CHAPTER XII.

BURGOYNE'S INVASION OF NEW YORK PUNISHED BY SCHUYLER AND GATES. 1777.

We have already had occasion to refer to what was passing in the North

during the time when Washington was conducting the arduous campaign in

Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania. General Schuyler had held the chief

command of the army operating against Canada since the opening of the

war in 1775. Under his direction the force of Montgomery was sent to

Quebec in the disastrous expedition of which we have already related

the history, and Arnold was acting in a subordinate capacity to Schuyler

when he so bravely resisted the descent of Carleton on the lakes.

Schuyler also performed the best part of the service of resisting the

invasion of New York from Canada, and nearly completed the campaign

which terminated in the surrender of Burgoyne to Gates. To the events of

this campaign we now call the reader's attention.

At the commencement of the campaign of 1777 the American army on the

frontier of Canada having been composed chiefly of soldiers enlisted

for a short period only, had been greatly reduced in numbers by the

expiration of their term of service.

The cantonments of the British northern army, extending from Isle aux

Noix and Montreal to Quebec, were so distant from each other that they

could not readily have afforded mutual support in case of an attack,

but the Americans were in no condition to avail themselves of this

circumstance. They could scarcely keep up even the appearance of

garrisons in their forts and were apprehensive of an attack on

Ticonderoga as soon as the ice was strong enough to afford an easy

passage to troops over the lakes. At the close of the preceding campaign

General Gates had joined the army under Washington, and the command of

the army in the northern department, comprehending Albany, Ticonderoga,

Fort Stanwix, and their dependencies, remained in the hands of General

Schuyler. The services of that meritorious officer were more solid than

brilliant, and had not been duly valued by Congress, which, like other

popular assemblies, was slow in discerning real and unostentatious

merit. Disgusted at the injustice which he had experienced he was

restrained from leaving the army merely by the deep interest which he

took in the arduous struggle in which his country was engaged, but after

a full investigation of his conduct during the whole of his command,

Congress was at length convinced of the value of his services and

requested him to continue at the head of the army of the northern

department. That army he found too weak for the services which it was

expected to perform and ill-supplied with arms, clothes, and provisions.

He made every exertion to organize and place it on a respectable footing

for the ensuing campaign, but his means were scanty and the new levies

arrived slowly. General St. Clair, who had served under Gates, commanded

at Ticonderoga, and, including militia, had nearly 2,000 men under him,

but the works were extensive and would have required 10,000 men to man

them fully. [1]

The British ministry had resolved to prosecute the war vigorously on the

northern frontier of the United States, and appointed Burgoyne, who had

served under Carleton in the preceding campaign, to command the royal

army in that quarter. The appointment gave offense to Carleton, then

Governor of Canada, who naturally expected to be continued in

the command of the northern army, and that officer testified his

dissatisfaction by tendering the resignation of his government.

But although displeased with the nomination, he gave Burgoyne every

assistance in his power in preparing for the campaign.

Burgoyne had visited England during the winter, concerted with the

ministry a plan of the campaign and given an estimate of the force

necessary for its successful execution. Besides a fine train of

artillery and a suitable body of artillerymen, an army, consisting of

more than 7,000 veteran troops, excellently equipped and in a high state

of discipline, was put under his command. Besides this regular force he

had a great number of Canadians and savages.

The employment of the savages had been determined on at the very

commencement of hostilities, their alliance had been courted and their

services accepted, and on the present occasion the British ministry

placed no small dependence on their aid. Carleton was directed to use

all his influence to bring a large body of them into the field, and

his exertions were very successful. General Burgoyne was assisted by

a number of distinguished officers, among whom were Generals Philips,

Fraser, Powel, Hamilton, Riedesel, and Specht. A suitable naval

armament, under the orders of Commodore Lutwych, attended the

expedition.

After detaching Colonel St. Leger with a body of light troops and

Indians, amounting to about 800 men, by the way of Lake Oswego and the

Mohawk river, to make a diversion in that quarter and to join him when

he advanced to the Hudson, Burgoyne left St. John's on the 16th of June,

and, preceded by his naval armament, sailed up Lake Champlain and in a

few days landed and encamped at Crown Point earlier in the season than

the Americans had thought it possible for him to reach that place.

He met his Indian allies and, in imitation of a savage partisan, gave

them a war feast, at which he made them a speech in order to inflame

their courage and repress their barbarous cruelty. He next issued a

lofty proclamation addressed to the inhabitants of the country in

which, as if certain of victory, he threatened to punish with the utmost

severity those who refused to attach themselves to the royal cause. He

talked of the ferocity of the Indians and their eagerness to butcher the

friends of independence, and he graciously promised protection to

those who should return to their duty. The proclamation was so far from

answering the general's intention that it was derided by the people as a

model of pomposity.

Having made the necessary arrangements on the 30th of June, Burgoyne

advanced cautiously on both sides of the narrow channel which connects

Lakes Champlain and George, the British on the west and the German

mercenaries on the east, with the naval force in the center, forming a

communication between the two divisions of the army, and on the 1st of

July his van appeared in sight of Ticonderoga.

The river Sorel issues from the north end of Lake Champlain and throws

its superfluous waters into the St. Lawrence. Lake Champlain is about

eighty miles long from north to south, and about fourteen miles

broad where it is widest. Crown Point stands at what may properly be

considered the south end of the lake, although a narrow channel,

which retains the name of the lake, proceeds southward and forms a

communication with South river and the waters of Lake George.

Ticonderoga is on the west side of the narrow channel, twelve miles

south from Crown Point. It is a rocky angle of land, washed on three

sides by the water and partly covered on the fourth side by a deep

morass. On the space on the northwest quarter, between the morass and

the channel, the French had formerly constructed lines of fortification,

which still remained, and those lines the Americans had strengthened by

additional works.

Opposite Ticonderoga on the east side of the channel, which is here

between three and four hundred yards wide, stands a high circular hill

called Mount Independence, which had been occupied by the Americans when

they abandoned Crown Point, and carefully fortified. On the top of it,

which is flat, they had erected a fort and provided it sufficiently with

artillery. Near the foot of the mountain, which extends to the water's

edge, they had raised entrenchments and mounted them with heavy guns,

and had covered those lower works by a battery about half way up the

hill.

With prodigious labor they had constructed a communication between those

two posts by means of a wooden bridge which was supported by twenty-two

strong wooden pillars placed at nearly equal distances from each other.

The spaces between the pillars were filled up by separate floats,

strongly fastened to each other and to the pillars by chains and rivets.

The bridge was twelve feet wide and the side of it next Lake Champlain

was defended by a boom formed of large pieces of timber, bolted and

bound together by double iron chains an inch and a half thick. Thus

an easy communication was established between Ticonderoga and Mount

Independence and the passage of vessels up the strait prevented.

Immediately after passing Ticonderoga the channel becomes wider and, on

the southeast side, receives a large body of water from a stream at

that point called South river, but higher up named Wood creek. From the

southwest come the waters flowing from Lake George, and in the angle

formed by the confluence of those two streams rises a steep and

rugged eminence called Sugar Hill, which overlooks and commands both

Ticonderoga and Mount Independence. That hill had been examined by

the Americans, but General St. Clair, considering the force under his

command insufficient to occupy the extensive works of Ticonderoga and

Mount Independence and flattering himself that the extreme difficulty

of the ascent would prevent the British from availing themselves of it,

neglected to take possession of Sugar Hill. It may be remarked that

the north end of Lake George is between two and three miles above

Ticonderoga, but the channel leading to it is interrupted by rapids

and shallows and is unfit for navigation. Lake George is narrow, but is

thirty-five miles long, extending from northeast to southwest. At the

head of it stood a fort of the same name, strong enough to resist an

attack of Indians, but incapable of making any effectual opposition to

regular troops. Nine miles beyond it was Fort Edward on the Hudson.

