year, had travelled in disguise through

Flanders, and had there seen my lord duke, and spoke very handsomely of

him. In short, I received very pressing ones from a poursuivant of lower

Brittany, named Toutseul, who, after having served under the admiral of

Spain, was now in the service of the duke of Austria. This Breton called

on me every day to go to mass, and attended me wherever I wished to go.

Persuaded that I must have expended on my journey all the money I had, a

little before my departure he presented me with the value of fifty marcs

in enamels, and insisted that I should sell them for my profit; but, as

I equally refused to accept them or to borrow, he protested that no one

should ever know any thing of it.

Vienna is a tolerably large town, well inclosed with deep ditches and

high walls, inhabited by rich merchants and all sorts of tradesmen. The

Danube washes its wall on the north side. The surrounding country is

pleasant and good; and it is a place of amusement and pleasure. The

natives are better dressed than those of Hungary, although they all wear

coarse doublets, very thick and wide. In war they cover the doublet with

an haubergeon, a glaçon[522], a large hat of iron, and other armour

usual in that country. They have many crennequiniers, for such is the

name given in Austria and Bohemia to those called archers in Hungary.

Their bows are like those of the Turks, but not so good nor so strong;

and they do not use them so well as they do. The Hungarians pull the

string with three fingers, and the Turks with the thumb and ring.

When I went to take leave of the duke and duchess of Austria, he

recommended me himself to my two travelling companions, sir Jacques

Trousset and the lord de Valse, who was setting off for his command on

the frontiers of Bohemia. He repeated his question, as to my wanting

money; but I answered, as I had before done to all who had offered me

some, that my lord of Burgundy had so amply supplied me on my departure,

that I had a sufficiency for my return to him, but that I requested he

would grant me a safe conduct, which he did.

The Danube, for three days' journey on leaving Vienna, runs eastward;

from above Buda to the point of Belgrade, it takes a southerly

direction, and then, between Hungary and Bulgaria, it resumes its

easterly course, and falls, as they say, into the Black Sea at Mont

Castre. I left Vienna in company with the before-mentioned lord of Valse

and sir Jacques Trousset. The first was going to his lady at Lintz, and

the second to his country-seat. After two days' travelling, we came to

St. Polten, where the best knives of the country are made. Thence to

Molke on the Danube, where is the best manufacture of cross-bows, having

besides a very handsome Carthusian monastery. Thence to Valse, which

belongs to the aforesaid lord. The castle is constructed on an elevated

rock, that commands the Danube. He himself showed me the ornaments of

the altar of the chapel; I never before saw any so rich in embroidery

and in pearls. I there also noticed boats drawn up the Danube by horses.

The morrow of our arrival, a Bavarian gentleman came to pay his respects

to the lord of Valse. Sir Jacques Trousset, informed of his arrival,

declared he would hang him on a thorn in the garden. The lord de Valse

hastened to him, and entreated he would not put such an affront on him

in his own house. "Well," replied sir Jacques, "should he come elsewhere

within my reach, he shall not escape hanging." The lord de Valse went to

the gentleman, and made him a sign to go away, which he complied with.

The cause of this anger of sir Jacques was, that he himself and the

greater part of his attendants were of the secret company, and that the

gentleman, having been also a member, had misbehaved[523].

From Valse we came to Ens, situated on the river Ems; thence to

Evresperch, on the same river, and within the domain of the bishop of

Passau; and then to Lintz, a very good town, with a castle on the

Danube, and not far from the frontiers of Bohemia. It belongs to the

duke of Austria, and the lord of Valse is governor of it. I saw there

madame de Valse, a very handsome lady from Bohemia, who gave me a

flattering reception. She presented me with an excellent trotter for the

road, a diamond to put in my hair, after the Austrian fashion, and a

bonnet of pearls ornamented with a ring and a ruby[524]. The lord of

Valse remaining at Lintz with his lady, I continued my journey in

company with sir Jacques Trousset, to Erfurt, which belongs to the count

de Chambourg. Here Austria ends, and it had taken us six days to come

from Vienna hither. From Erfurt we came to Riet, a Bavarian town

belonging to duke Henry; then to Prenne on the river Sceine; to

Bourchaze, a town with a castle on the same river, where we met the

duke; thence to Mouldrof, where we crossed the Taing. In short, having

traversed the country of duke Louis of Bavaria, without entering any of

its towns, we arrived at Munich, the prettiest little town I ever saw,

and which belongs to duke William of Bavaria.

