CHAPTER XXI.

THE CAMPAIGN AT THE SOUTH. 1781.

In our last notice of the movements and operations of the contending

armies in the southern States, we left Cornwallis, after a dreary and

disastrous retreat, at Wynnsborough. The Americans, in the meantime,

were not idle. Defeated, but not subdued, they were active in preparing

to renew the struggle. After the defeat and dispersion of his army at

Camden, General Gates retreated to Charlotte, eighty miles from the

field of battle. There he halted to collect the straggling fugitives and

to endeavor from the wreck of his discomfited army to form a force with

which he might check or impede the advancing foe. He was soon joined

by Generals Smallwood and Gist, and about 150 dispirited officers and

soldiers. Most of the militia who escaped returned home, and General

Caswell was ordered to assemble those of the neighboring counties. Major

Anderson of the Third Maryland regiment, who had collected a number of

fugitives not far from the field of battle, proceeded toward Charlotte

by easy marches in order to give stragglers time to join him. But as

Charlotte was utterly indefensible and as no barrier lay between it

and the victorious enemy Gates retreated to Salisbury and sent Colonel

Williams, accompanied by another officer, on the road leading to Camden

to gain information of the movements of Cornwallis, and to direct

such stragglers as he met to hasten to Salisbury. From Salisbury Gates

proceeded to Hillsborough, where he intended to assemble an army with

which he might contend for the southern Provinces.

It was from Hillsborough that he wrote the letter to Washington, which

we have already quoted, desiring the exertion of his influence to

prevent his being superseded in the command of the southern army.

At Hillsborough every exertion was made to collect and organize a

military force and ere long Gates was again at the head of 1,400 men.

Even before the royal army entered North Carolina that State had called

out the second division of its militia, under Generals Davidson and

Sumner, and they were joined by the volunteer cavalry under Colonel

Davie.

When Cornwallis entered Charlotte, Gates ordered General Smallwood to

take post at the fords of the Yadkin in order to dispute the passage of

the river, and Morgan, who had joined the southern army with the rank of

brigadier-general, was employed with a light corps to harass the enemy.

When Cornwallis retreated Gates advanced to Charlotte; he stationed

General Smallwood further down the Catawba on the road to Camden and

ordered Morgan to some distance in his front. Such was the position

of the troops when Gates was superseded in the command of the southern

army.

On the 5th of October (1780) Congress, without any previous indications

of dissatisfaction, had passed a resolution requiring Washington to

order a court of inquiry into the conduct of Major-General Gates, as

commander of the southern army, and to appoint another officer to that

command till such inquiry should be made. The order of Congress to

inquire into the conduct of Gates was unsatisfactory, as we have already

seen, to Washington. It was afterward dispensed with and Gates restored

to a command in the army.

Meanwhile Washington recommended Major-General Greene to Congress as a

person qualified to command the southern army. Greene, by his activity,

intrepidity, and good conduct, had gained the confidence of Washington

long ago; he had desired him to have the command when Gates was

appointed, as we have already seen, and he now again recommended him as

an officer in whose ability, fortitude, and integrity he could trust. On

the 2d of December (1780) Greene arrived at Charlotte and informed Gates

of his commission. That was the first official notice which Gates, the

former favorite of Congress, received of his removal from the command of

the southern army. Next day Gates resigned the command of the army with

becoming dignity and patriotism, and Greene, who was dissatisfied with

the treatment which he had received, behaved toward him with the most

polite attention.

In a few hours after Greene entered on his command he received the

report of one of Morgan's foraging parties, not far from Camden. The

party advanced to the vicinity of the British posts at Clermont, which

was viewed by Col. William A. Washington, who saw that it was too

strong to be taken by small arms and cavalry, the only weapons and force

present; he therefore had recourse to stratagem. Having made an imposing

show of part of his men and having placed the trunk of a pine tree in

such a situation as, at a distance, to have the appearance of a cannon,

he summoned the post to surrender, and it yielded without firing a shot.

The Tory Colonel Rugely and 112 men whom he had collected in the place

were made prisoners. This inconsiderable event elated Greene's army and

was considered by them as a good omen of success under their new leader.

General Greene's situation was embarrassing. His army was feeble,

consisting, on the 8th of December (1780), of 2,029 infantry, of whom

1,482 were in camp and 547 in detachments; 821 were Continentals

and 1,208 were militia. Besides these there were 90 cavalry, 60

artillerymen, and 128 Continentals on extra service, constituting in all

a force of 2,307 men.