On the appearance of Burgoyne's van St. Clair had no accurate knowledge

of the strength of the British army, having heard nothing of the

reinforcement from Europe. He imagined that they would attempt to take

the fort by assault and flattered himself that he would easily be able

to repulse them. But, on the 2d of July, the British appeared in great

force on both sides of the channel and encamped four miles from the

forts, while the fleet anchored just beyond the reach of the guns. After

a slight resistance Burgoyne took possession of Mount Hope, an important

post on the south of Ticonderoga, which commanded part of the lines of

that fort as well as the channel leading to Lake George, and extended

his lines so as completely to invest the fort on the west side. The

German division under General Riedesel occupied the eastern bank of the

channel and sent forward a detachment to the vicinity of the rivulet

which flows from Mount Independence. Burgoyne now labored assiduously in

bringing forward his artillery and completing his communications. On the

5th of the month (July, 1777) he caused Sugar Hill to be examined, and

being informed that the ascent, though difficult, was not impracticable,

he immediately resolved to take possession of it and proceeded with such

activity in raising works and mounting guns upon it that his battery

might have been opened on the garrison next day.

These operations received no check from the besieged, because, as it has

been alleged, they were not in a condition to give any. St. Clair was

now nearly surrounded. Only the space between the stream which flows

from Mount Independence and South river remained open, and that was to

be occupied next day.

In these circumstances it was requisite for the garrison to come to a

prompt and decisive resolution, either at every hazard to defend the

place to the last extremity or immediately to abandon it. St. Clair

called a council of war, the members of which unanimously advised the

immediate evacuation of the forts, and preparations were instantly made

for carrying this resolution into execution. The British had the command

of the communication with Lake George, and consequently the garrison

could not escape in that direction. The retreat could be effected by

the South river only. Accordingly the invalids, the hospital, and such

stores as could be most easily removed, were put on board 200 boats and,

escorted by Colonel Long's regiment, proceeded, on the night between

the 5th and 6th of July, up the South river towards Skeenesborough. The

garrisons of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence marched by land through

Castleton, towards the same place. The troops were ordered to march out

in profound silence and particularly to set nothing on fire. But these

prudent orders were disobeyed, and, before the rear guard was in motion,

the house on Mount Independence, which General Fermoy had occupied, was

seen in flames. That served as a signal to the enemy, who immediately

entered the works and fired, but without effect, on the rear of the

retreating army.

The Americans marched in some confusion to Hubbardton whence the main

body, under St. Clair, pushed forward to Castleton. But the English

were not idle. General Fraser, at the head of a strong detachment of

grenadiers and light troops, commenced an eager pursuit by land upon the

right bank of Wood creek: General Riedesel, behind him, rapidly

advanced with his Brunswickers, either to support the English or to act

separately as occasion might require. Burgoyne determined to pursue the

Americans by water. But it was first necessary to destroy the boom and

bridge which had been constructed in front of Ticonderoga. The British

seamen and artificers immediately engaged in the operation, and in less

time than it would have taken to describe their structure, those works

which had cost so much labor and so vast an expense, were cut through

and demolished. The passage thus cleared, the ships of Burgoyne

immediately entered Wood creek and proceeded with extreme rapidity

in search of the Americans. All was in movement at once upon land

and water. By three in the afternoon the van of the British squadron,

composed of gunboats, came up with and attacked the American galleys

near Skeenesborough Falls. In the meantime three regiments which had

been landed at South bay, ascended and passed a mountain with great

expedition, in order to turn the retreating army above Wood creek, to

destroy the works at the Falls of Skeenesborough, and thus to cut off

the retreat of the army to Fort Anne. But the Americans eluded this

stroke by the rapidity of their march. The British frigates having

joined the van, the galleys, already hard pressed by the gunboats, were

completely overpowered. Two of them surrendered; three of them were

blown up. The Americans having set fire to their boats, mills, and

other works, fell back upon Fort Anne, higher up Wood creek. All their

baggage, however, was lost and a large quantity of provisions and

military stores fell into the hands of the British.

The pursuit by land was not less active. Early on the morning of the

7th of July (1777) the British overtook the American rear guard who,

in opposition to St. Clair's orders, had lingered behind and posted

themselves on strong ground in the vicinity of Hubbardton. Fraser's

troops were little more than half the number opposed to him, but aware

that Riedesel was close behind and fearful lest his chase should give

him the slip, he ordered an immediate attack. Warner opposed a vigorous

resistance, but a large body of his militia retreated and left him to

sustain the combat alone, when the firing of Riedesel's advanced guard

was heard and shortly after his whole force, drums beating and colors

flying, emerged from the shades of the forest and part of his troops

immediately effected a junction with the British line. Fraser now gave

orders for a simultaneous advance with the bayonet which was effected

with such resistless impetuosity that the Americans broke and fled,

sustaining a very serious loss. St. Clair, upon hearing the firing,

endeavored to send back some assistance, but the discouraged militia

refused to return and there was no alternative but to collect the

wrecks of his army and proceed to Fort Edward to effect a junction with

Schuyler.

Burgoyne lost not a moment in following up his success at

Skeenesborough, but dispatched a regiment to effect the capture of Fort

Anne, defended by a small party under the command of Colonel Long. This

officer judiciously posted his troops in a narrow ravine through which

his assailants were compelled to pass and opened upon them so severe

a fire in front, flank, and rear, that the British regiments, nearly

surrounded, with difficulty escaped to a neighboring hill, where the

Americans attacked them anew with such vigor that they must have been

utterly defeated had not the ammunition of the assailants given out at

this critical moment. No longer being able to fight Long's troops fell

back, and, setting the fort on fire, also directed their retreat to the

headquarters at Fort Edward.

While at Skeenesborough, General Burgoyne issued a second proclamation

summoning the people of the adjacent country to send ten deputies from

each township to meet Colonel Skeene at Castleton in order to deliberate

on such measures as might still be adopted to save those who had not

yet conformed to his first and submitted to the royal authority.

General Schuyler, apprehending some effect from this paper, issued

a counter-proclamation, stating the insidious designs of the

enemy--warning the inhabitants by the example of Jersey of the danger to

which their yielding to this seductive proposition would expose them and

giving them the most solemn assurances that all who should send deputies

to this meeting or in any manner aid the enemy, would be considered as

traitors and should suffer the utmost rigor of the law.

Nothing, as Botta remarks, [2] could exceed the consternation and

terror which the victory of Ticonderoga and the subsequent successes

of Burgoyne spread through the American provinces nor the joy and

exultation they excited in England. The arrival of these glad tidings

was celebrated by the most brilliant rejoicings at court and welcomed

with the same enthusiasm by all those who desired the unconditional

reduction of America. They already announced the approaching termination

of this glorious war; they openly declared it a thing impossible that

the rebels should ever recover from the shock of their recent losses, as

well of men as of arms and of military stores, and especially that they

should ever regain their courage and reputation, which, in war, always

contribute to success as much, at least, as arms themselves. Even the

ancient reproaches of cowardice were renewed against the Americans and

their own partisans abated much of the esteem they had borne them. They

were more than half disposed to pronounce the Colonists unworthy to

defend that liberty which they gloried in with so much complacency.

But it deserves to be noted here especially that there was no sign of

faltering on the part of the people, no disposition to submit to the

invading force. The success of the enemy did but nerve our fathers to

more vigorous resolves to maintain the cause of liberty even unto death.

Certainly the campaign had been opened and prosecuted thus far in a very

dashing style by Burgoyne and had he been able to press forward it is

quite possible that success might have crowned his efforts. But there

were some sixteen miles of forest yet to be traversed; Burgoyne waited

for his baggage and stores, and meanwhile General Schuyler, who was in

command of the American forces, took such steps as would necessarily

put a stop to the rapid approach of the enemy. Trenches were opened, the

roads and paths were obstructed, the bridges were broken up, and in the

only practicable defiles large trees were cut in such a manner on both

sides of the road as to fall across and lengthwise, which, with their

branches interwoven, presented an insurmountable barrier; in a word,

this wilderness, of itself by no means easy of passage, was thus

rendered almost absolutely impenetrable. Nor did Schuyler rest satisfied

with these precautions; he directed the cattle to be removed to the

most distant places and the stores and baggage from Fort George to Fort

Edward, that articles of such necessity for the troops might not

fall into the power of the British. He urgently demanded that all the

regiments of regular troops found in the adjacent States should be sent

without delay to join him; he also made earnest and frequent calls upon

the militia of New England and of New York. He likewise exerted his

utmost endeavors to procure himself recruits in the vicinity of Fort

Edward and the city of Albany; the great influence he enjoyed with the

inhabitants gave him in this quarter all the success he could desire.

