WASHINGTON DIRECTS A DESCENT ON RHODE ISLAND. 1778.
Previous to evacuating Philadelphia, Clinton had received notice from
his government that, in consequence of the alliance between France and
the United States, a new plan of operations had been determined on. The
French were to be attacked in their West Indian possessions by way of
diversion from the main scene of action. Five thousand men were detached
from his army to aid in the execution of this purpose, and 3,000 were
sent to Florida. Clinton was also apprised that a French fleet would
probably appear in the Delaware and thus prevent any possibility of
his leaving Philadelphia by water. Hence his sudden departure from
Philadelphia with the remainder of his forces. He was only just in time
to save his army and Lord Howe's fleet.
On the 5th of July (1778), the day on which the British army arrived
at New York, the Count D'Estaing, with a French fleet, appeared on the
coast of Virginia.
In the month of March the French ambassador in London, by order of his
government, notified to the British court the treaties entered into
between France and America. In a few days afterward he quitted London
without the ceremony of taking leave, and about the same time the
British ambassador left Paris in a similar manner. This was considered
equivalent to a declaration of war, and although war was not actually
declared, yet both parties diligently prepared for hostilities.
The French equipped at Toulon a fleet of twelve sail of the line and
six frigates, and gave the command to Count D'Estaing, who, with a
considerable number of troops on board, sailed on the 13th of April
(1778); but meeting with contrary winds he did not reach the coast of
America till the 5th of July. He expected to find the British army in
Philadelphia and the fleet in the Delaware, and if this expectation had
been realized the consequences to Britain must have been calamitous.
But the British fleet and army were at Sandy Hook or New York before the
French fleet arrived on the coast. Count D'Estaing touched at the capes
of the Delaware on the 5th of July, and on learning that the British had
evacuated Philadelphia, he dispatched one of his frigates up the river
with M. Gerard, the first minister from France to the United States, and
then sailed for Sandy Hook.
Washington received intelligence of D'Estaing's arrival in a letter
from the President of Congress while he was at Paramus. The next day
he received a second letter on the same subject, enclosing two
resolutions--one directing him to cooperate with the French admiral and
the other authorizing him to call on the States from New Hampshire
to New Jersey, inclusive, for such aids of militia as he might deem
necessary for the operations of the allied arms. He determined to
proceed immediately to White Plains, whence the army might cooperate
with more facility in the execution of any attempt which might be made
by the fleet, and dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens, one of his
aides-de-camp, with all the information relative to the enemy, as
well as to his own army, which might be useful to D'Estaing.
Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens was authorized to consult on future conjoint
operations, and to establish conventional signals for the purpose of
facilitating the communication of intelligence.
The French admiral, on arriving off the Hook, dispatched Major de
Choisi, a gentleman of his family, to Washington for the purpose of
communicating fully his views and his strength. His first object was to
attack New York. If this should be found impracticable, he was desirous
of turning his attention to Rhode Island. To assist in coming to a
result on these enterprises, Washington dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel
Hamilton, another of his aides-de-camp, with such further communications
as had been suggested by inquiries made since the departure of Laurens.
Fearing that the water on the bar at the entrance of the harbor was not
of sufficient depth to admit the passage of the largest ships of the
French fleet without much difficulty and danger, Washington had turned
his attention to other objects which might be eventually pursued.
General Sullivan, who commanded the troops in Rhode Island, was directed
(July 21, 1778) to prepare for an enterprise against Newport, and
Lafayette was detached with two brigades to join him at Providence. The
next day Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton returned to camp with the final
determination of the Count D'Estaing to relinquish the meditated
attack on the fleet in the harbor of New York, in consequence of the
impracticability of passing the bar.
General Greene was immediately ordered to Rhode Island, of which State
he was a native, and Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens was directed to attach
himself to the French admiral and to facilitate all his views by
procuring whatever might give them effect, after which he was to act
with the army under Sullivan.