In North Carolina there were many Loyalists, and hostilities were

carried on between them and their republican neighbors with the most

rancorous animosity. The country was thinly inhabited and abounded

in woods and swamps. The cultivated parts were laid waste by hostile

factions, and no magazines for the army were provided. The troops were

almost naked, and Greene obliged to procure subsistence for them day by

day.

He found that he could not long remain at Charlotte for the country

between that place and Camden, having been traversed by the contending

armies, was quite exhausted. In order, therefore, to procure subsistence

for his troops, as well as to distract and harass the enemy, Greene,

though fully aware of the danger of such a measure, felt himself

constrained to divide his little army.

General Morgan had been invested with the command of the light troops by

Gates, and Greene placed him at the head of one of the divisions of his

army, consisting of nearly 400 infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Howard,

170 Virginia riflemen under Major Triplett, and 80 light dragoons under

Lieut.-Col. William A. Washington. With this small force Morgan was sent

to the south of the Catawba to observe the British at Wynnsborough and

Camden and to shift for himself, but was directed to risk as little as

possible. On the 25th of December (1780) he took a position toward the

western frontier of South Carolina, not far from the confluence of

the Pacolet and Broad rivers, and about fifty miles northwest from

Wynnsborough. With the other division of his army Greene left Charlotte

on the 20th of the same month (December, 1780), and on the 29th arrived

at Hick's Corner on the east side of the Pedee, opposite the Cheraw

hills, about seventy miles northeast from Wynnsborough, where he

remained some time. He marched to that place in the hope of finding

more plentiful subsistence for his troops, but his difficulties in that

respect were not much diminished, for the country was almost laid waste

by the cruel feuds of the hostile factions.

General Morgan did not long remain inactive. On the 27th of December

(1780) he detached Colonel Washington with his dragoons and 200 militia,

who next day marched forty miles, surprised a body of Loyalists at

Ninety-six, killed or wounded 150 of them, and took 40 prisoners,

without sustaining any loss. At that time Morgan was joined by Major

M'Dowell with 200 North Carolina, and by Colonel Pickens with 70 South

Carolina militia.

The British had to contend not only with the force under Greene and

Morgan, but were also obliged to watch other adversaries not less active

and enterprising. Sumter had been defeated by Tarleton on the 18th

of August (1780), and his followers dispersed, but that daring and

indefatigable partisan did not long remain quiet. He was soon again at

the head of a considerable band and had frequent skirmishes with his

adversaries. Always changing his position about Enoree, Broad, and Tiger

rivers, he often assailed the British posts in that quarter. On the 12th

of November (1780) he was attacked at Broad river by Major Wemyss, but

repulsed the party and made the major prisoner. On the 20th of the same

month he was attacked by Tarleton at Black Stocks, near Tiger river; the

encounter was sharp and obstinate; Tarleton was repulsed with loss,

but Sumter was wounded in the battle, and, being unfitted for active

service, his followers dispersed. Sumter showed much humanity to his

prisoners. Although Wemyss had deliberately hanged Mr. Cusack in the

Cheraw district, and although he had in his pocket a list of several

houses burned by his orders, yet he met with every indulgence. At Black

Stocks the wounded were kindly treated.

Other partisan chiefs arose and among them General Marion held a

distinguished place. He had commanded a regiment in Charleston at the

time of the siege, but having received a wound which fractured his leg,

and being incapable of discharging the [1] active duties of his office,

he withdrew from the town. On the advance of Gates, having procured a

band of followers, he penetrated to the Santee, harassed the British

detachments, and discouraged the Loyalists. After the defeat of the

Americans at Camden he rescued a party of Continental prisoners who

were under a British guard. So ill was he provided with arms that he

was obliged to forge the saws of the sawmills into rude swords for his

horsemen, and so scanty was his ammunition that at times he engaged when

he had not three cartridges to each of his party. He secured himself

from pursuit in the recesses of the forest and in deep swamps. [2]