Finally, to retard the progress of the enemy, he resolved to threaten

his left flank. Accordingly, he detached Colonel Warner, with his

regiment, into the State of Vermont with orders to assemble the militia

of the country and to make incursions toward Ticonderoga. In fact

Schuyler did everything which was possible to be done under the

circumstances, and it is not too much to assert in justice to the good

name of General Schuyler, that the measures which he adopted paved the

way to the victory which finally crowned the American arms at Saratoga.

Washington, equally with Congress, supposing that Schuyler's force was

stronger and that of the British weaker than was really the case, was

very greatly distressed and astonished at the disasters which befell

the American cause in the north. He waited, therefore, with no little

anxiety, later and more correct information before he was willing to

pronounce positively upon the course pursued by St. Clair. When that

officer joined Schuyler the whole force did not exceed 4,400 men; about

half of these were militia, and the whole were ill-clothed, badly armed,

and greatly dispirited by the recent reverses. Very ungenerously and

unjustly it was proposed to remove the northern officers from the

command and send successors in their places. An inquiry was instituted

by order of Congress, which resulted honorably for Schuyler and his

officers, and Schuyler, the able commander and zealous-hearted patriot,

remained for the present at the head of the northern department. [3]

Washington exerted himself with all diligence to send reinforcements and

supplies to the army of Schuyler. The artillery and warlike stores were

expedited from Massachusetts. General Lincoln, a man of great influence

in New England, was sent there to encourage the militia to enlist.

Arnold, in like manner, repaired thither; it was thought his ardor might

serve to inspire the dejected troops. Colonel Morgan, an officer whose

brilliant valor we have already had occasion to remark, was ordered

to take the same direction with his troop of light horse. All these

measures, conceived with prudence and executed with promptitude,

produced the natural effect. The Americans recovered by degrees their

former spirit and the army increased from day to day.

During this interval Burgoyne actively exerted himself in opening

a passage from Fort Anne to Fort Edward. But, notwithstanding the

diligence with which the whole army engaged in the work, their progress

was exceedingly slow, so formidable were the obstacles which nature as

well as art had thrown in their way. Besides having to remove the fallen

trees with which the Americans had obstructed the roads they had no less

than forty bridges to construct and many others to repair; one of these

was entirely of log work, over a morass two miles wide. In short the

British encountered so many impediments in measuring this inconsiderable

space that it was found impossible to reach the banks of the Hudson near

Fort Edward until the 30th of July (1777). The Americans, either because

they were too feeble to oppose the enemy or that Fort Edward was no

better than a ruin, not susceptible of defense, or finally because they

were apprehensive that Colonel St. Leger, after the reduction of Fort

Stanwix, might descend by the left bank of the Mohawk to the Hudson and

thus cut off their retreat, retired lower down to Stillwater where they

threw up entrenchments. At the same time they evacuated Fort George,

having previously burned their boats upon the lake, and in various ways

obstructed the road to Fort Edward. Burgoyne might have reached Fort

Edward much more readily by way of Lake George, but he had judged

it best to pursue the panic-stricken Americans, and, despite the

difficulties of the route, not to throw any discouragements in the way

of his troops by a retrograde movement.

At Fort Edward General Burgoyne again found it necessary to pause in

his career, for his carriages, which in the hurry had been made of

unseasoned wood, were much broken down and needed to be repaired. From

the unavoidable difficulties of the case not more than one-third of

the draught horses contracted for in Canada had arrived, and General

Schuyler had been careful to remove almost all the horses and draught

cattle of the country out of his way. Boats for the navigation of the

Hudson, provisions, stores, artillery, and other necessaries for the

army were all to be brought from Fort George, and although that place

was only nine or ten miles from Fort Edward, yet such was the condition

of the roads, rendered nearly impassable by the great quantities of

rain that had fallen, that the labor of transporting necessaries was

incredible. Burgoyne had collected about 100 oxen, but it was often

necessary to employ ten or twelve of them in transporting a single boat.

With his utmost exertions he had on the 15th of August conveyed only

twelve boats into the Hudson and provisions for the army for four days

in advance. Matters began to assume a very serious aspect indeed, and

as the further he removed from the lakes the more difficult it became to

get supplies from that quarter, Burgoyne saw clearly that he must look

elsewhere for sustenance for his army.

The British commander was not ignorant that the Americans had

accumulated considerable stores, including live cattle and vehicles of

various kinds at Bennington, about twenty-four miles east of the Hudson.

Burgoyne, easily persuaded that the Tories in that region would aid his

efforts, and thinking that he could alarm the country as well as secure

the supplies of which he began to stand in great need, determined

to detach Colonel Baum with a force of some six or eight hundred of

Riedesel's dragoons for the attack upon Bennington. His instructions

to Baum were "to try the affections of the country, to disconcert the

counsels of the enemy, to mount Riedesel's dragoons, to complete Peters'

corps (of Loyalists), and to obtain large supplies of cattle, horses,

and carriages." Baum set off on the 13th of August on this expedition

which was to result so unfortunately to himself, and which proved in

fact the ruin of Burgoyne's entire plans and purposes.

We have spoken of the consternation which filled the minds of men a

short time before this, when Burgoyne seemed to be marching in triumph

through the country. The alarm, however, subsided, and the New England

States resolved to make most vigorous efforts to repel the attack of

the enemy. John Langdon, a merchant of Portsmouth and speaker of the New

Hampshire Assembly, roused the desponding minds of his fellow-members to

the need of providing defense for the frontiers, and with whole-hearted

patriotism thus addressed them: "I have $3,000 in hard money; I will

pledge my plate for $3,000 more. I have seventy hogsheads of Tobago rum

which shall be sold for the most it will bring. These are at the service

of the State. If we succeed in defending our firesides and homes I may

be remunerated, if we do not the property will be of no value to me.

Our old friend Stark, who so nobly sustained the honor of our State at

Bunker Hill may be safely entrusted with the conduct of the enterprise,

and we will check the progress of Burgoyne." That brave son of New

Hampshire, General Stark, conceiving himself aggrieved by certain acts

of Congress in appointing junior officers over his head, had resigned

his commission. He was now prevailed upon to take service under

authority from his native State, it being understood that he was to

act independently as to his movements against the enemy. His popularity

speedily called in the militia, who were ready to take the field under

him without hesitation.

Soon after Stark proceeded to Manchester, twenty miles north of

Bennington, where Colonel Seth Warner, the former associate of Ethan

Allen, had taken post with the troops under his command. Here he met

General Lincoln, who had been sent by Schuyler to lead the militia to

the west bank of the Hudson. Stark refused to obey Schuyler's orders,

and Congress, on the 19th of August (1777), passed a vote of censure

upon his conduct. But Stark did not know of this, and as his course

was clearly that of sound policy, and his victory two days before the

censure cast upon him showed it to be so, he had the proud satisfaction

of knowing that the Commander-in-Chief approved of his plan of harassing

the rear of the British, and that the victory of Bennington paralyzed

the entire operations of Burgoyne.

On the day that Baum set out Stark arrived at Bennington. The progress

of the German troops, at first tolerably prosperous, was soon impeded

by the state of the roads and the weather, and as soon as Stark heard of

their approach he hurried off expresses to Warner to join him, who

began his march in the night. After sending forward Colonel Gregg to

reconnoiter the enemy he advanced to the rencontre with Baum, who,

finding the country thus rising around him, halted and entrenched

himself in a strong position above the Wollamsac river and sent off an

express to Burgoyne, who instantly dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Breyman

with a strong reinforcement.

