WASHINGTON PREPARES TO CHASTISE THE INDIANS. 1778.
While the events were passing which are recorded in the preceding
chapter a terrible war with the Indians was raging on the western
frontier of the United States. While the British were abundantly able to
supply the Indians with all those articles of use and luxury which they
had been accustomed to receive from the whites, Congress was not in a
condition to do anything of this sort to conciliate them or to secure
their neutrality in the existing war. Stimulated by the presents as
well as by the artful representations of British agents the Indians had
consequently become hostile. Early in 1778 there were many indications
of a general disposition among the savages to make war on the United
States, and the frontiers, from the Mohawk to the Ohio, were threatened
with the tomahawk and the scalping-knife. Every representation from
that country supported Washington's opinion that a war with the Indians
should never be defensive and that to obtain peace it must be carried
into their own country. Detroit was understood to be in a defenseless
condition, and Congress resolved on an expedition against that place.
This enterprise was entrusted to General M'Intosh, who commanded at
Pittsburgh, and was to be carried on with 3,000 men, chiefly militia, to
be drawn from Virginia. To facilitate its success another force was to
attack the Senecas, advancing from the east of the Hudson.
Unfortunately the acts of the government did not correspond with the
vigor of its resolutions. The necessary preparations were not made and
the inhabitants of the frontiers remained without sufficient protection
until the plans against them were matured and the storm which had been
long gathering burst upon them with a fury which spread desolation
wherever it reached.
About 300 white men, commanded by the British Col. John Butler, and
about 500 Indians, led by the Indian Chief Brandt, who had assembled
in the north, marched late in June (1778) against the settlement of
Wyoming. These troops embarked on the Chemung or Tioga and descending
the Susquehanna, landed at a place called the Three Islands, whence
they marched about twenty miles, and crossing a wilderness and passing
through a gap in the mountain, entered the valley of Wyoming near its
northern boundary. At this place a small fort called Wintermoots had
been erected, which fell into their hands without resistance and was
burnt. The inhabitants who were capable of bearing arms assembled on
the first alarm at Forty Fort on the west side of the Susquehanna, four
miles below the camp of the invading army.
The regular troops, amounting to about sixty, were commanded by Col.
Zebulon Butler, [1] the militia by Colonel Dennison. Colonel Butler was
desirous of awaiting the arrival of a small reinforcement under Captain
Spalding who had been ordered by Washington to his aid on the first
intelligence of the danger which threatened the settlement, but the
militia generally, believing themselves sufficiently strong to repel
the invading force, urged an immediate battle so earnestly that Colonel
Butler yielded to their remonstrances, and on the 3d of July (1778)
marched from Forty Fort at the head of near 400 men to attack the enemy.
The British and Indians were prepared to receive him. Their line was
formed a small distance in front of their camp on a plain thinly covered
with pine, shrub-oaks, and under-growth, and extended from the river
about a mile to a marsh at the foot of the mountain. The Americans
advanced in a single column without interruption until they approached
the enemy, when they received a fire which did not much mischief.
The line of battle was instantly formed and the action commenced with
spirit. The Americans rather gained ground on the right where Colonel
Butler commanded, until a large body of Indians passing through the
skirt of the marsh turned their left flank, which was composed of
militia, and poured a heavy and most destructive fire on their rear.
The word "retreat" was pronounced by some person and the efforts of the
officers to check it were unavailing. The fate of the day was decided,
and a flight commenced on the left which was soon followed by the right.
As soon as the line was broken the Indians, throwing down their rifles
and rushing upon them with the tomahawk, completed the confusion. The
attempt of Colonel Butler and of the officers to restore order was
unavailing and the whole line broke and fled in confusion. The massacre
was general and the cries for mercy were answered by the tomahawk.
Rather less than sixty men escaped, some to Forty Fort, some by swimming
the river, and some to the mountain. A very few prisoners were made,
only three of whom were preserved alive, who were carried to Niagara.
Further resistance was impracticable and Colonel Dennison proposed
terms of capitulation which were granted to the inhabitants. It being
understood that no quarter would be allowed to the Continental troops
Colonel Butler with his few surviving soldiers fled from the valley.