Cornwallis impatiently waited the arrival of reinforcements. After the

victory at Camden, when he was flushed with the sanguine hope not only

of overrunning North Carolina, but of invading Virginia, General Leslie

was detached from New York to the southward with a considerable body of

troops, and, according to orders, landed in Virginia, expecting to meet

the southern army in that State. On finding himself unable to accomplish

his lofty schemes, and obliged to fall back into South Carolina,

Cornwallis ordered Leslie to re-embark and sail for Charleston. He

arrived there on the 13th of December (1780), and on the 19th began his

march with 1,500 men to join Cornwallis. His lordship resolved to begin

offensive operations immediately on the arrival of his reinforcements,

but, in the meantime, alarmed by the movements of Morgan for the safety

of the British post at Ninety-six, he detached Tarleton with the light

and legion infantry, the fusiliers or Seventh regiment, the first

battalion of the Seventy-first regiment, 350 cavalry, 2 field pieces,

and an adequate number of the royal artillery, in all about 1,100

men, with orders to strike a blow at Morgan and drive him out of the

province. As Tarleton's force was known to be superior to that under

Morgan, no doubt whatever was entertained of the precipitate flight or

total discomfiture of the Americans.

Meanwhile Cornwallis left Wynnsborough and proceeded toward the

northwest, between the Broad and Catawba rivers. General Leslie, who had

halted at Camden in order to conceal as long as possible the road which

the British army was to take, was now ordered to advance up the Catawba

and join the main body on its march. By this route Cornwallis hoped to

intercept Morgan if he should escape Tarleton, or perhaps to get between

General Greene and Virginia and compel him to fight before the arrival

of his expected reinforcements. The British generals encumbered with

baggage and military stores, marching through bad roads, and a country

intersected by rivulets which were often swollen by the rains, advanced

but slowly. Tarleton, however, with his light troops, proceeded with

great celerity and overtook Morgan probably sooner than was expected.

On the 14th of January (1781) Morgan was informed of the movements of

the British army and got notice of the march of Tarleton and of the

force under his command. Sensible of his danger he began to retreat, and

crossed the Pacolet, the passage of which he was inclined to dispute,

but, on being told that Tarleton had forded the river six miles above

him, he made a precipitate retreat, and at ten at night on the 16th of

January the British took possession of the ground which the Americans

had left a few hours before.

Although his troops were much fatigued by several days' hard marching

through a difficult country, yet, determined that Morgan should not

escape, Tarleton resumed the pursuit at three next morning, leaving his

baggage behind under a guard with orders not to move till break of

day. Morgan, though retreating, was not disinclined to fight. By great

exertions he might have crossed Broad river or reached a hilly tract of

country before he could have been overtaken. He was inferior to

Tarleton in the number of his troops, but more so in their quality, as

a considerable part of his force consisted of militia, and the British

cavalry were three times more numerous than the American. But

Morgan, who had great confidence both in himself and in his men, was

apprehensive of being overtaken before he could pass Broad river, and

he chose rather to fight voluntarily than to be forced to a battle.

Therefore, having been joined by some militia under Colonel Pickens, he

halted at a place called the Cowpens, about three miles from the line

of separation between North and South Carolina. Before daylight on

the morning of the 17th of January (1781), he was informed of the near

approach of Tarleton, and instantly prepared to receive him.

The ground on which Morgan halted had no great advantages, but his

dispositions were judicious. On rising ground, in an open wood, he drew

up his Continental troops and Triplett's corps, amounting together to

nearly 500 men, under Lieutenant-Colonel Howard. Colonel Washington with

his cavalry was posted in their rear, behind the eminence, ready to

act as occasion might require. At a small distance in front of his

Continentals was a line of militia under Colonel Pickens and Major

M'Dowell, and 150 yards in front of Pickens was stationed a battalion

of North Carolina and Georgia volunteers under Major Cunningham, with

orders to give one discharge on the approaching enemy, and then to

retreat and join the militia. Pickens was directed, when he could no

longer keep his ground, to fall back with a retreating fire and form on

the right of the Continentals.

Scarcely were those dispositions made when the British van appeared.

Tarleton, who had been informed by two prisoners of Morgan's position

and strength, instantly formed his troops. The light and legion infantry

and the Seventh regiment, and a captain with fifty dragoons on

each flank, constituted his first line; the first battalion of the

Seventy-first regiment and the rest of the cavalry composed the reserve.