During the 15th of August (1777) the rain prevented any serious

movement. The Germans and English continued to labor at their

entrenchments upon which they had mounted two pieces of artillery. The

following day was bright and sunny and early in the morning Stark sent

forward two columns to storm the entrenchments at different points, and

when the firing had commenced threw himself on horseback and advanced

with the rest of his troops. As soon as the enemy's columns were seen

forming on the hill-side, he exclaimed, "See, men! there are the red

coats; we must beat to-day, or Molly Stark's a widow." The military

replied to this appeal by a tremendous shout and the battle which

ensued, as Stark states in his official report, "lasted two hours, and

was the hottest I ever saw. It was like one continual clap of thunder."

The Indians ran off at the beginning of the battle; the Tories were

driven across the river; and although the Germans fought bravely they

were compelled to abandon the entrenchments, and fled, leaving their

artillery and baggage on the field.

As Breyman and his corps approached they heard the firing and hurried

forward to the aid of their countrymen. An hour or two earlier they

might have given a different turn to the affair, but the heavy rain had

delayed their progress. They met and rallied the fugitives and returned

to the field of battle. Stark's troops, who were engaged in plunder,

were taken in great measure by surprise, and the victory might after

all have been wrested from their grasp but for the opportune arrival

of Warner's regiment at the critical moment. The battle continued until

sunset when the Germans, overwhelmed by numbers, at length abandoned

their baggage and fled. Colonel Baum, their brave commander, was killed,

and the British loss amounted to some eight or nine hundred effective

troops, in killed and prisoners. The loss of the Americans was 30 killed

and 40 wounded. Stark's horse was killed in the action.

Too much praise, as Mr. Everett well remarks, [4] cannot be bestowed on

the conduct of those who gained the battle of Bennington, officers and

men. It is, perhaps, the most conspicuous example of the performance

by militia of all that is expected of regular, veteran troops. The

fortitude and resolution with which the lines at Bunker Hill were

maintained by recent recruits against the assault of a powerful army of

experienced soldiers have always been regarded with admiration. But

at Bennington the hardy yeomen of New Hampshire, Vermont, and

Massachusetts, many of them fresh from the plough and unused to the

camp, "advanced," as General Stark expresses it in his official

letter, "through fire and smoke, and mounted breastworks that were well

fortified and defended with cannon."

Fortunately for the success of the battle Stark was most ably seconded

by the officers under him; every previous disposition of his little

force was most faithfully executed. He expresses his particular

obligations to Colonels Warner and Herrick, "whose superior skill was of

great service to him." Indeed the battle was planned and fought with a

degree of military talent and science which would have done no discredit

to any service in Europe. A higher degree of discipline might have

enabled the general to check the eagerness of his men to possess

themselves of the spoils of victory, but his ability, even in that

moment of dispersion and under the flush of success, to meet and conquer

a hostile reinforcement, evinces a judgment and resource not often

equaled in partisan warfare.

In fact it would be the height of injustice not to recognize in this

battle the marks of the master mind of the leader, which makes good

officers and good soldiers out of any materials and infuses its own

spirit into all that surround it. This brilliant exploit was the work of

Stark from its inception to its achievement. His popular name called

the militia together. His resolute will obtained him a separate

commission--at the expense, it is true, of a wise political principle,

but on the present occasion with the happiest effect. His firmness

prevented him from being overruled by the influence of General Lincoln,

which would have led him with his troops across the Hudson. How few

are the men who in such a crisis would not merely not have sought but

actually have repudiated a junction with the main army! How few who

would not only have desired, but actually insisted on taking the

responsibility of separate action! Having chosen the burden of acting

alone, he acquitted himself in the discharge of his duty with the spirit

and vigor of a man conscious of ability proportioned to the crisis. He

advanced against the enemy with promptitude; sent forward a small force

to reconnoiter and measure his strength; chose his ground deliberately

and with skill; planned and fought the battle with gallantry and

success.

The consequences of this victory were of great moment. It roused the

people and nerved them to the contest with the enemy, and it also

justified the sagacity of Washington, whose words we have quoted on

a previous page. Burgoyne's plans were wholly deranged and instead of

relying upon lateral excursions to keep the population in alarm and

obtain supplies, he was compelled to procure necessaries as best he

might. His rear was exposed, and Stark, acting on his line of policy,

prepared to place himself so that Burgoyne might be hemmed in and be, as

soon after he was, unable to advance or retreat. When Washington heard

of Stark's victory he was in Bucks county, Pennsylvania, whence he wrote

to Putnam: "As there is now not the least danger of General Howe's going

to New England I hope the whole force of that country will turn out and

by following the great stroke struck by General Stark, near Bennington,

entirely crush General Burgoyne, who, by his letter to Colonel Baum,

seems to be in want of almost everything."

The defeat at Bennington was not the only misfortune which now fell upon

the British arms. We have noted on a previous page that Burgoyne had

detached Colonel St. Leger with a body of regular troops, Canadians,

Loyalists, and Indians, by the way of Oswego, to make a diversion on

the upper part of the Mohawk river and afterward join him on his way to

Albany. On the 2d of August (1777) St. Leger approached Fort Stanwix, or

Schuyler, a log fortification situated on rising ground near the source

of the Mohawk river, and garrisoned by about 600 Continentals under the

command of Colonel Gansevoort. Next day he invested the place with an

army of sixteen or seventeen hundred men, nearly one-half of whom were

Indians, and the rest British, Germans, Canadians, and Tories. On being

summoned to surrender Gansevoort answered that he would defend the place

to the last.

On the approach of St. Leger to Fort Schuyler, General Herkimer, who

commanded the militia of Tryon county, assembled about 700 of them and

marched to the assistance of the garrison. On the forenoon of the 6th of

August a messenger from Herkimer found means to enter the fort and gave

notice that he was only eight miles distant and intended that day to

force a passage into the fort and join the garrison. Gansevoort resolved

to aid the attempt by a vigorous sally, and appointed Colonel Willet

with upwards of 200 men to that service.

St. Leger received information of the approach of Herkimer, and placed

a large body consisting of the "Johnson Greens," and Brant's Indians in

ambush near Oriskany, on the road by which he was to advance. Herkimer

fell into the snare. The first notice which he received of the presence

of an enemy was from a heavy discharge of musketry on his troops, which

was instantly followed by the war-whoop of the Indians who attacked the

militia with their tomahawks. Though disconcerted by the suddenness

of the attack many of the militia behaved with spirit, and a scene

of unutterable confusion and carnage ensued. The royal troops and the

militia became so closely crowded together that they had not room to

use firearms, but pushed and pulled each other, and using their daggers,

fell pierced by mutual wounds. Some of the militia fled at the first

onset; others made their escape afterwards; about 100 of them retreated

to a rising ground where they bravely defended themselves till a

successful sortie from the fort compelled the British to look to the

defense of their own camp. Colonel Willet in this sally killed a number

of the enemy, destroyed their provisions, carried off some spoil, and

returned to the fort without the loss of a man. Besides the loss of

the brave General Herkimer, who was slain, the number of the killed

was computed at 400. St. Leger, imitating the grandiloquent style of

Burgoyne, again summoned the fort to surrender, but Colonel Gansevoort

peremptorily refused. Colonel Willet, accompanied by Lieutenant

Stockwell, having passed through the British camp, eluded the patrols

and the savages and made his way for fifty miles through pathless woods

and dangerous morasses and informed General Schuyler of the position of

the fort and the need of help in the emergency. He determined to afford

it to the extent of his power, and Arnold, who was always ready for such

expeditions, agreed to take command of the troops for the purpose of

relieving the fort. Arnold put in practice an acute stratagem, which

materially facilitated his success. It was this. Among the Tory

prisoners was one Yost Cuyler, who had been condemned to death, but whom

Arnold agreed to spare on consideration of his implicitly carrying out

his plan. Accordingly, Cuyler, having made several holes in his coat to

imitate bullet shots, rushed breathless among the Indian allies of St.