The inhabitants generally abandoned the country and, in great distress,
wandered into the settlements on the Lehigh and the Delaware. The
Indians, according to their usual practice, destroyed the houses and
improvements by fire and plundered the country. After laying waste
the whole settlement they withdrew from it before the arrival of the
Continental troops, who were ordered to meet them. On the 11th of
November (1778) 500 Indians and Loyalists, with a small detachment of
regular troops, under the command of the notorious John Butler, made
an irruption into the settlement at Cherry Valley, in the State of New
York, surprised and killed Colonel Allen, commander of the American
force at that place, and ten of his soldiers. They attacked a fort
erected there, but were compelled to retreat. Next day they left the
place, after having murdered and scalped thirty-two of the inhabitants,
chiefly women and children.
On the first intelligence of the destruction of Wyoming the regiments
of Hartley and Butler with the remnant of Morgan's corps, commanded by
Major Posey, were detached to the protection of that distressed country.
They were engaged in several sharp skirmishes, made separate incursions
into the Indian settlements, broke up their nearest villages, destroyed
their corn, and, by compelling them to retire to a greater distance,
gave some relief to the inhabitants.
While the frontiers of New York and Pennsylvania were thus suffering
the calamities incident to savage warfare, a fate equally severe was
preparing for Virginia. The western militia of that State had made some
successful incursions into the country northwest of the Ohio and had
taken some British posts on the Mississippi. These were erected into the
county of Illinois, and a regiment of infantry with a troop of cavalry
was raised for its protection. The command of these troops was given
to Col. George Rogers Clarke, a gentleman who courage, hardihood,
and capacity for Indian warfare had given repeated success to his
enterprises against the savages.
This corps was divided into several detachments, the strongest of
which remained with Colonel Clarke at Kaskaskia. Colonel Hamilton, the
Governor of Detroit, was at Vincennes with about 600 men, principally
Indians, preparing an expedition, first against Kaskaskia and then
up the Ohio to Pittsburgh, after which he purposed to desolate the
frontiers of Virginia. Clarke anticipated and defeated his design by one
of those bold and decisive measures, which, whether formed on a great or
a small scale, mark the military and enterprising genius of the man who
plans and executes them.
He was too far removed from the inhabited country to hope for support,
and was too weak to maintain Kaskaskia and the Illinois against the
combined force of regulars and Indians by which he was to be attacked as
soon as the season for action should arrive. While employed in preparing
for his defense he received unquestionable information that Hamilton had
detached his Indians on an expedition against the frontiers, reserving
at the post he occupied only about eighty regulars with three pieces
of cannon and some swivels. Clarke instantly resolved to seize this
favorable moment. After detaching a small galley up the Wabash with
orders to take her station a few miles below Vincennes and to permit
nothing to pass her, he marched in the depth of winter with 130 men,
the whole force he could collect, across the country from Kaskaskia to
Vincennes. This march through the woods and over high waters required
sixteen days, five of which were employed in crossing the drowned lands
of the Wabash. The troops were under the necessity of wading five
miles in water frequently up to their breasts. After subduing these
difficulties this small party appeared before the town, which was
completely surprised and readily consented to change its master.
Hamilton, after defending the fort a short time, surrendered himself and
his garrison prisoners of war. With a few of his immediate agents and
counselors, who had been instrumental in the savage barbarities he had
encouraged, he was, by order of the Executive of Virginia, put in irons
and confined in a jail.
This expedition was important in its consequences. It disconcerted
a plan which threatened destruction to the whole country west of the
Allegheny Mountains, detached from the British interest many of those
numerous tribes of Indians south of the waters immediately communicating
with the Great Lakes, and had most probably considerable influence in
fixing the boundary of the United States.