Formerly Tarleton had succeeded by sudden and impetuous assaults, and,

entertaining no doubt of speedy and complete victory on the present

occasion, he led on his men to the attack with characteristic ardor,

even before his troops were well formed. The British rushed forward

impetuously, shouting and firing as they advanced. The American

volunteers, after a single discharge, retreated to the militia under

Pickens. The British advanced rapidly, and furiously attacked the

militia, who soon gave way and sought shelter in the rear of the

Continentals. Tarleton eagerly pressed on, but the Continentals,

undismayed by the retreat of the militia, received him firmly, and an

obstinate conflict ensued. Tarleton ordered up his reserve, and the

Continental line was shaken by the violence of the onset. Morgan ordered

his men to retreat to the summit of the eminence and was instantly

obeyed. The British, whose ranks were somewhat thinned, exhausted by the

previous march and by the struggle in which they had been engaged, and

believing the victory won, pursued in some disorder, but, on reaching

the top of the hill, Howard ordered his men to wheel and face the enemy;

they instantly obeyed and met the pursuing foe with a well-directed and

deadly fire. This unexpected and destructive volley threw the British

into some confusion, which Howard observing, ordered his men to charge

them with the bayonet. Their obedience was as prompt as before, and the

British line was soon broken. About the same moment Washington routed

the cavalry on the British right, who had pursued the flying militia

and were cutting them down on the left and even in the rear of the

Continentals. Ordering his men not to fire a pistol, Washington charged

the British cavalry sword in hand. The conflict was sharp, but not of

long duration. The British were driven from the ground with considerable

loss and closely pursued. Howard and Washington pressed the advantage

which they had gained; many of the militia rallied and joined in the

battle. In a few minutes after the British had been pursuing the enemy,

without a doubt of victory, the fortune of the day entirely changed;

their artillerymen were killed, their cannon taken, and the greater part

of the infantry compelled to lay down their arms. Tarleton, with about

forty horse, made a furious charge on Washington's cavalry, but the

battle was irrecoverably lost, and he was reluctantly obliged to

retreat. Upwards of 200 of his cavalry, who had not been engaged, fled

through the woods with the utmost precipitation, bearing away with them

such of the officers as endeavored to oppose their flight. The only

part of the infantry which escaped was the detachment left to guard the

baggage, which they destroyed when informed of the defeat, and, mounting

the wagons and spare horses, hastily retreated to the army. The cavalry

arrived in camp in two divisions; one in the evening, with the tidings

of their disastrous discomfiture, and the other, under Tarleton himself,

appeared next morning. In this battle the British had ten commissioned

officers and upwards of 100 privates killed. More than 500 were made

prisoners, nearly 200 of whom, including twenty-nine commissioned

officers, were wounded. Two pieces of artillery, two standards, 800

muskets, thirty-five baggage wagons and about 100 horses fell into the

hands of the Americans whose loss amounted only to 12 men killed and 60

wounded. The British force under Tarleton has been commonly estimated

at 1,100 men, and the American army at 1,000, although Morgan, in his

official report to Greene, written two days after the battle, states it

to have been only 800. [3]

Cornwallis was at Turkey creek, twenty-five miles from the Cowpens,

confident of the success of his detachment or at least without the

slightest apprehension of its defeat. He was between Greene and Morgan

and it was a matter of much importance to prevent their junction and

to overthrow the one of them while he could receive no support from the

other. For that purpose he had marched up Broad river and instructed

General Leslie to proceed on the banks of the Catawba in order to keep

the Americans in a state of uncertainty concerning the route which he

intended to pursue, but the unexpected defeat of his detachment was an

occurrence equally mortifying and perplexing and nothing remained but to

endeavor to compensate the disaster by the rapidity of his movements and

the decision of his conduct.

He was as near the fords of the Catawba as Morgan and flattered himself

that, elated with victory and encumbered with prisoners and baggage,

that officer might yet be overtaken before he could pass those fords.

Accordingly, on the 18th of January, (1781) he formed a junction with

General Leslie and on the 19th began his remarkable pursuit of Morgan.

In order the more certainly to accomplish his end at Ramsour's Mills he

destroyed the whole of his superfluous baggage. He set the example

by considerably diminishing the quantity of his own and was readily

imitated by his officers although some of them suffered much less by the

measure. He retained no wagons except those loaded with hospital stores

and ammunition and four empty ones for the accommodation of the sick

and wounded. But notwithstanding all his privations and exertions he

ultimately missed his aim for Morgan displayed as much prudence and

activity after his victory as bravery in gaining it. Fully aware of his

danger he left behind him, under a flag of truce, such of the wounded as

could not be moved with surgeons to attend them, and scarcely giving his

men time to breathe he sent off his prisoners under an escort of militia

and followed with his regular troops and cavalry, bringing up the rear

in person. He crossed Broad river at the upper fords, hastened to the

Catawba, which he reached on the evening of the 28th, and safely passed

it with his prisoners and troops next day--his rear having gained the

northern bank only about two hours before the van of the British army

appeared on the opposite side.