Writing to the President of Congress (August 3, 1778), Washington says:
"As the army was encamped and there was no great prospect of a sudden
removal, I judged it advisable to send General Greene to the eastward
on Wednesday last, being fully persuaded his services, as well in the
quartermaster line as in the field, would be of material importance
in the expedition against the enemy in that quarter. He is intimately
acquainted with the whole of that country, and, besides, he has an
extensive interest and influence in it. And, in justice to General
Greene, I take occasion to observe that the public is much indebted to
him for his judicious management and active exertions in his present
department. When he entered upon it, he found it in a most confused,
distracted, and destitute state. This, by his conduct and industry,
has undergone a very happy change and such as enabled us, with great
facility, to make a sudden move, with the whole army and baggage, from
Valley Forge, in pursuit of the enemy, and to perform a march to this
place. In a word, he has given the most general satisfaction, and his
affairs carry much the face of method and system. I also consider it
as an act of justice to speak of the conduct of Colonel Wadsworth,
commissary-general. He has been indefatigable in his exertions to
provide for the army, and, since his appointment, our supplies of
provision have been good and ample."
We copy this extract from Washington's correspondence because it does
justice to Greene and gives us information of the favorable change which
had taken place in the condition of the army since its dreary sojourn at
Valley Forge.
The resolution being taken to proceed against Rhode Island, the fleet
got under way and on the 25th of July (1778) appeared off Newport and
cast anchor about five miles from that place; soon after which General
Sullivan visited D'Estaing and concerted with him a plan of operations.
The fleet was to enter the harbor and land the French troops on the
west side of the island, a little to the north of Dyer's Island. The
Americans were to land at the same time on the opposite coast under
cover of the guns of a frigate.
A delay of several days now took place on account of the tardiness of
the neighboring militia in joining Sullivan's army.
As the militia of New Hampshire and Massachusetts approached, Sullivan
joined Greene at Tiverton and it was agreed with the admiral that the
fleet should enter the main channel immediately (August 8th), and that
the descent should be made the succeeding day. The French fleet passed
the British batteries and entered the harbor without receiving or doing
any considerable damage.
The militia not arriving precisely at the time they were expected,
Sullivan could not hazard the movement which had been concerted, and
stated to the Count the necessity of postponing it till the next day.
Meanwhile the preparations for the descent being perceived, General
Pigot drew the troops which had been stationed on the north end of the
island into the lines at Newport.
On discovering this circumstance the next morning, Sullivan determined
to avail himself of it and to take immediate possession of the works
which had been abandoned. The whole army crossed the east passage
and landed on the north end of Rhode Island. This movement gave great
offense to D'Estaing who resented the indelicacy supposed to have
been committed by Sullivan in landing before the French and without
consulting him.
Unfortunately some difficulties on subjects of mere punctilio had
previously arisen. D'Estaing was a land as well as sea officer, and held
the high rank of lieutenant-general in the service of France. Sullivan
being only a major-general, some misunderstanding on this delicate point
had been apprehended, and Washington had suggested to him the necessity
of taking every precaution to avoid it. This, it was supposed, had been
effected in their first conference, in which it was agreed that the
Americans should land first, after which the French should land to be
commanded by D'Estaing in person. The motives for this arrangement
are not stated. Either his own after-reflections or the suggestions of
others dissatisfied D'Estaing with it and he insisted that the descent
should be made on both sides of the island precisely at the same
instant, and that one wing of the American army should be attached to
the French and land with them. He also declined commanding in person and
wished Lafayette to take charge of the French troops as well as of the
Americans attached to them.
It being feared that this alteration of the plan might endanger both its
parts D'Estaing was prevailed on to reduce his demand from one wing of
the American army to 1,000 militia. When afterward Sullivan crossed over
into the island before the time to which he had himself postponed
the descent, and without giving previous notice to the count of this
movement, considerable excitement was manifested. The count refused to
answer Sullivan's letter, and charged Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury, who
delivered it, with being more an American than a Frenchman.
At this time a British fleet appeared which, after sailing close into
the land and communicating with General Pigot, withdrew some distance
and came to anchor off Point Judith, just without the narrow inlet
leading into the harbor.