I quitted Bavaria at Lansperch to enter Swabia, and passed through

Mindelheim, that belongs to the duke, through Memingen, an imperial

town, and thence to Walporch, one of Sir Jacques's castles. He did not

arrive until three days after me, because he had some friends to visit

in the neighbourhood; but he had given orders to his people to treat me

as they would do himself. On his return, we set out for Ravensburg, an

imperial town, and thence to Martof, and Mersbourg, a town of the bishop

of Constance seated on the lake of this name. The lake, in this part,

may be about three Italian miles broad. I crossed it and came to

Constance, where I passed the Rhine, which there first assumes this name

on issuing from the lake.

It was at this town that sir Jacques Trousset left me. This knight, one

of the most amiable and valiant in Germany, had done me the honour and

pleasure of accompanying me so far from respect to the duke of Austria,

and would have escorted me further had he not been engaged at a

tournament; but he gave me, in his stead, a poursuivant, whom he charged

to escort me as far as I should wish. This tournament had been

undertaken by the lord de Valse. They loved each other like brothers,

and were to tilt with war lances, bucklers, and helmets of iron,

according to the custom of the country, thirteen against thirteen, all

friends and relations. Sir Jacques was well furnished with every sort of

arms, which he had shown me himself in his castle of Walporch. I took my

leave of him, and quitted him with much regret.

From Constance I went to Stein, where I crossed the Rhine; thence to

Shaffhousen, a town belonging to the emperor; to Waldshutts, to

Lauffembourg, to Rhinfeld, all the property of duke Frederick of

Austria; and to Basil, another imperial town, whither, on account of the

council then assembled there, the emperor had sent duke William of

Bavaria, as his lieutenant.

The duke and duchess were desirous to see me. I assisted at a session of

the council, where he represented the emperor; and among the numbers

were the lord cardinal of St. Angelo, legate from the holy father pope

Eugenius, seven other cardinals, many patriarchs, archbishops and

bishops. I met there several on the part of my lord of Burgundy, among

whom were sir Guillebert de Lannoy, lord of Villerval, his ambassador,

master Jean Germain, and the bishop of Châlons. I had a conversation

with the legate, who inquired much about the countries I had seen,

especially Turkey. He seemed to have the conquest of this last country

much at heart, and recommended me to repeat to my lord of Burgundy

certain particulars that I had told to him relative to such conquest.

At Basil I parted with my poursuivant, who returned to Austria; and

having travelled through the country of Ferette, belonging to duke

Frederick of Austria, and passed by Montbeliart, which is the property

of the countess of that name, I entered Franche Compté, which belongs to

my lord duke, and arrived at Besançon. I supposed that he was in

Flanders, and consequently travelled on the frontiers of Bar and

Lorraine to Veson; but at Villeneuve I learnt that he was on the

frontier of Burgundy, and had caused Mussi l'Evêque to be besieged. I

went then by Auxonne to Dijon, where I found the lord chancellor of

Burgundy, in whose company I went to pay my respects to the duke. His

people were at the siege, and he himself at the abbey of Poictiers. I

appeared in his presence dressed in the same manner as when I left

Damascus, and had the horse led before him which I had purchased in that

town, and which had brought me to France. My lord received me with much

kindness. I presented to him my horse, my dress, with the Koran, and

Life of Mohammed, written in Latin, which the chaplain to the Venetian

consul at Damascus had given me. He had these books delivered to master

John Germain to examine; but I have never heard one word concerning them

since that time. This master John was a doctor of divinity; he was

bishop of Châlons-sur-Saône, and knight of the Golden Fleece[525].

If I have said little respecting the country between this place and

Vienna, it has been because it is well known. With regard to the others

I have travelled through, I inform my readers, that the journey was not

undertaken through ostentation or vanity, but for the guidance and

information of such persons as may have similar desires as I have had to

see and be acquainted with these countries, and in obedience to my

highly redoubted lord the duke of Burgundy, who commanded me to write

these travels. I always carried with me a small book, in which I wrote

down my adventures whenever time permitted; and it is from these

memorandums that I have composed the history of my journey. If it be not

so well composed as others could have done it, I must beg my readers to

excuse me.