These Indian hostilities on the western border were a subject of extreme
solicitude to Washington, ever alive as he was to the cry of distress
and ever anxious to preserve peace and security to the rural population
of the country. Experience and observation had long since taught him
that the only effectual protection to the inhabitants of the frontier
settlements consisted in carrying the war with severity into the enemy's
own country. Hence we find that from the moment these atrocities of the
Indians commenced in the western country he was engaged in planning that
expedition which, in the next campaign, under the direction of General
Sullivan, carried desolation to their own homes and taught them a lesson
which they could not soon forget. In the following extract of a letter
to Gov. George Clinton of New York, dated March 4, 1779, it will be
perceived that he speaks of his plan as already matured:
"The President of Congress has transmitted to me your Excellency's
letter to the delegates of New York, representing the calamitous
situation of the northwestern frontier of that State, accompanied by a
similar application from the Pennsylvania Assembly, and a resolve of
the 25th, directing me to take the most effectual measures for the
protection of the inhabitants and chastisement of the Indians. The
resolve has been in some measure anticipated by my previous dispositions
for carrying on offensive operations against the hostile tribes of
savages. It has always been my intention early to communicate this
matter to your Excellency in confidence, and I take occasion, from the
letter above mentioned, to inform you that preparations have some time
since been making, and they will be conducted to the point of execution
at a proper season, if no unexpected accident prevents, and the
situation of affairs on the maritime frontier justifies the undertaking.
"The greatest secrecy is necessary to the success of such an enterprise,
for the following obvious reasons: That, immediately upon the discovery
of our design, the savages would either put themselves in condition to
make head against us, by a reunion of all their force and that of
their allies, strengthened besides by succors from Canada; or elude the
expedition altogether, which might be done at the expense of a temporary
evacuation of forests which we could not possess, and the destruction of
a few settlements which they might speedily re-establish."
Washington concludes this letter by calling upon Governor Clinton for
an account of the force which New York can furnish for the contemplated
expedition and describing the kind of men most desirable for this
peculiar service--"active rangers, who are at the same time expert
marksmen, and accustomed to the irregular kind of wood-fighting
practiced by the Indians." He concludes by expressing a desire to have
the advantage of any sentiments or advice the Governor might be pleased
to communicate relative to the expedition. This is but one among many
instances which might be cited of the vigilance and unceasing activity
of Washington in everything connected with the national defense.
In addition to this Indian war Washington at this time (1778) had
another cause of deep anxiety continually upon his mind, in the
comparatively weak and inefficient character of the legislative body to
whom he must necessarily look for support and sanction in all measures
for the defense of the country. The Congress of 1774--that Congress
whose proceedings and State papers had elicited the admiration of
the illustrious Earl of Chatham--had comprised the ablest and most
influential men in the country. But most of these men had withdrawn from
Congress or had accepted high offices under their own State governments,
and their places had either not been filled at all or had been filled
by incompetent men. For the year 1778 the average number of members had
been between twenty-five and thirty. Some States were not represented
and others had not sent delegates enough to entitle them to a vote. But
small as the number of delegates in Congress was they were sufficiently
numerous to entertain the fiercest feuds among themselves, and seriously
to embarrass the public service by permitting party considerations to
interfere with the measures most essential to the safety and efficiency
of the army and the preservation of order in the country.
Washington was acutely sensible to this disastrous state of things. Full
of disinterested zeal for the public service he could hardly comprehend
the apathy prevailing in the different States, which occasioned their
omitting to fill up their "quotas" of representatives in Congress, and
he was embarrassed and distressed with the weak and inefficient
manner in which the military and civil affairs, under the direction of
Congress, were conducted. In a letter to Benjamin Harrison of Virginia,
a member of the Congress of 1774, he expresses frankly his views on this
unpleasant topic as follows:
"It appears as clear to me as ever the sun did in its meridian
brightness, that America never stood in more eminent need of the wise,
patriotic, and spirited exertions of her sons than at this period, and
if it is not a sufficient cause for general lamentation my misconception
of the matter impresses it too strongly upon me that the States,
separately, are too much engaged in their local concerns and have too
many of their ablest men withdrawn from the general council for the
good of the commonweal. In a word I think our political system may be
compared to the mechanism of a clock and that we should derive a lesson
from it, for it answers no good purpose to keep the smaller wheels in
order if the greater one, which is the support and prime mover of the
whole, is neglected. How far the latter is the case it does not become
me to pronounce, but as there can be no harm in a pious wish for the
good of one's country, I shall offer it as mine, that each would not
only choose, but absolutely compel their ablest men to attend Congress,
and that they would instruct them to go into a thorough investigation of
the causes that have produced so many disagreeable effects in the army
and country, in a word, that public abuses should be corrected. Without
this it does not in my judgment require the spirit of divination to
foretell the consequences of the present administration nor to how
little purpose the States individually are framing constitutions,
providing laws, and filling offices with the abilities of their ablest
men. These, if the great whole is mismanaged, must sink in the general
wreck, which will carry with it the remorse of thinking that we are lost
by our own folly and negligence or by the desire, perhaps, of living in
ease and tranquility during the accomplishment of so great a revolution,
in the effecting of which the greatest abilities and the most honest men
our American world affords ought to be employed.