Leger and informed them that he had just escaped in a battle with the

Americans who were advancing on them with the utmost celerity. While

pointing to his coat for proof of his statement, a sachem, also in

the plot, came in and confirmed the intelligence. Other scouts arrived

speedily with a report which probably grew out of the affair at

Bennington, that Burgoyne's army was entirely routed. All this made a

deep impression upon the fickle-minded redmen.

Fort Schuyler was better constructed and defended with more courage than

St. Leger had expected, and his light artillery made little impression

on it. His Indians, who liked better to take scalps and plunder than

to besiege fortresses became very unmanageable. The loss which they had

sustained in the encounters with Herkimer and Willet deeply affected

them; they had expected to be witnesses of the triumphs of the British

and to share with them the plunder. Hard service and little reward

caused bitter disappointment, and when they knew that a strong

detachment of Americans was marching against them, they resolved to

take safety in flight. St. Leger employed every argument and artifice

to detain them, but in vain; part of them went off and all the rest

threatened to follow if the siege were persevered in. Therefore, on the

22d of August (1777), St. Leger raised the siege, and retreated with

circumstances indicating great alarm; the tents were left standing, the

artillery was abandoned, and a great part of the baggage, ammunition,

and provisions fell into the hands of the garrison, a detachment from

which harassed the retreating enemy. But the British troops were exposed

to greater danger from the fury of their savage allies than from the

pursuit of the Americans. During the retreat they robbed the officers

of their baggage, and the army generally of their provisions and stores.

Not content with this they first stripped off their arms, and afterwards

murdered with their own bayonets all those who from inability to keep

up, from fear or other cause were separated from the main body. The

confusion, terror, and sufferings of this retreat found no respite till

the royal troops reached the lake on their way to Montreal.

Arnold arrived at Fort Schuyler two days after the retreat of the

besiegers, but finding no occasion for his services he soon returned to

camp. The successful defense of Fort Stanwix, or Schuyler, powerfully

cooperated with the defeat of the royal troops at Bennington in

raising the spirits and invigorating the activity of the Americans. The

Loyalists became timid; the wavering began to doubt the success of

the royal arms, and the great body of the people became convinced that

nothing but steady exertion on their part was necessary to ruin that

army which a short time before had appeared to be sweeping every

obstacle from its path on the high road to victory. The decisive victory

at Bennington and the retreat of St. Leger from Fort Schuyler, however

important in themselves, were still more so in their consequences. An

army which had spread terror and dismay in every direction--which had

previously experienced no reverse of fortune was considered as already

beaten, and the opinion became common that the appearance of the great

body of the people in arms would secure the emancipation of their

country. It was, too, an advantage of no inconsiderable importance

resulting from this change of public opinion that the disaffected became

timid, and the wavering who, had the torrent of success continued, would

have made a merit of contributing their aid to the victor were no longer

disposed to put themselves and their fortunes in hazard to support an

army whose fate was so uncertain.

The barbarities which had been perpetrated by the Indians belonging to

the invading armies excited still more resentment than terror. As the

prospect of revenge began to open their effect became the more apparent,

and their influence on the royal cause was the more sensibly felt

because they had been indiscriminate.

The murder of Miss M'Crea passed through all the papers on the

continent, and the story being retouched by the hand of more than one

master, excited a peculiar degree of sensibility. [5]

But there were other causes of still greater influence in producing

the events which afterward took place. The last reinforcements of

Continental troops arrived in camp about this time and added both

courage and strength to the army. The harvest, which had detained the

northern militia upon their farms, was over, and General Schuyler, whose

continued and eminent services had not exempted him from the imputation

of being a traitor, was succeeded by General Gates, who possessed a

large share of the public confidence.

When Schuyler was directed by Congress to resume the command of the

northern department, Gates withdrew himself from it. When the resolution

passed recalling the general officers who had served in that department,

General Washington was requested to name a successor to Schuyler. On

his expressing a wish to decline this nomination and representing the

inconvenience of removing all the general officers, Gates was again

directed to repair thither and take the command, and their resolution to

recall the brigadiers was suspended until the Commander-in-Chief should

be of opinion that it might be carried into effect with safety.

Schuyler retained the command until the arrival of Gates, which was on

the 10th of August (1777), and continued his exertions to restore the

affairs of the department, though he felt acutely the disgrace of being

recalled in this critical and interesting state of the campaign. "It

is," said he, in a letter to the Commander-in-Chief, "matter of extreme

chagrin to me to be deprived of the command at a time when, soon if

ever, we shall probably be enabled to face the enemy; when we are on the

point of taking ground where they must attack to a disadvantage, should

our force be inadequate to facing them in the field; when an opportunity

will in all probability occur in which I might evince that I am not what

Congress have too plainly insinuated by taking the command from me."

If error be attributable to the evacuation of Ticonderoga, no portion of

it was committed by Schuyler. His removal from the command was probably

severe and unjust as respected himself, but perhaps wise as respected

America. The frontier towards the lakes was to be defended by the troops

of New England, and however unfounded their prejudices against him might

be, it was prudent to consult them.

Notwithstanding the difficulties which multiplied around him Burgoyne

remained steady to his purpose. The disasters at Bennington and on the

Mohawk produced no disposition to abandon the enterprise and save his

army.

It had now become necessary for Burgoyne to recur to the slow and

toilsome mode of obtaining supplies from Fort George. Having, with

persevering labor, collected provision for thirty days in advance he

crossed the Hudson on the 13th and 14th of September (1777) and encamped

on the heights and plains of Saratoga, with a determination to decide

the fate of the expedition in a general engagement.

Gates, having been joined by all the Continental troops destined for the

northern department and reinforced by large bodies of militia, had

moved from his camp in the islands, and advanced to the neighborhood of

Stillwater.

The bridges between the two armies having been broken down by General

Schuyler, the roads being excessively bad and the country covered with

wood, the progress of the British army down the river was slow. On the

night of the 17th of September, Burgoyne encamped within four miles of

the American army and the next day was employed in repairing the bridges

between the two camps. In the morning of the 19th he advanced in full

force toward the American left. Morgan was immediately detached with his

rifle corps to observe the enemy and to harass his front and flanks. He

fell in with a picket in front of the right wing which he attacked with

vivacity and drove in upon the main body. Pursuing with too much ardor

he was met in considerable force, and after a severe encounter was

compelled in turn to retire in some disorder. Two regiments led by

Arnold being advanced to his assistance his corps was rallied, and the

action became more general. The Americans were formed in a wood, with

an open field in front, and invariably repulsed the British corps which

attacked them, but when they pursued those corps to the main body they

were in turn driven back to their first ground. Reinforcements were

continually brought up, and about 4 in the afternoon upward of 3,000

American troops were closely engaged with the whole right wing of the

British army commanded by General Burgoyne in person. The conflict was

extremely severe and only terminated with the day. At dark the Americans

retired to their camp, and the British, who had found great difficulty

in maintaining their ground, lay all night on their arms near the field

of battle.

In this action the killed and wounded on the part of the Americans were

between three and four hundred. Among the former were Colonels Colburn

and Adams and several other valuable officers. The British loss has been

estimated at rather more than 500 men.

Each army claimed the victory and each believed itself to have beaten

near the whole of the hostile army with only a part of its own force.

The advantage, however, taking all circumstances into consideration, was

decidedly with the Americans. In a conflict which nearly consumed the

day, they found themselves at least equal to their antagonists. In every

quarter they had acted on the offensive, and after an encounter for

several hours had not lost an inch of ground. They had not been driven

from the field, but had retired from it at the close of day to the camp

from which they had marched to battle. Their object, which was to

check the advancing enemy, had been obtained, while that of the British

general had failed. In the actual state of things to fight without being

beaten was on their part victory, while on the part of the British

to fight without a decisive victory was defeat. The Indians who found

themselves beaten in the woods by Morgan, [6] and restrained from

scalping and plundering the unarmed by Burgoyne, saw before them the

prospect of hard fighting without profit, grew tired of the service and

deserted in great numbers. The Canadians and Provincials were not much

more faithful, and Burgoyne soon perceived that his hopes must rest

almost entirely on his European troops.