FOOTNOTES:

[416] Burgundy was divided into two parts, the duchy and county. The

last, since known under the name of Franche Comté, began, at this

period, to take that appellation; and this is the reason why our author

styles Philip duke and count of Burgundy.

[417] In 1414, Sigismund, elected emperor, had received the silver crown

at Aix-la-Chapelle. In the month of November, 1431, a little before the

passage of our traveller, he had received the iron crown at Milan; but

it was not until 1443 he received at Rome, from the hands of the pope,

that of gold.

[418] We shall see hereafter, that la Brocquière left Rome on the 25th

March, and Eugenius had been elected on the first days of the month.

There is some doubt whether his election took place on the 3rd, 4th, or

6th of March; he occupied the papal see till Feb. 23, 1447.

[419] Martin V., predecessor to Eugenius, was a Colonna; and there was a

declared enmity between his family and that of the Orsini. Eugenius,

when established in the holy chair, took part in this quarrel, and sided

with the Orsini against the Colonnas, who were nephews to Martin. The

last took up arms, and made war on him.

[420] The sultans of Egypt are here meant. Palestine and Syria were at

that time under their power. The sultan will be often mentioned in the

course of the work.

[421] See before, p. 189.

[422] The family name of this person is left blank in the original.

These names, of which the first five are those of great lords in the

states of the duke of Burgundy, show that several persons of the duke's

court had formed a company for this pilgrimage to Palestine, and are,

probably, those who embarked with our author at Venice, although he has

not before named them. Toulongeon was created this same year, 1432, a

knight of the golden fleece, but was not invested with the order; for he

was then a pilgrim, and died on the road.

[423] From this vague description, it should seem that the animal spoken

of was the great lizard, called _monitor_, because it is pretended that

it gives information of the approach of a crocodile. The monitor is

common in the Euphrates, where it is sometimes seen four or five feet in

length. The terror of the Arabs was groundless.

[424] This is what is called in French, _masser_, a method used in

several parts of the east for certain disorders.

[425] Sur is the ancient Tyre—Seyde, Sidon—Baruth, Berytus. What la

Brocquière here says is interesting for geography: it proves that all

these sea-ports of Syria, formerly so commercial and famous, but at this

day so degraded and completely useless, were, in his time, for the

greater part, fit for commerce.

[426] More probably the cold was caused by the ascent of Mount Libanus.

[427] It is only lately that the people of Damascus have been cured of

their bigoted conduct towards black hats.

[428] This explanation may possibly admit of a doubt; _bir_, in Arabic,

signifies a well; _kut_ is also an Arabic word frequently found in names

of places, as Kut-el-Amara, &c.

[429] De la Brocquière doubtless means the Euphrates.

[430] Jacques Cœur was an extraordinary character, and a striking

instance of the ingratitude of monarchs. Although of low origin, he

raised himself by his abilities to high honours, and acquired by his

activity immense riches. He was one of the most celebrated merchants

that ever existed; and had it not been for his superior management of

the finances, the generals, able as they were, of Charles VII. would

never have expelled the English from France.

[431] See before, p. 47.

[432] M. de la Brocquière is here probably mistaken. The cotton tree

resembles in its leaves the vine: but the cotton is formed in capsules,

and not on the leaves. There are many trees whose leaves are covered

externally with a white down, but none that in this manner produce

cotton.

[433] This is an early mention of portable fire-arms in the East: they

were at this time novelties in Europe.

[434] Our traveller is mistaken. The tomb of Mohammed is at Medina, and

not at Mecca: and the house of Abraham is at Mecca, and not Medina,

where pilgrims gain pardons, and where that great commerce is carried

on.

[435] Brusa.

[436] Many authors of the thirteenth century mention this Virgin of

Serdenay, which was famous during the crusades; and they speak of this

oily sweat, that had the reputation of performing miracles. (See before,

p. 190.) These fabulous accounts of miraculous sweatings were common in

Asia. Among others, that which exuded from the tomb of the bishop

Nicholas, one of those saints whose existence is more than doubtful, was

much vaunted. This pretended liquor of Nicholas was even an object of

adoration; and we read that, in 1651, a clergyman at Paris, having

received a phial of it, demanded and obtained permission from the

archbishop to expose it to the veneration of the faithful.—_Le Bœuf_,

"Hist. de Paris," t. i. part 2, p. 557.