"It is much to be feared, my dear sir, that the States in their separate
capacities have very inadequate ideas of the present danger. Many
persons removed far distant from the scene of action and seeing and
hearing such publications only as flatter their wishes, conceive that
the contest is at an end and that to regulate the government and police
of their own State is all that remains to be done, but it is devoutly
to be wished that a sad reverse of this may not fall upon them like
a thunderclap that is little expected. I do not mean to designate
particular States. I wish to cast no reflections upon any one. The
public believe (and if they do believe it, the fact might almost as well
be so) that the States at this time are badly represented and that the
great and important concerns of the nation are horribly conducted for
want either of abilities or application in the members, or through the
discord and party views of some individuals. That they should be so is
to be lamented more at this time than formerly, as we are far advanced
in the dispute and, in the opinion of many, drawing to a happy period;
we have the eyes of Europe upon us and I am persuaded many political
spies to watch, who discover our situation and give information of our
weaknesses and wants."
We have already seen that Congress, actuated by their wishes rather than
governed by a temperate calculation of the means in their possession,
had, in the preceding winter, planned a second invasion of Canada to
be conducted by Lafayette and that, as the generals only were got
in readiness for this expedition, it was necessarily laid aside. The
design, however, seems to have been suspended, not abandoned. The
alliance with France revived the latent wish to annex that extensive
territory to the United States. That favorite subject was resumed, and
toward autumn a plan was completely digested for a combined attack to be
made by the allies on all the British dominions on the continent and
on the adjacent islands of Cape Breton and Newfoundland. This plan was
matured about the time Lafayette obtained leave to return to his own
country and was ordered to be transmitted by him to Doctor Franklin,
the minister of the United States at the court of Versailles with
instructions to induce, if possible, the French cabinet to accede to it.
Some communications respecting this subject were also made to Lafayette,
on whose influence in securing its adoption by his own government much
reliance was placed, and in October 1778, it was for the first time
transmitted to Washington, with a request that he would enclose it by
Lafayette, with his observations on it, to Doctor Franklin.
This very extensive plan of military operations for the ensuing
campaign, prepared entirely in the cabinet without consulting, so far as
is known, a single military man, consisted of many parts.
Two detachments, amounting each to 1,600 men, were to march from
Pittsburgh and Wyoming against Detroit and Niagara. A third body of
troops which was to be stationed on the Mohawk during the winter and
to be powerfully reinforced in the spring, was to seize Oswego and to
secure the navigation of Lake Ontario with vessels to be constructed of
materials to be procured in the winter. A fourth corps was to penetrate
into Canada by the St. Francis and to reduce Montreal and the posts on
Lake Champlain, while a fifth should guard against troops from Quebec.
Thus far America could proceed unaided by her ally. But Upper Canada
being reduced another campaign would still be necessary for the
reduction of Quebec. This circumstance would require that the army
should pass the winter in Canada, and in the meantime the garrison of
Quebec might be largely reinforced. It was therefore essential to the
complete success of the enterprise that France should be induced to take
a part in it.
The conquest of Quebec and of Halifax was supposed to be an object of so
much importance to France as well as to the United States that her aid
might be confidently expected.
It was proposed to request the King of France to furnish four or five
thousand troops, to sail from Brest the beginning of May under convoy
of four ships of the line and four frigates, the troops to be clad as if
for service in the West Indies and thick clothes to be sent after them
in August. A large American detachment was to act with this French army
and it was supposed that Quebec and Halifax might be reduced by the
beginning or middle of October. The army might then either proceed
immediately against New Foundland or remain in garrison until the spring
when the conquest of that place might be accomplished.