Much rain had fallen on the mountains a short time before and it rained

incessantly during the night. The river rose and in the morning was

impassable. Morgan made a hair-breadth escape, for had the river risen

a few hours sooner he would have been unable to pass and probably would

have been overtaken and overwhelmed by his pursuers and had the flood in

the river been a little later Cornwallis might have forced a passage and

entirely discomfited the American division. But it was two days before

the inundation subsided, and in that interval Morgan sent off his

prisoners towards Charlottesville, in Virginia, under an escort of

militia and they were soon beyond the reach of pursuit. The Americans

regarded the swelling of the river with pious gratitude as an

interposition of Heaven in their behalf and looked forward with

increased confidence to the day of ultimate success.

Morgan called for the assistance of the neighboring militia, and

prepared to dispute the passage of the river; but on the 31st of January

(1781), while he lay at Sherwood's ford, General Greene unexpectedly

appeared in camp and took on himself the command. Toward the end of

December, (1781) Greene, as already mentioned, took a position at Hick's

creek on the east side of the Peedee, and had in camp 1,100 Continental

and State troops fit for service. On the 12th of January (1781) he was

joined by Col. Henry Lee's partisan legion which arrived from the

North and consisted of 100 well-mounted horsemen and 120 infantry. This

reinforcement was next day dispatched on a secret expedition and in

order to divert the attention of the enemy from the movements of the

legion, Major Anderson, with a small detachment was sent down the

Peedee. On the night of the 24th, Lee surprised Georgetown and killed

some of the garrison, but the greater part fled into the fort which Lee

was not in a condition to besiege.

Although Cornwallis perceived that he would meet with opposition yet

he determined to force the passage. The river was about 500 yards wide,

three feet deep, and the stream rapid. The light infantry of the guards

under Colonel Hall, accompanied by a guide, first entered the ford; they

were followed by the grenadiers who were succeeded by the battalions.

As soon as Davidson perceived the direction of the British column he led

his men to the point where it was about to land. But before he arrived

the light infantry had overcome all difficulties and were ascending the

bank and forming. While passing the river, in obedience to orders, they

reserved their fire, and, on gaining the bank, soon put the militia to

flight. Davidson was the last to retreat and on mounting his horse to

retire he received a mortal wound.

The defeat of Davidson opened the passage of the river. All the American

parties retreated, and on the same day the rest of the British

army crossed at Beattie's ford. Tarleton, with the cavalry and the

Twenty-third regiment, was sent in pursuit of the militia, and being

informed on his march that the neighboring militia were assembling at

Tarrant's tavern, about ten miles distant, he hastened with the

cavalry to that place. About 500 militia were assembled and seemed not

unprepared to receive him. He attacked them with his usual impetuosity

and soon defeated and dispersed them with considerable slaughter.

The passage of the river and the total discomfiture of the party at

Tarrant's tavern so much intimidated the inhabitants of the country that

the royal army received no further trouble from the militia till it had

passed the Yadkin.

A grand military race now began between the retreating Americans under

Greene and the pursuing British under Cornwallis. Greene marched so

rapidly that he passed the Yadkin at the trading ford on the night

between the 2d and 3d of February (1781), partly by fording and partly

by means of boats and flats. So closely was he pursued that the British

van was often in sight of the American rear and a sharp conflict

happened not far from the ford, between a body of American riflemen

and the advanced guard of the British army, when the latter obtained

possession of a few wagons. Greene secured all the boats on the south

side and here it again happened as at the Catawba--the river suddenly

rose by reason of the preceding rains and the British were unable to

pass. This second escape by the swelling of the waters was interpreted

by the Americans as a visible interposition of Heaven in their behalf

and inspired then with a lofty enthusiasm in that cause which seemed to

be the peculiar care of Omnipotence.

Greene, released from the immediate pressure of his pursuers, continued

his march northward and on the 7th of February joined his division under

Huger and Williams near Guilford Courthouse.

In order to cover his retreat and to check the pursuing enemy

Greene formed a light corps out of Lee's legion, Howard's infantry,

Washington's cavalry, and some Virginia riflemen under Major Campbell,

amounting to 700 men, the flower of the southern army. As General Morgan

was severely indisposed the command of these light troops was given to

Col. Otho Holland Williams, formerly adjutant-general.