[437] Homs, or Hems, the ancient Emessa.

[438] This plain is the ancient Cœlo-Syria.

[439] Hamath of Scripture, the Epiphania of the Greeks.

[440] The El Asi, or Orontes.

[441] These wheels are still common on the Orontes.

[442] Tur-Kadir-Oglu.

[443] It is not very easy to identify this animal by La Brocquière's

description; if he had not described it as "large," we might have

supposed it to be a gazelle.

[444] Karaman-oglu, the Seljukian prince of Karamania.

[445] Ananus, now the Giaour Tagh.

[446] The Gulf of Ayas, the ancient Ægæ.

[447] Probably the one known as Godfrey de Bouillon's castle.

[448] Pronounced yuyurt.

[449] The Christians of Asia believed implicitly that the infidels had a

disagreeable smell which was peculiar to them, and which baptism took

away. This superstition will be again noticed. The baptism was,

according to the Greek ritual, by immersion.

[450] Kara-Kapu, or Temir-Kapu, "the Iron Gates," the ancient Pylæ

Amameæ.

[451] The Campus Alcius of the ancients, now Tchukur Ovah.

[452] Sis, or perhaps Anazarbe.

[453] Now called Jeihun.

[454] Missisah, on the Jeihun.

[455] The churches have now entirely disappeared.

[456] This bridge is at present constructed of stone.

[457] Adanah.

[458] The Seihun, the ancient Surus.

[459] Tarsus.

[460] La Brocquière is right in his conjecture.

[461] The ancient Cydnus.

[462] Kurkuss, the ancient Corycus.

[463] Kulek Boghaz.

[464] Karaman.

[465] The Lusignans, when kings of Cyprus, towards the end of the

twelfth Century, had introduced the French language into that island. It

was at Cyprus, when St. Louis put in there on his crusade to Egypt, that

the code called "the Assizes of Jerusalem" was drawn up and published,

and which became the code of laws for the Cypriots. The French language

continued long to be that of the court and of well educated persons.

[466] Louis, son to Amadeus VIII., duke of Savoy. He married, in 1432,

Anne de Lusignan, daughter to John II., king of Cyprus, deceased in the

month of June, and sister to John III., then on the throne.

[467] "The copyist has written it further on _Quohongue_ and _Quhongue_.

I shall write it henceforward _Couhongue_." (The translator.) It is

Koniyeh, the low Greek Koniopolis, the ancient Iconium.

[468] Amurath, or Mured, II.

[469] Kaisariyeh, or Cæsarea in Cappadocia.

[470] Kadir-Oglu?

[471] These warlike women probably gave rise to the story of the

Amazons. See Sir John Maundeville, p. 206.

[472] Tyana?

[473] Ak-Serai, or Al-Shehr.

[474] Kara-hissar, which signifies black castle, and not black stone.

[475] Kutaiyeh, the ancient Cotyæium.

[476] Brusa, the ancient Prusa.

[477] The _huvette_ was a kind of ornament worn on the hat.

[478] From the description, it seems to be the arbutus Andrachne.

[479] The Turks at this time held Scutari, but they had not obtained

possession of Constantinople.

[480] The Greeks. It was their hatred to the Latin church which

facilitated the fall of Constantinople.

[481] In 1438, John Paleologus II. came to Italy to form a union between

the Greek and Latin churches, which took place the ensuing year at the

council of Florence. But this step, as La Brocquière remarks, was, on

the part of the emperor, but a political operation, dictated by

interest, and without consequence. His dominions were then in so

miserable a state, and himself so harassed by the Turks, that he was

anxious to procure the aid of the Latins; and it was with this hope that

he had come to inveigle the pope. This epoch, of 1438, is of consequence

to our travels; for it proves, since La Brocquière quotes it, that he

published it posterior to that year.

[482] An error. The general council that took place a little before he

came to Constantinople was that of Basil in 1431, when, far from

anathematising and cursing the Greeks, it was occupied about their

reunion. This pretended malediction was undoubtedly a report, which

those who were against this reunion spread abroad in Constantinople; and

the traveller seems to have thought so by the expression "_it was told

me_."