After it had been ascertained that the destination of the Count
D'Estaing was America, he was followed by a squadron of twelve ships of
the line under Admiral Byron who was designed to relieve Lord Howe,
that nobleman having solicited his recall. The vessels composing this
squadron meeting with weather unusually bad for the season, and being
separated in different storms, arrived, after lingering through a
tedious passage in various degrees of distress, on different and remote
parts of the American coast. Between the departure of D'Estaing from the
Hook on the 23d of July (1778) and the 30th of that month, four ships of
sixty-four and fifty guns arrived at Sandy Hook.
This addition to the British fleet, though it left Lord Howe
considerably inferior to the Count D'Estaing, determined him to attempt
the relief of Newport. He sailed from New York on the 6th of August and
on the 9th appeared in sight of the French fleet before intelligence of
his departure could be received by the admiral.
At the time of his arrival the wind set directly into the harbor so
that it was impossible to get out of it, but it shifted suddenly to the
northeast the next morning and the count determined to stand out to
sea and give battle. Previous to leaving port (August 10th) he informed
General Sullivan that on his return he would land his men as that
officer should advise.
Not choosing to give the advantage of the weather-gauge Lord Howe also
weighed anchor and stood out to sea. He was followed by D'Estaing, and
both fleets were soon out of sight.
The militia were now arrived and Sullivan's army amounted to 10,000
men. Notwithstanding some objections made by Lafayette to his commencing
operations before the return of D'Estaing, Sullivan determined to
commence the siege immediately. Before this determination could be
executed a furious storm blew down all the tents, rendered the arms
unfit for immediate use, and greatly damaged the ammunition, of which
fifty rounds had just been delivered to each man. The soldiers having
no shelter suffered extremely, and several perished in the storm which
continued three days. On the return of fair weather the siege was
commenced and continued without any material circumstance for several
days.
As no intelligence had been received from the admiral the situation of
the American army was becoming very critical. On the evening of the 19th
their anxieties were relieved for a moment by the reappearance of the
French fleet.
The two admirals, desirous the one of gaining and the other of retaining
the advantage of the wind, had employed two days in maneuvering without
coming to action. Toward the close of the second they were on the point
of engaging when they were separated by the violent storm which had been
so severely felt on shore and which dispersed both fleets. Some single
vessels afterward fell in with each other, but no important capture was
made, and both fleets retired in a very shattered condition, the one to
the harbor of New York and the other to that of Newport.
A letter was immediately dispatched by D'Estaing to Sullivan, informing
him that, in pursuance of orders from the King and of the advice of all
his officers, he had taken the resolution to carry the fleet to Boston.
His instructions directed him to sail for Boston should his fleet meet
with any disaster or should a superior British fleet appear on the
coast.
To be abandoned by the fleet in such critical circumstances and not only
deprived of the brilliant success which they thought within their reach,
but exposed to imminent hazard, caused much disappointment, irritation,
and alarm in the American camp. Lafayette and Greene were dispatched
to D'Estaing to remonstrate with him on the subject and to press
his cooperation and assistance for two days only, in which time they
flattered themselves the most Brilliant success would crown their
efforts. But the count was not popular in the fleet; he was a military
officer as well as a naval commander, and was considered as belonging to
the army rather than to the navy. The officers of the sea service looked
on him with a jealous and envious eye and were willing to thwart him as
far as they were able with safety to themselves. When, on the pressing
application of Lafayette and Greene, he again submitted the matter to
their consideration, they took advantage of the letter of the admiral's
instructions and unanimously adhered to their former resolution,
sacrificing the service of their prince to their own petty jealousies
and animosities. D'Estaing, therefore, felt himself constrained to set
sail for Boston.
The departure of the French marine force left Sullivan's army in a
critical situation. It was in a firm reliance on the cooperation of
the French fleet that the expedition was undertaken, and its sudden and
unexpected departure not only disappointed the sanguine hopes of speedy
success, but exposed the army to much hazard, for the British troops
under General Pigot might have been reinforced and the fleet might have
cut off Sullivan's retreat.
The departure of the French fleet greatly discouraged the American
army, and in a few days Sullivan's force was considerably diminished
by desertion. On the 26th of August he therefore resolved to raise the
siege and retreat to the north end of the island, and took the necessary
precautions for the successful execution of that movement.