It had been supposed probable that England would abandon the further
prosecution of the war on the continent of North America, in which
case the government would have a respectable force at its disposal, the
advantageous employment of which had engaged in part the attention of
Washington. He had contemplated an expedition against the British posts
in Upper Canada as a measure which might be eventually eligible and
which might employ the arms of the United States to advantage if their
troops might safely be withdrawn from the sea-board. He had, however,
considered every object of this sort as contingent. Having estimated the
difficulties to be encountered in such an enterprise he had found them
so considerable as to hesitate on the extent which might safely be given
to the expedition admitting the United States to be evacuated by the
British armies.
In this state of mind Washington received the magnificent plan already
prepared by Congress. He was forcibly struck with the impracticability
of executing that part of it which, was to be undertaken by the United
States should the British armies continue in the country and with the
serious mischief which would result to the common cause as well as from
diverting so considerable a part of the French force from other objects
to one which was, in his opinion, so unpromising as from the ill
impression which would be made on the court and nation by the total
failure of the American government to execute its part of a plan
originating with itself--a failure would most probably sacrifice the
troops and ships employed by France.
On comparing the naval force of England with that of France in different
parts of the world, the former appeared to Washington to maintain a
decided superiority and consequently to possess the power of shutting up
the ships of the latter which might be trusted into the St. Lawrence.
To suppose that the British government would not avail itself of
this superiority on such an occasion would be to impute to it a blind
infatuation or ignorance of the plans of its adversary, which could not
be safely assumed in calculations of such serious import.
A plan, too, consisting of so many parts to be prosecuted both from
Europe and America by land and by water--which, to be successful,
required such an harmonious cooperation of the whole, such a perfect
coincidence of events--appeared to him to be exposed to too many
accidents to risk upon it interests of such high value.
In a long and serious letter to Congress he apologized for not obeying
their orders to deliver the plan with his observations upon it to
Lafayette, and entering into a full investigation of all its parts
demonstrated the mischiefs and the dangers with which it was replete.
This letter was referred to a committee whose report admits the force
of the reasons urged by Washington against the expedition and their own
conviction that nothing important could be attempted unless the British
armies should be withdrawn from the United States and that even in that
event the present plan was far too complex.
Men, however, recede slowly and reluctantly from favorite and flattering
projects on which they have long meditated, and the committee in their
report proceeded to state the opinion that the posts held by the British
in the United States would probably be evacuated before the active part
of the ensuing campaign, and that, therefore, eventual measures for the
expedition ought to be taken.
This report concludes with recommending, "that the general should be
directed to write to the Marquis de Lafayette on that subject, and also
write to the minister of these States at the court of Versailles
very fully, to the end that eventual measures may be taken in case an
armament should be sent from France to Quebec for co-operating therewith
to the utmost degree which the finances and resources of these States
will admit."
This report also was approved by Congress and transmitted to Washington
who felt himself greatly embarrassed by it. While his objections to the
project retained all their force he found himself required to open a
correspondence for the purposes of soliciting the concurrence of France
in an expedition he disapproved, and of promising a cooperation he
believed to be impracticable. In reply to this communication he said:
"The earnest desire I have strictly to comply in every instance with the
views and instructions of Congress cannot but make me feel the greatest
uneasiness when I find myself in circumstances of hesitation or doubt
with respect to their directions. But the perfect confidence I have
in the justice and candor of that honorable body emboldens me to
communicate without reserve the difficulties which occur in the
execution of their present order, and the indulgence I have experienced
on every former occasion induces me to imagine that the liberty I now
take will not meet with disapprobation."
After reviewing the report of the committee and stating his objections
to the plan and the difficulties he felt in performing the duty assigned
to him, he added: "But if Congress still think it necessary for me to
proceed in the business I must request their more definite and explicit
instructions and that they will permit me, previous to transmitting the
intended dispatches, to submit them to their determination. I could
wish to lay before Congress more minutely the state of the army, the
condition of our supplies and the requisites necessary for carrying into
execution an undertaking that may involve the most serious events.