[483] The manner in which our traveller here announces the relation of

the Neapolitan shows how little he believed it; and in this his usual

good sense does not forsake him. This recital is, in fact, but a tissue

of absurd fables and revolting marvels, undeserving to be quoted,

although they may generally be found in authors of those times. They

are, therefore, here omitted; most of them, however, will be found in

the narrative of John de Maundeville.

[484] Two of these galleries, or porticos, called by our author

cloisters, as well as the columns, still exist. These last are formed of

different materials, porphyry, granite, marble, &c.; and this is the

reason why the traveller, not being a naturalist, represents them as

being of various colours.

[485] This emperor was John Paleologus II.; his brother Demetrius,

despot or prince of the Peloponnesus; his mother Irene, daughter to

Constantine Dragasés, sovereign of a small country in Macedonia; his

wife Maria Comnenes, daughter to Alexis, emperor of Trebisonde.

[486] These devout plays were then as common in the Greek church as in

the Latin. They were called "Mysteries" in France; and this is the name

given by our traveller to the one he saw in St. Sophia.

[487] The Greek hippodrome—the atmeidan of the Turks.

[488] There are four.

[489] Since the conquest of the East by the Latins, in 1204, to which

conquest the Venetians greatly contributed.

[490] The _pucelle_ had been made prisoner in 1430, by an officer of

Jean de Luxembourg, the duke's general, and, being afterwards sold by

Jean to the English, was burnt the following year.

[491] La Brocquière must have thought these joustings ridiculous, from

being accustomed to our tournaments, where the knights, cased in iron,

fought with swords, lances, and battle-axes, and where, very frequently,

men were killed, wounded, or trodden under foot by the horses. This has

made him twice say, that in this jousting with sticks no one was

wounded.

[492] Perhaps Larissa (Seres), in Phrygia.

[493] Demetica?

[494] Cypsela?

[495] Eno.

[496] Samothraki?

[497] Trajanopoly was not so called from having been built by Trajan,

but because he died there. It existed before his time, and was named

Selinunte. Hadrian was not the father of Trajan, but his adopted son,

and, in this right, became his successor. Adrianople was not founded by

Hadrian. An earthquake had ruined it, and he ordered it to be rebuilt,

and gave it his name. Such errors are excusable in an author of the

fifteenth century. As for the sheep's ear, it is spoken of as a

Saracenic fable.

[498] There must be here an error of the copyist, for 25,000 ducats as

tribute is too small a sum. We shall see, further on, that the despot of

Servia paid annually 50,000 for himself alone.

[499] The sultan mentioned here under the name of Amourat Bey is

Amourath II., one of the most celebrated of the Ottoman princes. History

records many of his victories, which are indeed for the most part

posterior to the account of our traveller. If he did not conquer more,

it was owing to having Huniades, or Scanderberg, opposed to him. But his

glory was eclipsed by that of his son, the famous Mohammed II., the

terror of Christians, and surnamed by his countrymen "the Great," who

twenty years after this period, in 1453, took Constantinople, and

destroyed what little remained of the Greek empire.

[500] The _quarte_, so called from being the fourth part of the chenet,

which contained four pots and one French pint. The pot held two pints,

consequently the quarte made two bottles more than half a septier; and

twelve gondils made twenty-three bottles.

[501] The origin of the title of "The Sublime Porte."

[502] Having court fools was a very ancient custom at the eastern

courts. It had been introduced by the Crusaders at the courts of

Christian princes, and was continued at that of France until the reign

of Louis XIV.

[503] The grandfather of Amurath II. was Bajazet I., who died prisoner

to Tamerlane, either treated with kindness by the conqueror, as some

authors pretend, or confined in an iron cage, according to others. This

story of the Servian cannot, therefore, regard him. But we find

in the life of Amurath I., father to Bajazet, and, consequently,

great-grandfather to Amurath II., a circumstance that may have been the

foundation for this story of the assassination. This prince had just

gained a complete victory over the despot of Servia, in which he was

made prisoner, and was passing over the field of battle near to a

Servian soldier, mortally wounded, who, knowing him, exerted his

remaining strength and poniarded him. According to others, the despot,

named Lazarus, or Eleazer Bulcowitz, finding himself attacked by

Amurath, with an irresistible army, and seeing no other chance of

opposing him but by treason, gains over one of the great lords of his

court, who, feigning discontent, passes over to the party of the sultan,

and assassinates him. (Ducange, 'Familiæ Bisant.,' p. 334.) According to

another account, Amurath was slain in the combat; and Lazarus, being

made prisoner by the Turks, was hewed to pieces on the bleeding corpse

of their master. It seems, from the recital of La Brocquière, that the

account of the assassination by the Servian is the true one. This, at

least, appears probable, from the precautions taken in subsequent times,

at the Ottoman Porte, against foreign ambassadors; for, when they were

introduced to the sultan, they were held by the sleeves of their coats.