In the night of the 28th, Sullivan silently decamped and retired
unobserved. Early in the morning the British discovered his retreat and
instantly commenced a pursuit. They soon overtook the light troops who
covered the retreat of the American army, and who continued skirmishing
and retreating till they reached the north end of the island, where the
army occupied a strong position at a place where the British formerly
had a fortified post, the works of which had been strengthened during
the two preceding days. There a severe conflict for about half an hour
ensued, when the combatants mutually withdrew from the field. The loss
of the armies was nearly equal, amounting to between two and three
hundred killed or wounded in the course of the day.
On the 30th of August there was a good deal of cannonading, but
neither party ventured to attack the other. The British were expecting
reinforcements, and Sullivan, although he made a show of resolutely
maintaining his post, was busily preparing for the evacuation of the
island. In the evening he silently struck his tents, embarked his army,
with all the artillery, baggage, and stores, on board a great number of
boats and landed safely on the continent before the British suspected
his intention to abandon the post. General Sullivan made a timely
escape, for Sir Henry Clinton was on his way, with 4,000 men, to the
assistance of General Pigot. He was detained four days in the Sound
by contrary winds, but arrived on the day after the Americans left the
island. A very short delay would probably have proved fatal to their
army.
The most sanguine expectations had been entertained throughout the
United States of the reduction of Rhode Island and the capture of
the British force which defended it, so that the disappointment and
mortification on the failure of the enterprise were exceedingly bitter.
The irritation against the French, who were considered the authors of
the miscarriage, was violent. Sullivan was confident of success; and
his chagrin at the departure of the French fleet made him use some
expressions, in a general order, which gave offense to D'Estaing.
Washington foresaw the evils likely to result from the general and
mutual irritation which prevailed, and exerted all his influence to calm
the minds of both parties. He had a powerful coadjutor in Lafayette,
who was as deservedly dear to the Americans as to the French. His first
duties were due to his King and country, but he loved America, and was
so devoted to the Commander-in-Chief of its armies, as to enter into his
views and second his softening conciliatory measures with truly filial
affection. Washington also wrote to General Heath, who commanded at
Boston, and to Sullivan and Greene, who commanded at Rhode Island. In
his letter to General Heath he stated his fears "that the departure of
the French fleet from Rhode Island at so critical a moment, would
not only weaken the confidence of the people in their new allies, but
produce such prejudice and resentment as might prevent their giving the
fleet, in its present distress, such zealous and effectual assistance
as was demanded by the exigency of affairs and the true interests of
America;" and added "that it would be sound policy to combat these
effects and to give the best construction of what had happened; and at
the same time to make strenuous exertions for putting the French fleet,
as soon as possible, in a condition to defend itself and be useful." He
also observed as follows: "The departure of the fleet from Rhode Island
is not yet publicly announced here; but when it is, I intend to ascribe
it to necessity produced by the damage received in the late storm. This,
it appears to me, is the idea which ought to be generally propagated.
As I doubt not the force of these reasons will strike you equally
with myself, I would recommend to you to use your utmost influence to
palliate and soften matters, and to induce those whose business it is to
provide succors of every kind for the fleet, to employ their utmost
zeal and activity in doing it. It is our duty to make the best of our
misfortunes and not suffer passion to interfere with our interest and
the public good."
Writing to General Sullivan he observed: "The disagreement between
the army under your command and the fleet has given me very singular
uneasiness. The continent at large is concerned in our cordiality, and
it should be kept up by all possible means consistent with our honor and
policy. First impressions are generally longest retained, and will serve
to fix in a great degree our national character with the French. In our
conduct toward them we should remember that they are a people old in
war, very strict in military etiquette, and apt to take fire when others
seem scarcely warmed. Permit me to recommend, in the most particular
manner, the cultivation of harmony and good agreement, and your
endeavors to destroy that ill-humor which may have found its way among
the officers. It is of the utmost importance, too, that the soldier and
the people should know nothing of this misunderstanding; or if it has
reached them, that means may be used to stop its progress and prevent
its effects."