With reason, therefore, this action was celebrated throughout the United

States as a victory and considered as the precursor of the total ruin of

the invading army. The utmost exultation was displayed and the militia

were stimulated to fly to arms and complete the work so happily begun.

General Lincoln, in conformity with directions which have been stated,

had assembled a considerable body of New England militia in the rear of

Burgoyne, from which he drew three parties of about 500 men each. One of

these was detached under the command of Colonel Brown to the north end

of Lake George, principally to relieve a number of prisoners who were

confined there, but with orders to push his success, should he be

fortunate, as far as prudence would admit. Colonel Johnson, at the

head of another party, marched towards Mount Independence, and Colonel

Woodbury with a third was detached to Skeenesborough to cover the

retreat of both the others. With the residue, Lincoln proceeded to the

camp of Gates.

Colonel Brown, after marching all night, arrived at the break of day on

the north end of the lake where he found a small post which he carried

without opposition. The surprise was complete, and he took possession of

Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the landing place, and about 200 batteaux.

With the loss of only three killed and five wounded, he liberated 100

American prisoners and captured 293 of the enemy. This success was

joyfully proclaimed through the northern States. It was believed

confidently that Ticonderoga and Mount Independence were recovered, and

the militia were exhorted, by joining their brethren in the army, to

insure that event if it had not already happened.

The attempt on those places, however, failed. The garrison repulsed the

assailants, who, after a few days abandoned the siege. On their return

through Lake George in the vessels they had captured the militia made an

attack on Diamond Island, the depot of all the stores collected at the

north end of the lake. Being again repulsed they destroyed the vessels

they had taken and returned to their former station.

The day after the battle of Stillwater General Burgoyne took a position

almost within cannon-shot of the American camp, fortified his right,

and extended his left to the river. Directly after taking this ground

he received a letter from Sir Henry Clinton informing him that he should

attack Fort Montgomery about the 20th of September (1777). The messenger

returned with information that Burgoyne was in extreme difficulty and

would endeavor to wait for aid until the 12th of October. [7]

Both armies retained their position until the 7th of October (1777).

Burgoyne in the hope of being relieved by Sir Henry Clinton, and Gates

in the confidence of growing stronger every day.

Having received no further intelligence from Sir Henry and being reduced

to the necessity of diminishing the ration issued to his soldiers,

Burgoyne determined to make one more trial of strength with his

adversary. In execution of this determination he drew out on his right

1,500 choice troops whom he commanded in person assisted by Generals

Philips, Riedesel, and Fraser.

The right wing was formed within three-quarters of a mile of the left of

the American camp, and a corps of rangers, Indians, and Provincials was

pushed on through secret paths to show themselves in its rear and excite

alarm in that quarter.

These movements were perceived by General Gates, who determined to

attack their left and at the same time to fall on their right flank.

Poor's brigade and some regiments from New Hampshire were ordered to

meet them in front, while Morgan with his rifle corps made a circuit

unperceived and seized a very advantageous height covered with wood

on their right. As soon as it was supposed that Morgan had gained the

ground he intended to occupy the attack was made in front and on the

left in great force. At this critical moment Morgan poured in a deadly

and incessant fire on the front and right flank.

While the British right wing was thus closely pressed in front and on

its flank, a distinct division of the American troops was ordered to

intercept its retreat to camp, and to separate it from the residue of

the army. Burgoyne perceived the danger of his situation and ordered

the light infantry under General Fraser with part of the Twenty-fourth

regiment to form a second line in order to cover the light infantry of

the right and secure a retreat. While this movement was in progress

the left of the British right was forced from its ground and the light

infantry was ordered to its aid. In the attempt to execute this order

they were attacked by the rifle corps with great effect, and Fraser was

mortally wounded. Overpowered by numbers and pressed on all sides by

a superior weight of fire, Burgoyne with great difficulty and with the

loss of his field pieces and great part of his artillery corps regained

his camp. The Americans followed close in his rear, and assaulted

his works throughout their whole extent. Toward the close of day the

entrenchments were forced on their right, and General Arnold with a few

men actually entered their works, but his horse being killed under him

and himself wounded, the troops were forced out of them, and it being

nearly dark they desisted from the assault. The left of Arnold's

division was still more successful. Jackson's regiment of Massachusetts,

then led by Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, turned the right of the

encampment and stormed the works occupied by the German reserve.

Lieutenant-Colonel Breyman who commanded in them was killed and the

works were carried. The orders given by Burgoyne to recover them were

not executed, and Brooks maintained the ground he had gained.

Darkness put an end to the action and the Americans lay all night with

their arms in their hands about half a mile from the British lines ready

to renew the assault with the return of day. The advantage they had

gained was decisive. They had taken several pieces of artillery, killed

a great number of men, made upwards of 200 prisoners, among whom were

several officers of distinction, and had penetrated the lines in a part

which exposed the whole to considerable danger.

Unwilling to risk the events of the next day on the same ground,

Burgoyne changed his position in the course of the night and drew his

whole army into a strong camp on the river heights, extending his right

up the river. This movement extricated him from the danger of being

attacked the ensuing morning by an enemy already in possession of part

of his works. The 8th of October (1777) was spent in skirmishing and

cannonading. About sunset the body of General Fraser, who had been

mortally wounded on the preceding day was, agreeably to his own desire,

carried up the hill to be interred in the great redoubt attended only

by the officers who had lived in his family. Generals Burgoyne, Philips,

and Riedesel, in testimony of respect and affection for their late

brave companion in arms joined the mournful procession which necessarily

passed in view of both armies. The incessant cannonade, the steady

attitude and unfaltering voice of the chaplain, and the firm demeanor of

the company, though occasionally covered with the earth thrown up by the

shot from the hostile batteries ploughing the ground around them,

the mute expression of feeling pictured on every countenance, and the

increasing gloom of the evening, all contributed to give an affecting

solemnity to the obsequies. General Gates afterwards declared that if he

had been apprised of what was going on he would at least have silenced

his batteries and allowed the last offices of humanity to be performed

without disturbance, or even have ordered minute-guns to be fired in

honor of the deceased general.

Gates perceived the strength of Burgoyne's new position and was not

disposed to hazard an assault. Aware of the critical situation of his

adversary he detached a party higher up the Hudson for the purpose of

intercepting the British army on its retreat, while strong corps were

posted on the other side of the river to guard its passage.

This movement compelled Burgoyne again to change his position and to

retire to Saratoga. About 9 at night the retreat was commenced and was

effected with the loss of his hospital, containing about 300 sick, and

of several batteaux laden with provisions and baggage. On reaching the

ground to be occupied he found a strong corps already entrenched on

the opposite side of the river prepared to dispute its passage. From

Saratoga, Burgoyne detached a company of artificers under a strong

escort to repair the roads and bridges toward Fort Edward. Scarcely

had this detachment moved when the Americans appeared in force on the

heights south of Saratoga creek and made dispositions which excited the

apprehension of a design to cross it and attack his camp. The Europeans

escorting the artificers were recalled, and a Provincial corps employed

in the same service, being attacked by a small party, ran away and left

the workmen to shift for themselves. No hope of repairing the roads

remaining it became impossible to move the baggage and artillery.

The British army was now almost completely environed by a superior

force. No means remained of extricating itself from difficulties and

dangers which were continually increasing, but fording a river, on the

opposite bank of which a formidable body of troops was already posted,

and then escaping to Fort George through roads impassable by artillery

or wagons, while its rear was closely pressed by a victorious enemy. [8]

A council of general officers, called to deliberate on their situation,

took the bold resolution to abandon everything but their arms and such

provisions as the soldiers could carry, and by a forced march in the

night up the river, to extricate themselves from the American army,

and crossing at Fort Edward, or at a ford above it, to press on to Fort

George.