Having refreshed his troops, and made the necessary arrangements on the

morning of the 10th of February (1781), Greene left Guilford Courthouse

on his march towards the Dan, and was pursued by Cornwallis, who had

been detained by the long circuit which he was obliged to make in order

to pass the Yadkin. The retreat and pursuit were equally rapid, but the

boldness and activity of the American light troops compelled the British

to march compactly and with caution, for on one occasion Colonel Lee

charged the advanced cavalry of the British army suddenly and furiously,

killed a number, and made some prisoners. On this occasion Cornwallis

felt the loss of the light troops who had been killed or taken at the

Cowpens. He was destined to regret their loss through the rest of the

campaign.

Greene's precautions and preparations for passing the Dan were

successful and on the 14th of February he crossed that river at Boyd's

and Irwin's ferries with his army, baggage, and stores. Although his

light troops had marched forty miles that day, yet the last of them

had scarcely reached the northern bank when the advanced guard of the

British army appeared on the other side of the river.

The escape of Greene into Virginia without a battle and without any

loss except a few wagons at the Yadkin, was a severe disappointment to

Cornwallis. He had entirely failed in his attempts against Greene, but

he was consoled by the reflection that he had completely driven him out

of North Carolina, and that now there was nothing to hinder the loyal

inhabitants from openly espousing the British cause and reinforcing the

royal army.

Cornwallis now gave up the pursuit and repaired to Hillsborough with the

view of calling out and organizing the Royalist forces. His adherents,

though here particularly strong, did not come forward to the extent

expected. The larger portion, as elsewhere, regarded the cause with

that passive and inert attachment which we have remarked to be generally

prevalent and even the more zealous having suffered severely by former

premature displays, dreaded lest the republican cause should regain the

ascendancy. The view also of the distress and exhaustion of the British

troops after so long a march was by no means alluring. Yet seven

companies were formed and detachments began to come in from different

quarters.

On the other hand, Greene, having obtained a reinforcement of Virginia

militia, repassed the Dan and with his light troops endeavored to

annoy the British army and prevent recruiting. Major Lee surprised a

detachment of Royalists who mistook him for Tarleton and cut them

nearly to pieces. On account of the exhausted state of the country at

Hillsborough, Cornwallis soon withdrew to a position on the Allimance

creek between Haw and Deep rivers, where he could be better supplied

and support his friends who were numerous there. Greene, however, by

an active use of his cavalry and light troops, severely harassed his

opponent and by changing his own position every night, eluded the

attempt to bring him to an engagement.

At length General Greene, having received reinforcements which raised

his army to above 4,200 men, of whom about a third were regulars,

determined to offer battle. This was what Cornwallis had eagerly sought,

yet his own effective force being reduced to somewhat under 2,000 he

felt now some hesitation, and probably would have acted more wisely in

maintaining the defensive. Even the enterprising Tarleton observes

that in his circumstances defeat would have been total ruin, while any

victory he might expect to gain could yield little fruit. All the habits

and views of Cornwallis, however, being directed to an active campaign,

he formed his resolution and, on the 15th of March (1781), proceeded to

the attack. Greene had drawn up his army very judiciously near Guilford

Courthouse mostly on a range of hills covered with trees and brushwood.

Greene made disposition of his troops in the following order: The first

line was composed of North Carolina militia, the right under General

Eaton and the left under General Butler, with two pieces of artillery

under Captain Singleton. The right flank was supported by

Kirkwood's Delawareans, Lynch's riflemen, and the cavalry, all

under Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, and the left in like manner by

Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell's riflemen and the infantry of the legion,

all under Lieutenant-Colonel Lee. The second line, which was formed 300

yards in the rear of the first, consisted of two brigades of Virginia

militia, the right under General Lawson and the left under General

Stevens. The third, 400 yards in reserve was formed upon the brow of the

hill near the courthouse. The right of this line was composed of Hawes's

and Greene's Virginia regiments under General Huger; the left of the

first and second Maryland regiments, the former under Gunby, the latter

under Ford--the whole commanded by Colonel Williams. In the center of

the last line was placed the remainder of the artillery.