To General Greene, Washington wrote: "I have not now time to take notice
of the several arguments which were made use of, for and against the
count's quitting the harbor of Newport and sailing for Boston. Right or
wrong, it will probably disappoint our sanguine expectations of success
and which I deem a still worse consequence, I fear it will sow the seeds
of dissension and distrust between us and our new allies, unless the
most prudent measures be taken to suppress the feuds and jealousies
that have already arisen. I depend much on your temper and influence
to conciliate that animosity which, subsists between the American and
French officers in our service. I beg you will take every measure to
keep the protest entered into by the general officers from being made
public. Congress, sensible of the ill consequences that will flow from
our differences being known to the world, have passed a resolve to that
purpose. Upon the whole, my dear sir, you can conceive my meaning better
than I can express it; and I therefore fully depend on your exerting
yourself to heal all private animosities between our principal officers
and the French, and to prevent all illiberal expression and reflections
that may fall from the army at large."
Washington also improved the first opportunity of recommencing his
correspondence with Count D'Estaing, in a letter to him, which, without
noticing the disagreements that had taken place, was well calculated to
soothe every unpleasant sensation which might have disturbed his mind.
In the course of a short correspondence, the irritation which threatened
serious mischiefs gave way to returning good understanding and
cordiality; although here and there popular ill-will manifested itself
in rather serious quarrels and disputes with the French sailors and
marines.
Meantime, in the storm which had separated the fleets of D'Estaing
and Howe when just about to engage, the British fleet had suffered
considerably, but had not sustained so much damage as the French. In a
short time Lord Howe was again ready for sea; and having learned that
D'Estaing had sailed for Boston, he left New York with the intention of
reaching that place before him, or of attacking him there, if he found
it could be done with advantage. But on entering the bay of Boston he
perceived the French fleet in Nantasket Roads, so judiciously stationed
and so well protected by batteries that there was no prospect of
attacking it with success. He therefore returned to New York, where,
finding that by fresh arrivals his fleet was decidedly superior to
that of the French, he availed himself of the permission which he had
received some time before and resigned the command to Admiral Gambier,
who was to continue in the command till the arrival of Admiral Byron,
who was daily expected from Halifax.
Sir Henry Clinton, finding that General Sullivan had effected his
retreat from Rhode Island, set out on his return to New York; but that
the expedition might not be wholly ineffectual, he meditated an attack
on New London, situated on a river which falls into the Sound. The wind,
however, being unfavorable to the enterprise, he gave the command of
the troops on board the transports to Maj.-Gen. Sir Charles Grey, with
orders to proceed in an expedition against Buzzard's Bay, and continued
his voyage to New York. [1]
In obedience to the orders which he had received, General Grey sailed
to Acushnet river where he landed on the 5th of September (1778), and
destroyed all the shipping in the river, amounting to more than seventy
sail. He burned a great part of the towns of Bedford and Fairhaven,
the one on the west and the other on the east bank, destroying a
considerable quantity of military and naval stores, provisions, and
merchandise. He landed at six in the evening, and so rapid were his
movements that the work of destruction was accomplished and the troops
re-embarked before noon the next day. He then proceeded to the island
called Martha's Vineyard, a resort of privateers, where he took
or burned several vessels, destroyed the salt works, compelled the
inhabitants to surrender their arms, and levied from them a contribution
of 1,000 sheep and 300 oxen.
Having mercilessly ravaged the seacoast, the hero of the Paoli massacre
returned, heavily laden with plunder, to New York.
The return of the British fleet and of the troops under Grey relieved
the Americans from the anxious apprehension of an attack on their allies
at Boston. Under that apprehension, Washington had broken up his camp
at White Plains, and proceeding northward taken a position at
Fredericksburg, thirty miles from West Point near the borders of
Connecticut. He detached Generals Gates and M'Dougall to Danbury,
in Connecticut, in order that they might be in readiness to move as
circumstances might require, and he sent General Putnam to West Point to
watch the North river and the important passes in the Highlands. But the
return of the fleet and troops to New York quieted those apprehensions.
Meanwhile Washington received intelligence that an expedition was
preparing at New York, the object of which was not clearly apparent; but
soon after the return of the troops under Grey the British army advanced
in great force on both sides of the North river. The column on the west
bank, consisting of 5,000 men commanded by Cornwallis, extended from the
Hudson to the Hackensack. The division on the east side consisting of
about 3,000 men under Knyphausen, stretched from the North river to
the Bronx. The communication between them was kept up by flat-bottomed
boats, by means of which the two divisions could have been readily
united if the Americans had advanced against either of them.