Gates had foreseen this movement and had prepared for it. In addition

to placing strong guards at the fords of the Hudson he had formed an

entrenched camp on the high grounds between Fort Edward and Fort George.

The scouts sent to examine the route returned with this information and

the plan was abandoned as impracticable.

Nothing could be more hopeless than the condition of the British army,

or more desperate than that of their General, as described by himself.

In his letter to Lord George Germain, Secretary of State for American

affairs, he says: "A series of hard toil, incessant effort, stubborn

action, until disabled in the collateral branches of the army by

the total defection of the Indians; the desertion or timidity of the

Canadians and provincials, some individuals excepted; disappointed in

the last hope of any cooperation from other armies; the regular troops

reduced by losses from the best parts to 3,500 fighting men, not 2,000

of which were British; only three days' provisions upon short allowance

in store; invested by an army of 16,000 men, and no appearance of

retreat remaining--I called into council all the generals, field

officers, and captains commanding corps, and by their unanimous

concurrence and advice I was induced to open a treaty with Major-General

Gates."

A treaty was opened with a general proposition stating the willingness

of the British general to spare the further effusion of blood, provided

a negotiation could be effected on honorable terms. This proposition

was answered by a demand that the whole army should ground their arms in

their encampment and surrender themselves prisoners of war. This demand

was instantly rejected with a declaration that if General Gates

designed to insist on it the negotiation must immediately break off and

hostilities recommence. On receiving this decided answer Gates receded

from the rigorous terms at first proposed, and a convention was signed

(October 17, 1777), in which it was agreed that the British army, after

marching out of their encampment with all the honors of war, should lay

down their arms and not serve against the United States till exchanged.

They were not to be detained in captivity, but to be permitted to embark

for England.

The situation of the armies considered, [9] these terms were highly

honorable to the British general and favorable to his nation. They were

probably more advantageous than would have been granted by Gates had he

entertained no apprehension from Sir Henry Clinton, who was at length

making the promised diversion on the North river, up which he had

penetrated as far as Aesopus. The drafts made from Peekskill for both

armies had left that post in a situation to require the aid of militia

for its security. The requisitions of General Putnam were complied with,

but the attack upon them being delayed, the militia, who were anxious to

attend to their farms, became impatient; many deserted, and Putnam was

induced to discharge the residue.

Governor Clinton immediately ordered out half the militia of New York

with assurances that they should be relieved in one month by the other

half. This order was executed so slowly that the forts were carried

before the militia were in the field.

Great pains had been taken and much labor employed to render the

position of the American army for guarding the passage up the Hudson

secure. The principal defenses were Forts Montgomery and Clinton. They

had been constructed on the western bank of the Hudson, on very high

ground extremely difficult of access and were separated from each other

by a small creek which runs from the mountains into the river. These

forts were too much elevated to be battered from the water, and the

hills on which they stood were too steep to be ascended by troops

landing at the foot of them. The mountains, which commence five or six

miles below them, are so high and rugged, the defiles, through which the

roads leading to them pass, so narrow and so commanded by the heights

on both sides, that the approaches to them are extremely difficult and

dangerous.

To prevent ships from passing the forts, _chevaux-de-frise_ had been

sunk in the river and a boom extended from bank to bank, which was

covered with immense chains stretched at some distance in its front.

These works were defended by the guns of the forts and by a frigate and

galleys stationed above them, capable of opposing with an equal fire in

front any force which might attack them by water from below.

Fort Independence is four or five miles below Forts Montgomery and

Clinton and on the opposite side of the river on a high point of land,

and Fort Constitution is rather more than six miles above them on an

island near the eastern shore. Peekskill, the general headquarters of

the officer commanding at the station, is just below Fort Independence

and on the same side of the river. The garrisons had been reduced to

about 600 men and the whole force under Putnam did not much exceed

2,000. Yet this force, though far inferior to that which Washington had

ordered to be retained at the station, was, if properly applied, more

than competent to the defense of the forts against any numbers which

could be spared from New York. To insure success to the enterprise it

was necessary to draw the attention of Putnam from the real object and

to storm the works before the garrisons could be aided by his army. This

Sir Henry Clinton accomplished.

Between three and four thousand men embarked at New York and landed on

the 5th of October (1777) at Verplanck's Point on the east side of the

Hudson, a short distance below Peekskill, upon which Putnam retired to

the heights in his rear. On the evening of the same day a part of these

troops re-embarked and the fleet moved up the river to Peekskill Neck

in order to mask King's Ferry, which was below them. The next morning at

break of day the troops destined for the enterprise landed on the west

side of Stony Point and commenced their march through the mountains

into the rear of Forts Clinton and Montgomery. This disembarkation was

observed, but the morning was so foggy that the numbers could not be

distinguished, and a large fire, which was afterward perceived at the

landing place, suggested the idea that the sole object of the party on

shore was the burning of some storehouses. In the meantime the maneuvers

of the vessels and the appearance of a small detachment left at

Verplanck's Point persuaded Putnam that the meditated attack was on Fort

Independence.

His whole attention was directed to this object, and the real designs of

the enemy were not suspected until a heavy firing from the other side

of the river announced the assault on Forts Clinton and Montgomery. Five

hundred men were instantly detached to reinforce the garrisons of those

places, but, before this detachment could cross the river, the forts

were in possession of the British.

Having left a battalion at the pass of Thunderhill to keep up

a communication, Sir Henry Clinton had formed his army into two

divisions--one of which, consisting of 900 men, commanded by

Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, made a circuit by the forest of Deane,

in order to fall on the back of Fort Montgomery, while the other,

consisting of 1,200 men, commanded by General Vaughan and accompanied by

Sir Henry Clinton in person, advanced slowly against Fort Clinton.

Both posts were assaulted about five in the afternoon. The works were

defended with resolution and were maintained until dark, when, the lines

being too extensive to be completely manned, the assailants entered them

in different places. The defense being no longer possible some of

the garrison were made prisoners, while their better knowledge of the

country enabled others to escape. Governor Clinton passed the river in

a boat and Gen. James Clinton, though wounded in the thigh by a bayonet,

also made his escape. Lieutenant-Colonels Livingston and Bruyn and

Majors Hamilton and Logan were among the prisoners. The loss sustained

by the garrisons was about 250 men; that of the assailants was stated

by Sir Henry Clinton at less than 200. Among the killed were

Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell and two other field officers.

As the boom and chains drawn across the river could no longer be

defended the Continental frigates and galleys lying above them were

burnt to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. Fort

Independence and Fort Constitution were evacuated the next day and

Putnam retreated to Fishkill. General Vaughan, after burning Continental

village, where stores to a considerable amount had been deposited,

proceeded at the head of a strong detachment up the river to Aesopus,

which he also destroyed. [10]

Putnam, whose army had been augmented by reinforcements of militia to

6,000 men, detached General Parsons with 2,000 to repossess himself of

Peekskill and of the passes in the Highlands, while with the residue

he watched the progress of the enemy up the river. The want of heavy

artillery prevented his annoying their ships in the Hudson.

On the capitulation of Burgoyne, near 5,000 men had been detached by

Gates to aid Putnam. Before their arrival General Vaughan had returned

to New York, whence a reinforcement to General Howe was then about to

sail.

Great as was the injury sustained by the United States from this

enterprise Great Britain derived from it no solid advantage. It was

undertaken at too late a period to save Burgoyne, and though the passes

in the Highlands were acquired, they could not be retained. The British

had reduced to ashes every village and almost every house within their

power, but this wanton and useless destruction served to irritate

without tending to subdue. A keenness was given to the resentment of the

injured, which outlived the contest between the two nations.

The army which surrendered at Saratoga exceeded 5,000 men. On marching

from Ticonderoga it was estimated at 9,000. In addition to this great

military force the British lost and the Americans acquired, a fine

train of artillery, 7,000 stand of excellent arms, clothing for 7,000

recruits, with tents and other military stores to a considerable amount.