Captain Singleton commenced his fire, which was returned by the enemy,

who had formed their line of battle--the right wing under General Leslie

and the left under Lieutenant-Colonel Webster, with the artillery in

the center under Lieutenant-Colonel McLeod. The first battalion of the

guards, under Lieutenant-Colonel Norton, served as a support for the

right, and the second, with one company of grenadiers under General

O'Hara, for the left wing. Tarleton's dragoons were held in reserve. The

British commander having made all his dispositions advanced, fired one

round, and charged bayonets. Our militia having given a few shots while

the enemy was at a distance were seized by a panic when they saw him

coming down upon them. Many of them threw away their muskets, and the

entreaties of Butler, Eaton, and Davie, with the threats of Lee, were of

no avail. Almost the entire body fled. The artillery now retired to the

left of the Marylanders. At this crisis the enemy considered victory as

already within his grasp and continued to push on when he was attacked

on his right and left by Lee and Washington. Cornwallis perceiving this

threw one regiment out to engage Lee, and one regiment together with his

light infantry and yagers to resist Washington, filling up the breach

thus created by advancing the grenadiers with two battalions of the

guards, which had formed the supports to the flanks. Lee and Washington

fell back in good order, delivering their fire until they came up with

the second line which gave battle in good earnest. The right flank was

supported by Washington, who ordered Lynch's riflemen to fall upon the

left of Webster, who had to be supported by O'Hara. Here Webster ordered

the Thirty-third regiment to attack Lynch and was thereby in a measure

relieved. O'Hara charged the Virginia right wing, which was obliged to

yield ground. Lee on the left nobly did his duty and firmly held his

position. When the militia on the right gave way those on the left fell

back and were not rallied until they came up on the left of the third

line. Campbell's riflemen and Lee's legion stood perfectly firm and

continued the contest against one regiment, one battalion, and a body of

infantry and riflemen. The American reserve, with the artillery posted

in a most favorable position, was fresh and ready for the word of

command. Webster having overcome the Americans of the second line in

his front advanced upon the third and was received by Gunby's Maryland

regiment with a most galling fire which made his troops falter. Gunby

advanced, charging bayonets, when the enemy was completely routed.

Leslie, after the left of the Virginia militia gave way, advanced to

the support of O'Hara, who had forced the American right wing, and the

combined commands of these generals charged the Second Maryland regiment

of the third line. This regiment, panic-stricken, fled. Gunby, coming up

at the time, held the enemy in check and a deadly conflict ensued. Gunby

having his horse shot under him, Lieutenant-Colonel Howard assumed the

command. Washington seeing how hot was the battle at this point pushed

forward and charged the enemy, and Howard advancing with his bayonets

leveled, the British were completely routed.

The pursuit was continued for some distance when Cornwallis came up and

determined to gain the victory at any cost. He opened the fire of his

artillery alike on friend and foe, causing an indiscriminate slaughter

of British and Americans.

The British were rallied at all points, and Greene, considering it

better to preserve the advantages he had gained, withdrew his forces.

This was done in good order and Cornwallis continued the pursuit but a

short distance. The loss of the Americans was about 400 in killed and

wounded; that of the British about 800. The enemy retained the field,

but his victory was both empty, and disastrous.

Notwithstanding Cornwallis claimed a victory he resolved to fall back

on Wilmington, near the mouth of Cape Fear river, where he could recruit

his troops and obtain supplies and reinforcements by sea.

Greene retreated about fifteen miles, taking post behind a small stream

called Troublesome creek, where he expected and awaited an attack.

1. Footnote: Marion was a strict temperance man. Being at a dinner party

where the guests, determined on a hard drinking bout, had locked the

door to prevent his exit, he jumped out of a second-story window, and

broke his leg. This was the wound above referred to. It occasioned him

to leave the city. He thus escaped surrendering when Charleston

fell, and his temperance preserved to the country one of its bravest

defenders.

2. Footnote: Marion, on account of his successful stratagems and sudden

surprises of the British, was called by them the _Swamp-Fox_. His own

countrymen styled him the _Bayard_ of the South.

3. Footnote: The action at the Cowpens was one of the medal victories.

Congress had separate gold medals struck in honor of it, and presented

to Morgan, Howard, and Col. William A. Washington. The name Cowpens,

according to Irving, comes from the old designation of Hannah's Cowpens,

the place being part of a grazing establishment belonging to a man named

Hannah. The worthy grazier could hardly have foreseen the immortality

which was destined to attach to his Cowpens.

Life and Times of Washington, Volume 2 Revised, Enlarged, and Enriched · 第 14 / 25 章