Washington sent out several detachments to observe the movements
of those columns. Colonel Baylor, who with his regiment of cavalry
consisting of upwards of a hundred men had been stationed near Paramus,
crossed the Hackensack on the morning of the 27th of September and
occupied Tappan or Herringtown, a small village near New Tappan, where
some militia were posted. Of these circumstances Cornwallis received
immediate notice and he formed a plan to surprise and cut off both the
cavalry and militia. The execution of the enterprise against Baylor was
entrusted to the unscrupulous General Grey, and Colonel Campbell with a
detachment from Knyphausen's division was to cross the river and attack
the militia at New Tappan. Colonel Campbell's part of the plan failed by
some delay in the passage of the river, during which a deserter informed
the militia of their danger and they saved themselves by flight. But
Grey completely surprised Baylor's troops and killed, wounded, or took
the greater part of them. Colonel Baylor was wounded and made prisoner.
The slaughter on that occasion which as at the Paoli, was a literal
massacre of surprised and defenseless men excited much indignation and
was the subject of loud complaints throughout the United States.
Three days after the surprise of Baylor, Col. Richard Butler with a
detachment of infantry assisted by Maj. Henry Lee with part of his
cavalry, fell in with a party of 15 chasseurs and about 100 yagers under
Captain Donop, on whom they made such a rapid charge that without the
loss of a man, they killed ten of them on the spot and took about twenty
prisoners.
The movement of the British army up the North river already mentioned,
was made for the purpose of foraging and also to cover a meditated
attack on Little Egg Harbor, and having accomplished its object it
returned to New York. Little Egg Harbor, situated on the coast of
Jersey, was a rendezvous of privateers, and being so near the entrance
to New York ships bound to that port were much exposed to their
depredations. An expedition against it was therefore planned and the
conduct of the enterprise entrusted to Capt. Patrick Ferguson of the
Seventeenth regiment with about 300 men, assisted by Captain Collins of
the navy. He sailed from New York, but short as the passage was he was
detained several days by contrary winds and did not arrive at the place
of his destination till the evening of the 5th of October (1778). The
Americans had got notice of his design and had sent to sea such of their
privateers as were ready for sailing. They had also hauled the largest
of the remaining vessels, which were chiefly prizes, twenty miles up
the river to Chestnut Neck, and had carried their smaller vessels still
further into the country. Ferguson proceeded to Chestnut Neck, burned
the vessels there, destroyed the storehouses and public works of every
sort, and in returning committed many depredations on private property.
Count Pulaski with his legionary corps composed of three companies of
foot and a troop of horse, officered principally by foreigners, had been
detached by Washington into Jersey to check these depredations. He was
ordered toward Little Egg Harbor and lay without due vigilance eight or
ten miles from the coast. One Juliet, a Frenchman, who had deserted
from the British service and obtained a commission in Pulaski's corps
redeserted, joined Captain Ferguson at Little Egg Harbor after his
return from Chestnut Neck and gave him exact information of the strength
and situation of Pulaski's troops.
Ferguson and Collins immediately resolved to surprise the Polish
nobleman, and for that purpose, on the 15th of October (1778), they
embarked 250 men in boats, rowed ten miles up the river before daybreak,
landed within a small distance of his infantry, left fifty men to guard
their boat, and with the remainder of their force suddenly fell on the
unsuspicious detachment, killed fifty of them among whom were the Baron
de Bosc and Lieutenant de la Borderie, and retreated with scarcely any
loss before they could be attacked by Pulaski's cavalry.
This was another massacre similar to those of the infamous Grey. [2]
Only five prisoners were taken. The commander pretended to have received
information that Pulaski had ordered his men to give no quarter, but
this was false.
Admiral Byron reached New York and took command of the fleet about the
middle of September (1778). After repairing his shattered vessels he
sailed for the port of Boston. Soon after his arrival in the bay fortune
disconcerted all his plans. A furious storm drove him out to sea and
damaged his fleet so much that he found it necessary to put into Newport
to refit. This favorable moment was seized by the Count D'Estaing who
sailed on the 3d of November for the West Indies.