[504] Perhaps Kruzcevaz, or Alagia Hisar.

[505] It was in fact this same year, 1433, that the renowned Scanderbeg

having, by a stratagem, regained possession of Albania, of which his

ancestors were the sovereigns, commenced that sagacious war against

Amurath, which covered him with glory, and tarnished the last years of

the sultan.

[506] This prince was named George Brancovitz or Wkovitz. Some account

of him and his family is to be found in Ducange. ('Familiæ Bisant.,'

page 336.)

[507] This _holy_ council concluded its sittings by citing to its

tribunal, and deposing the pope, whilst the pope commanded it to

dissolve itself, and convoked another at Ferrara. At Florence he had

undertaken to form a union of the Greek and Latin churches, and with

this design had sent the ambassadors to the emperor. He came actually to

Italy, and signed at Florence that political and simulated union before

mentioned.

[508] The reader may perhaps be surprised that our author, when he

speaks of the garrison of any strong place, particularizes only cavalry;

and that, when he mentions the contingent sent by the despot to the

Turkish army, he specifies but horse. The reason is, that, when he

wrote, Europe paid no attention but to cavalry; and the infantry, badly

armed, formed, and equipped, was not considered of any consequence.

[509] From our author thus noticing the brass cannon, it should seem

they were still rare in his time, and looked on as wonders. Louis XI.

had a dozen cast, and gave them the names of the twelve peers of France.

[510] It was then the fashion to make pieces of artillery of an enormous

size. Mohammed II., at the siege of Constantinople, employed cannon cast

on the spot that threw, as they say, balls of two hundredweight.

Monstrelet speaks of a gun that Louis XI. had cast at Tours, and carried

afterwards to Paris, that flung balls of five hundred pounds. In 1717,

prince Eugene, after his victory over the Turks, found in Belgrade a

cannon twenty-five feet long, that shot balls of one hundred and ten

pounds, whose charge was fifty-two pounds of powder. It was also then

customary to make the balls of marble or stone, worked to fit the mouths

of different cannons.

[511] Sigismond, king of Bohemia and Hungary. It is pretended that

Sigismond gave them in exchange for Belgrade.

[512] A sort of light casque then in use, which, not having vizor nor

throat piece, had need of projecting plates of iron to guard the face.

[513] John, count of Nevers, surnamed _sans peur_, and son to Philippe

le Hardi, duke of Burgundy. Sigismond having formed a league to check

the conquests of Bajazet, Charles VI. sent him a body of troops, in

which were two thousand gentlemen, under the command of the count of

Nevers. The Christian army was defeated at Nicopolis in 1396, and the

French slain or made prisoners. See further particulars in Froissart.

When Jean succeeded his father, as duke of Burgundy, he caused the duke

of Orleans, brother to the king of France, to be assassinated. He was

murdered in his turn by Tannegui du Châtel, an ancient servant of the

duke of Orleans. These facts prove that La Brocquière was in the right,

when speaking of John, to pray that God would pardon him.

[514] Sigismond, in his travels to France, had visited the

manufactories, and particularly those of Flanders, at that time famous

for its tapestries. He wished to establish similar ones in his capital

of Hungary, and for this effect had engaged different workmen to follow

him.

[515] The knights in France were mounted for tournaments or battle on

large strong horses, called "palefrois." Their saddles were high-piqued

before and behind, which afforded them the greater means of resisting

the shock of the lance than the small horses and low saddles of the

Hungarians; and this is the reason our author says that, in the tilts of

the Hungarians, it may be easily seen which knight has the best seat on

his horse.

[516] Jane, perhaps Gen.

[517] Bruck?

[518] Albert II., duke of Austria, emperor after the death of Sigismond.

[519] Frederic, duke of Austria, succeeded Albert II. as emperor.

[520] Formerly there was, at the tables of sovereigns, an officer to

taste every dish before it was put on the table. This precaution had

originally been taken against poison.