The thanks of Congress were voted to General Gates and his army, and

a medal of gold in commemoration of this great event was ordered to be

struck and presented to him by the President in the name of the United

States. Colonel Wilkinson, his adjutant-general, whom he strongly

recommended, was appointed brigadier-general by brevet.

In the opinion that the British would not immediately abandon the passes

in the Highlands, Congress ordered Putnam to join Washington with

a reinforcement not exceeding 2,500 men, and directed Gates to take

command of the army on the Hudson, with unlimited powers to call for

aids of militia from the New England States as well as from New York and

New Jersey.

A proposition to authorize the Commander-in-Chief, after consulting with

General Gates and Governor George Clinton, to increase the detachment

designed to strengthen his army, if he should then be of opinion that

it might be done without endangering the objects to be accomplished

by Gates, was seriously opposed. An attempt was made to amend this

proposition so as to make the increase of the reinforcement to depend

on the assent of Gates and Clinton, but this amendment was lost by a

considerable majority and the original resolution was carried. These

proceedings were attended with no other consequences than to excite some

degree of attention to the state of parties.

Soon after the capitulation of Burgoyne, Ticonderoga and Mount

Independence were evacuated and the garrison retired to Isle aux Noix

and St. John's. The effect produced by this event on the British cabinet

and nation was great and immediate. It seemed to remove the delusive

hopes of conquest with which they had been flattered, and suddenly to

display the mass of resistance which must yet be encountered. Previous

to the reception of this disastrous intelligence the employment of

savages in the war had been the subject of severe animadversion.

Parliament was assembled on the 20th of November (1777), and, as usual,

addresses were proposed in answer to the speech from the throne entirely

approving the conduct of the administration. In the House of Lords

the Earl of Chatham moved to amend the address by introducing a clause

recommending to his majesty an immediate cessation of hostilities and

the commencement of a treaty of conciliation, "to restore peace and

liberty to America, strength and happiness to England, security and

permanent prosperity to both countries." In the course of the very

animated observations made by this extraordinary man in support of his

motion, he said: "But, my lords, who is the man that, in addition to the

disgraces and mischiefs of war, has dared to authorize and associate

to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage? to call into

civilized alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods? to

delegate to the merciless Indian the defense of disputed rights and to

wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My lords,

these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment. Unless thoroughly

done away they will be a stain on the national character. It is not the

least of our national misfortunes that the strength and character of

our army are thus impaired. Familiarized to the horrid scenes of savage

cruelty, it can no longer boast of the noble and generous principles

which dignify a soldier; no longer sympathise with the dignity of the

royal banner nor feel the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war

that makes ambition virtue. What makes ambition virtue? The sense of

honor. But is this sense of honor consistent with the spirit of plunder

or the practice of murder? Can it flow from mercenary motives? or can it

prompt to cruel deeds?"

The conduct of the administration, however, received the full

approbation of large majorities, but the triumph these victories in

parliament afforded them was of short duration. The disastrous issue of

an expedition from which the most sanguine expectations had been

formed was soon known, and the mortification it produced was extreme.

A reluctant confession of the calamity was made by the minister and a

desire to restore peace on any terms consistent with the integrity of

the empire found its way into the cabinet.

The surrender of Burgoyne was an event of very great importance in a

political point of view as it undoubtedly decided the French government

to form an alliance with the United States, but it was only one of the

many disasters to the British arms which compelled them to acknowledge

our independence. There remained much to be done. Washington was still

to endure greater hardships and mortifications--to have his patriotism

and disinterestedness more severely tried than ever during the coming

campaigns. We must now return to his dreary camp at Valley Forge.

1. Footnote: The weakness of St. Clair's garrison was partly owing to

its having contributed detachments to the support of Washington's army

in New Jersey.

2. Footnote: "History of the War of Independence." vol. II, p. 280.

3. Footnote: Washington, writing to General Schuyler, clearly presaged

the great and auspicious change in affairs which was soon to take place:

"Though our affairs have for some days past worn a gloomy aspect, yet

I look forward to a happy change. I trust General Burgoyne's army will

meet sooner or later an effectual check, and, as I suggested before,

that the success he has had will precipitate his ruin. From your

accounts, he appears to be pursuing that line of conduct which, of

all others, is most favorable to us--I mean acting in detachment. This

conduct will certainly give room for enterprise on our part, and expose

his parties to great hazard. Could we be so happy as to cut one of them

off, though it should not exceed four, five, or six hundred men, it

would inspirit the people, and do away much of their present anxiety. In

such an event, they would lose sight of past misfortunes, and urged on

at the same time by a regard for their own security, they would fly to

arms, and afford every aid in their power."

4. Footnote: "Life of John Stark," p. 58.

5. Footnote: Mr. Jones, an officer of the British army, had gained the

affections of Miss M'Crea, a lovely young lady of amiable character

and spotless reputation, daughter of a gentleman attached to the royal

cause, residing near Fort Edward, and they had agreed to be married. In

the course of service, the officer was removed to some distance from his

bride, and became anxious for her safety and desirous of her company. He

engaged some Indians, of two different tribes, to bring her to camp, and

promised a keg of rum to the person who should deliver her safe to

him. She dressed to meet her bridegroom, and accompanied her Indian

conductors; but by the way, the two chiefs, each being desirous of

receiving the promised reward, disputed which of them should deliver

her to her lover. The dispute rose to a quarrel, and, according to their

usual method of disposing of a disputed prisoner, one of them instantly

cleft the head of the lady with his tomahawk.

This is the common version of the story found in the histories. Mr.

Lossing, in his Field Book of the Revolution, relying on the traditions

in the neighborhood of the scene, comes to the conclusion that the

lady was accidentally killed by a party of Americans in pursuit of the

Indians who had carried her off. Irving says she was killed by one of

the Indians.

6. Footnote: Colonel Morgan, with his regiment of riflemen, had been

recently sent by Washington to join the northern army. Gates, writing

to Washington, May 226, 1777, says: "I cannot sufficiently thank your

Excellency for sending Colonel Morgan's corps to this army; they will be

of the greatest service to it; for, until the late success this way, I

am told the army were quite panic-struck by the Indians, and their Tory

and Canadian assassins in Indian dress. Horrible, indeed, have been the

cruelties they have wantonly committed upon the miserable inhabitants,

insomuch that all is now fair with General Burgoyne, even if the bloody

hatchet he has so barbarously used should find its way into his own

head."

7. Footnote: Letter of Burgoyne.

8. Footnote: Gordon, in his history of the war, states himself to

have received from General Glover an anecdote showing that all these

advantages were on the point of being exposed to imminent hazard: "On

the morning of the 11th, Gates called the general officers together, and

informed them of his having received certain intelligence, which might

be depended upon, that the main body of Burgoyne's army was marched off

for Fort Edward with what they could take; and that the rear guard only

was left in the camp, who, after a while, were to push off as fast as

possible, leaving the heavy baggage behind. On this it was concluded

to advance and attack the camp in half an hour. The officers repaired

immediately to their respective commands. General Nixon's, being

the eldest brigade, crossed the Saratoga creek first. Unknown to the

Americans, Burgoyne had a line formed behind a parcel of brushwood, to

support the park of artillery where the attack was to be made. General

Glover was upon the point of following Nixon. Just as he entered the

water, he saw a British soldier making across, whom he called and

examined. This soldier was a deserter, and communicated the very

important fact that the whole British army were in their encampment.

Nixon was immediately stopped, and the intelligence conveyed to Gates,

who countermanded his orders for the assault, and called back his

troops, not without sustaining some loss from the British artillery."

Gordon is confirmed by General Wilkinson, who was adjutant-general in

the American army. The narrative of the General varies from that of

Gordon only in minor circumstances.

9. Footnote: The American army consisted of 9,093 Continental troops.

The number of the militia fluctuated, but amounted, at the signature of

the convention, to 4,129. The sick exceeded 2,500 men.

10.