Thus terminated an expedition from which the most important advantages
had been anticipated. A variety of accidents had defeated plans
judiciously formed which had every probability of success in their
favor.
Lafayette, ambitious of fame on another theater, was now desirous of
returning to France. Expecting war on the continent of Europe he was
anxious to tender his services to his King and to his native country.
From motives of real friendship as well as of policy, Washington was
desirous of preserving the connection of this officer with the army and
of strengthening his attachment to America. He therefore expressed to
Congress his wish that Lafayette, instead of resigning his commission,
might have unlimited leave of absence to return when it should be
convenient to himself, and might carry with him every mark of the
confidence of the government. This policy was adopted by Congress in its
full extent. The partiality of America for Lafayette was well placed.
Never did a foreigner, whose primary attachments to his own country
remained undiminished, feel more solicitude for the welfare of another
than was unceasingly manifested by this young nobleman for the United
States.
The French alliance having effected a change in the position of affairs
on the ocean, Congress devoted a good deal of attention to naval
matters; several new vessels were built and others were purchased, and
the present year (1778) gave token of the spirit and ability of some of
our earlier naval officers in contending with a navy usually held to be
invincible. Early in the year Captain Biddle, in the Randolph, a
frigate of thirty-six guns, engaged his majesty's ship the Yarmouth, a
sixty-four, but after an action of twenty minutes the Randolph blew up
and Captain Biddle and crew perished with the exception of only four men
who were picked up a few days after on a piece of wreck. The celebrated
Paul Jones made his appearance on the English coast during this year,
and rendered his name a terror by the bold and daring exploits which
he performed. Captain Barry, off the coast of Maine, behaved in a most
gallant manner in an action with two English ships, sustaining the
contest for seven hours, and at last escaping with his men on shore.
Captain Talbot in October of this year (1778) distinguished himself by
a well-planned and successful attack upon a British vessel off Rhode
Island. The schooner Pigot, moored at the mouth of Seconset river,
effectually barred the passage, broke up the local trade, and cut off
the supplies of provisions and reinforcements for that part of the
colony. Talbot, earnestly desirous of relieving the country of this
annoyance, obtained the consent of General Sullivan to make the attempt.
With his usual alacrity he set about the affair and was entirely
successful. The Pigot was captured and carried off in triumph by the
gallant band under Talbot. In the succeeding November Captain Talbot
received a complimentary letter from the President of Congress, together
with a resolve of Congress, presenting him with the commission of
lieutenant-colonel in the army of the United States.
There being no prospect of an active winter campaign in the northern
or middle States and the climate admitting of military operations
elsewhere, a detachment from the British army consisting of 5,000 men
commanded by Major-General Grant, sailed early in November under a
strong convoy for the West India islands, and toward the end of the
same month another embarkation was made for the southern parts of the
continent. This second detachment was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel
Campbell who was escorted by Com. Hyde Parker, and was destined to act
against the Southern States.
As a force sufficient for the defense of New York yet remained the
American army retired into winter quarters (Dec., 1778). The main body
was cantoned in Connecticut, on both sides the North river, about West
Point, and at Middlebrook. Light troops were stationed nearer the lines,
and the cavalry were drawn into the interior to recruit the horses for
the next campaign. In this distribution the protection of the country,
the security of important points, and a cheap and convenient supply of
provisions were consulted.
The troops again wintered in huts, but they were used to this mode of
passing that inclement season. Though far from being well clothed their
condition in that respect was so much improved by supplies from France
that they disregarded the inconveniences to which they were exposed.
Colonel Campbell, who sailed from the Hook about the last of November,
1778, escorted by a small squadron commanded by Com. Hyde Parker reached
the Isle of Tybee, near the Savannah, on the 23d of December, and in a
few days the fleet and the transports passed the bar and anchored in the
river.
The command of the Southern army, composed of the troops of South
Carolina and Georgia, had been committed to Major-General Robert Howe,
who in the course of the preceding summer had invaded East Florida.