[521] A wague-bonne was a sort of wagon, or moveable tower, used in war.

[522] Glaçon, or glachon, a kind of defensive armour. The French called

"glaçon," a sort of fine cloth that was doubtless glazed. Glaçon, in

German, was perhaps a kind of coat-armour made of many folds of quilted

cloth, such as our gambisons. Perhaps it may be only a cuirass.

[523] This relates, probably, to the famous secret tribunal; and the

Bavarian, whom Trousset wanted to hang, may have been a false brother,

who had revealed the secrets of it.

[524] These bonnets must not be mistaken for such as ours. They were

only wreaths, or circular crowns.

[525] Jean Germain, born at Cluni, and consequently a subject to the

duke of Burgundy, had, when a child, pleased the duchess, who sent him

to study at the university of Paris, where he distinguished himself. The

duke, whose favour he afterwards gained, made him, in 1431, _chancellor_

of his order of the Golden Fleece, and not _knight_, as La Brocquière

says. The year following he was nominated bishop of Nevers; sent in 1432

ambassador, first to Rome, and then to the council at Basil, as one of

his representatives. In 1436, he was translated from the see of Nevers

to that of Châlons-sur-Saône. What La Brocquière says of this bishop

seems peevish; but if the reader will consider, not hearing any thing of

the two interesting manuscripts he had brought from Asia, he had cause

for being out of humour. Germain, however, was employed on them, but he

was labouring to refute them. At his death, in 1461, he left two works

in manuscript, copies of which are to be found in some libraries; one

entitled, "De Conceptione beatæ Mariæ Virginis, adversus Mahometanos et

Infideles, Libri duo:" the other, "Adversus Alcoranum, Libri quinque."

A JOURNEY FROM ALEPPO TO JERUSALEM,

AT EASTER, A.D. 1697.

BY HENRY MAUNDRELL.

TO THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, THOMAS, LORD BISHOP OF

ROCHESTER.

MY LORD,

From a large and constant experience of your lordship's favour, I

have all reason to believe that you will not think it tedious to

hear something of my affairs, though in themselves below your

lordship's notice and regard.

It is now more than twelve months since I arrived in this place,

during all which time I have had opportunity enough perfectly to

observe and discover the genius of the factory among whom my lot is

fallen; and upon the result of all my experience of them I am

obliged to give them this just commendation, that they are a

society highly meriting that excellent character which is given of

them in England, and which (besides the general vogue) your

lordship has some time received from a most faithful and judicious

hand, the excellent bishop Frampton. As he undoubtedly was the

great improver of the rare temper of this society, so he may well

be esteemed best able to give them their true and deserved

character. I need only add, that such they still continue as that

incomparable instructor left them; that is, pious, sober,

benevolent, devout in the offices of religion, in conversation

innocently cheerful, given to no pleasures but such as are honest

and manly, to no communications but such as the nicest ears need

not be offended at, exhibiting in all their actions those best and

truest signs of a Christian spirit, a sincere and cheerful

friendship among themselves, a generous charity toward others, and

a profound reverence for the liturgy and constitution of the Church

of England. It is our first employment, every morning, to solemnize

the daily service of the church, at which I am sure to have always

a devout, a regular, and full congregation. In a word, I can say no

more (and less I am sure I ought not) than this, that in all my

experience in the world I have never known a society of young

gentlemen, whether in the city or country, (I had almost said the

University, too,) so well disposed, in all points, as this.

Your lordship will conclude that, in consequence of all this, my

present station cannot but be very agreeable; and though, in

leaving England, I was separated from the greatest blessings to me

in the world, your lordship's kindness and that of my friends at

Richmond, yet I must own I have found here as much recompense as

could be made for such a separation.

Among other satisfactions, one great one, which I have had since

my arrival, was a voyage to the Holy Land, in company with

fourteen others of our factory. We went by way of the coast; and,

having visited several places consecrated by the life and death of

our blessed Lord, we returned by way of Damascus. If there be any

thing, either in these places which I have visited, or elsewhere in

these countries, touching which I may be capable of giving your

lordship any satisfaction by my poor observations, I should esteem

it my great happiness, and my coming thus far would seem completely

recompensed.

I entreat your lordship's blessing, as being your lordship's most

dutiful, humble servant,

HENRY MAUNDRELL.