If Congress think this can be done more satisfactorily in a personal
conference I hope to have the army in such a situation before I can
receive their answer as to afford me an opportunity of giving my
attendance."
Congress acceded to his request for a personal interview, and on his
arrival in Philadelphia a committee was appointed to confer with him as
well on this particular subject as on the general state of the army and
of the country.
The result of these conferences was that the expedition against Canada
was entirely, though reluctantly, given up, and every arrangement
recommended by Washington received that attention which was due to his
judgment and experience and which his opinions were entitled to receive.
If anything were necessary to be added to this ridiculous scheme for the
conquest of Canada in order to prove the inefficiency and folly of the
Congress of 1778 we have it in the fact that France was averse to adding
that province to the United States and did not desire to acquire it
for herself. She only sought the independence of this country and its
permanent alliance.
Mr. De Sevelinges in his introduction to Botta's History recites the
private instructions to Mr. Gerard on his mission to the United States.
One article was, "to avoid entering into any formal engagement relative
to Canada and other English possessions which Congress proposed to
conquer." Mr. De Sevelinges adds, that "the policy of the cabinet of
Versailles viewed the possession of those countries, especially of
Canada by England as a principle of useful inquietude and vigilance to
the Americans. The neighborhood of a formidable enemy must make
them feel more sensibly the price which they ought to attach to the
friendship and support of the King of France."
[C.] REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO CONFER WITH WASHINGTON ON
THE SECOND SCHEME FOR THE CONQUEST OF CANADA, AND ON THE GENERAL STATE
OF THE ARMY AND THE COUNTRY.
"January I, 1779. The committee appointed to confer with the
commander-in-chief on the operations of the next campaign, report
that the plan proposed by Congress for the emancipation of Canada, in
cooperation with an army from France, was the principal subject of the
said conference. That, impressed with a strong sense of the injury and
disgrace which must attend an infraction of the proposed stipulations,
on the part of these States, your committee have taken a general view
of our finances, of the circumstances of our army, of the magazines of
clothes, artillery, arms and ammunition, and of the provisions in store,
and which can be collected in season.
"Your committee have also attentively considered the intelligence and
observations communicated to them by the commander-in-chief, respecting
the number of troops and strongholds of the enemy in Canada; their naval
force, and entire command of the water communication with that country;
the difficulties, while they possess such signal advantages, of
penetrating it with an army by land; the obstacles which are to be
surmounted in acquiring a naval superiority; the hostile temper of many
of the surrounding Indian tribes towards these States; and above all,
the uncertainty whether the enemy will not persevere in their system
of harassing and distressing our sea-coast and frontiers by a predatory
war.
"That on a most mature deliberation, your committee cannot find room for
a well grounded presumption that these States will be able to perform
their part of the proposed stipulations. That in a measure of such
moment, calculated to call forth, and direct to a single object, a
considerable portion of the force of our ally which may otherwise be
essentially employed, nothing else than the highest probability of
success could justify Congress in making the proposition.
"Your committee are therefore of opinion, that the negotiation in
question, however desirable and interesting, should be deferred until
circumstances render the cooperation of these States more certain,
practicable, and effectual.
"That the minister plenipotentiary of these States at the court of
Versailles, the minister of France in Pennsylvania, and the minister
of France, be respectively informed that the operations of the next
campaign must depend on such a variety of contingencies to arise, as
well from our own internal circumstances and resources as the progress
and movements of our enemy, that time alone can mature and point out the
plan which ought to be pursued. That Congress, therefore, cannot, with
a degree of confidence answerable to the magnitude of the object, decide
on the practicability of their cooperating the next campaign in an
enterprise for the emancipation of Canada; that every preparation in our
power will nevertheless be made for acting with vigor against the common
enemy, and every favorable incident embraced with alacrity to facilitate
and hasten the freedom and independence of Canada, and her union with
these States--events which Congress, from motives of policy with
respect to the United States, as well as of affection to their Canadian
brethren, have greatly at heart."
This report is evidently inspired by Washington, from beginning to end.
1. Footnote: This officer was not of the same family with the Tory
Butler.