The diseases incident to the climate made such ravages among his raw
soldiers that though he had scarcely seen an enemy he found himself
compelled to hasten out of the country with considerable loss. After
this disastrous enterprise his army, consisting of between six and seven
hundred Continental troops aided by a few hundred militia had encamped
in the neighborhood of the town of Savannah, situated on the southern
bank of the river bearing that name. The country about the mouth of the
river is one track of deep marsh intersected by creeks and cuts of water
impassable for troops at any time of the tide, except over causeways
extending through the sunken ground.
Without much opposition Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell effected a landing
on the 29th (December, 1778), about three miles below the town, upon
which Howe formed his line of battle. His left was secured by the river,
and along the whole extent of his front was a morass which stretched to
his right and was believed by him to be impassable for such a distance
as effectually to secure that wing.
After reconnoitering the country Colonel Campbell advanced on the great
road leading to Savannah, and about 3 in the afternoon appeared in
sight of the American army. While making dispositions to dislodge it
he accidentally fell in with a negro who informed him of a private path
leading through the swamp round the right of the American lines to their
rear. Determining to avail himself of this path he detached a column
under Sir James Baird which entered the morass unperceived by Howe.
As soon as Sir James emerged from the swamp he attacked and dispersed
a body of Georgia militia which gave the first notice to the American
general of the danger which threatened his rear. At the same instant the
British troops in his front were put in motion and their artillery began
to play upon him. A retreat was immediately ordered and the Continental
troops were under the necessity of running across a plain in front of
the corps which had been led to the rear by Sir James Baird who attacked
their flanks with great impetuosity and considerable effect. The few who
escaped retreated up the Savannah, and crossing that river at Zubly's
Ferry took refuge in South Carolina.
The victory was complete and decisive in its consequences. About 100
Americans were either killed in the field or drowned in attempting to
escape through a deep swamp. Thirty-eight officers and 415 privates were
taken. Forty-eight pieces of cannon, twenty-three mortars, the fort,
with all its military stores, a large quantity of provisions collected
for the use of the army, and the capital of Georgia fell into the hands
of the conqueror. These advantages were obtained at the expense of only
seven killed and nineteen wounded.
No military force now remained in Georgia except the garrison of Sunbury
whose retreat to South Carolina was cut off. All the lower part of that
State was occupied by the British who adopted measures to secure the
conquest they had made. The inhabitants were treated with a lenity
as wise as it was humane. Their property was spared and their persons
protected. To make the best use of victory and of the impression
produced by the moderation of the victors a proclamation was issued
inviting the inhabitants to repair to the British standard and offering
protection to those who would return to their allegiance.
The effect of these measures was soon felt. The inhabitants flocked in
great numbers to the royal standard; military corps for the protection
of the country were formed, and posts were established for a
considerable distance up the river.
The northern frontier of Georgia being supposed to be settled into a
state of quiet Colonel Campbell turned his attention toward Sunbury and
was about to proceed against that place when he received intelligence
that it had surrendered to General Prevost.
Sir Henry Clinton had ordered that officer from East Florida to
cooperate with Colonel Campbell. On hearing that the troops from the
north were off the coast he entered the southern frontier of Georgia
(Jan. 9, 1779) and invested Sunbury, which, after a slight resistance
surrendered at discretion. Having placed a garrison in the fort he
proceeded to Savannah, took command of the army, and detached Colonel
Campbell with 800 regulars and a few Provincials to Augusta which fell
without resistance, and thus the whole State of Georgia was reduced.
1. Footnote: This officer was the same Grey who had surprised Wayne's
detachment near the Paoli Tavern, in Pennsylvania (Sept. 20, 1777), as
already related in the text. His merciless massacre of Wayne's men, with
the bayonet, will ever be remembered. A monument is erected on the
spot where the massacre took place, consecrated to the memory of the
sufferers.
2. Footnote: The British government rewarded Grey for his cruelty by
making him a peer. He was the father of Earl Grey, who became prime
minister of Great Britain. This reward to Colonel Grey was in strict
consistency with the spirit in which the whole war against the United
States was conducted. Fortunately, the cruel and brutal outrages of the
invaders reacted on themselves, and contributed greatly to the final
result.