_Aleppo._

There being several gentlemen of our nation (fourteen in number)

determined for a visit to the Holy Land at the approaching Easter, I

resolved, though but newly come to Aleppo, to make one in the same

design, considering that, as it was my purpose to undertake this

pilgrimage some time or other before my return to England, so I could

never do it either with less prejudice to my cure[526], or with greater

pleasure to myself, than at this juncture, having so large a part of my

congregation abroad at the same time, and in my company.

Pursuant to this resolution, we set out from Aleppo, Friday, February

26th, 1696 (i. e. Feb. 1697), at three in the afternoon, intending to

make only a short step that evening, in order to prove how well we were

provided with necessaries for our journey. Our quarters, this first

night, we took up at the Honey-khan, a place of but indifferent

accommodation, about one hour and a half west of Aleppo.

It must here be noted that, in travelling this country, a man does not

meet with a market-town and inns every night, as in England. The best

reception you can find here is either under your own tent, if the season

permit; or else in certain public lodgments, founded in charity for the

use of travellers. These are called by the Turks khani; and are seated

sometimes in the towns and villages, sometimes at convenient distances

upon the open road. They are built in fashion of a cloister,

encompassing a court of thirty or forty yards square, more or less,

according to the measure of the founder's ability or charity. At these

places all comers are free to take shelter, paying only a small fee to

the khan-keeper (khanji), and very often without that acknowledgment;

but must expect nothing here but bare walls. As for other accommodations

of meat, drink, bed, fire, provender, with these it must be every one's

care to furnish himself.

_Feb. 27._—From the Honey-khan we parted very early the next morning,

and, proceeding westerly as the day before, arrived in one hour and a

half at Oo-rem (Ur-im), an old village affording nothing remarkable but

the ruins of a small church. From Oo-rem we came, in half an hour, to

Kaffre; and in three quarters more to Essoyn (Es-aïn). At this last

place we entered into the plains of Kefteen (Kaftīn), proceeding in

which, we came, in one hour, to another village called Legene; and in

half an hour more, to Hozano; and in a good hour more, to Kefteen. Our

whole stage this day was about five hours; our course a little southerly

of the west.

The plains of Kefteen are of a vast compass, extending to the southward

beyond the reach of the eye, and in most places very fruitful and well

cultivated. At our first descent into them, at Essoyn, we counted

twenty-four villages, or places at a distance resembling villages,

within our view from one station. The soil is of a reddish colour, very

loose and hollow, and you see hardly a stone in it; whereas, on its west

side, there runs along, for many miles together, a high ridge of hills,

discovering nothing but vast naked rocks, without the least sign of

mould or any useful production, which yields an appearance as if nature

had, as it were, in kindness to the husbandman, purged the whole plain

of these stones, and piled them all up together in that one mountain.

Kefteen itself is a large, plentiful village, on the west side of the

plain; and the adjacent villages, abounding with corn, give the

inhabitants great advantages for breeding pigeons, insomuch that you

find here more dove-cots than other houses. We saw at this place, over

the door of a bagnio, a marble stone, carved with the sign of the cross,

and the Δόξα Πατρὶ, &c., with a date not legible. It was probably the

portal of some church in ancient times; for I was assured by the

inhabitants of the village that there are many ruins of churches and

convents still to be seen in the neighbouring rocky mountains.

_Sunday, Feb. 28._—Having a long stage to go this day, we left Kefteen

very early; and continuing still in the same fruitful plain, abounding

in corn, olives, and vines, we came in three quarters of an hour to

Harbanoose ('Arbanūs), a small village situated at the extremity of

the plain, where, after crossing a small ascent, we came into a very

rich valley called Rooge. It runs to the south farther than one can

discern; but in breadth, from east to west, it extends not above an

hour's riding, and is walled in (as it were) on both sides, with high,

rocky mountains. Having travelled in this valley near four hours, we

came to a large water called the lake (or rather, according to the

oriental style, the sea) of Rooge. Through the skirt of this lake we

were obliged to pass, and found it no small trouble to get our horses,

and much more our loaded mules, through the water and mire; but all the

sea was so dried up, and the road so perfectly amended at our return,

that we could not then discern so much as where the place was which had

given us so great trouble. From this lake we arrived, in one hour, at

Te-ne-ree, a place where we paid our first caphar.