Or Sir D. Barry: {162b}

"Thomas McDurt, workman, has slight fever. Cannot stay at home longer

than four days, because he would fear of losing his place."

And so it goes on in almost all the factories. The employment of young

girls produces all sorts of irregularities during the period of

development. In some, especially those who are better fed, the heat of

the factories hastens this process, so that in single cases, girls of

thirteen and fourteen are wholly mature. Robertson, whom I have already

cited (mentioned in the Factories' Inquiry Commission's Report as the

"eminent" gynaecologist of Manchester), relates in the North of England

_Medical and Surgical Journal_, that he had seen a girl of eleven years

who was not only a wholly developed woman, but pregnant, and that it was

by no means rare in Manchester for women to be confined at fifteen years

of age. In such cases, the influence of the warmth of the factories is

the same as that of a tropical climate, and, as in such climates, the

abnormally early development revenges itself by correspondingly premature

age and debility. On the other hand, retarded development of the female

constitution occurs, the breasts mature late or not at all. {162c}

Menstruation first appears in the seventeenth or eighteenth, sometimes in

the twentieth year, and is often wholly wanting. {163a} Irregular

menstruation, coupled with great pain and numerous affections, especially

with anaemia, is very frequent, as the medical reports unanimously state.

Children of such mothers, particularly of those who are obliged to work

during pregnancy, cannot be vigorous. They are, on the contrary,

described in the report, especially in Manchester, as very feeble; and

Barry alone asserts that they are healthy, but says further, that in

Scotland, where his inspection lay, almost no married women worked in

factories. Moreover, most of the factories there are in the country

(with the exception of Glasgow), a circumstance which contributes greatly

to the invigoration of the children. The operatives' children in the

neighbourhood of Manchester are nearly all thriving and rosy, while those

within the city look pale and scrofulous; but with the ninth year the

colour vanishes suddenly, because all are then sent into the factories,

when it soon becomes impossible to distinguish the country from the city

children.

But besides all this, there are some branches of factory-work which have

an especially injurious effect. In many rooms of the cotton and flax-

spinning mills, the air is filled with fibrous dust, which produces chest

affections, especially among workers in the carding and combing-rooms.

Some constitutions can bear it, some cannot; but the operative has no

choice. He must take the room in which he finds work, whether his chest

is sound or not. The most common effects of this breathing of dust are

blood-spitting, hard, noisy breathing, pains in the chest, coughs,

sleeplessness--in short, all the symptoms of asthma ending in the worst

cases in consumption. {163b} Especially unwholesome is the wet spinning

of linen-yarn which is carried on by young girls and boys. The water

spirts over them from the spindle, so that the front of their clothing is

constantly wet through to the skin; and there is always water standing on

the floor. This is the case to a less degree in the doubling-rooms of

the cotton mills, and the result is a constant succession of colds and

affections of the chest. A hoarse, rough voice is common to all

operatives, but especially to wet spinners and doublers. Stuart,

Mackintosh, and Sir D. Barry express themselves in the most vigorous

terms as to the unwholesomeness of this work, and the small consideration

shown by most of the manufacturers for the health of the girls who do it.

Another effect of flax-spinning is a peculiar deformity of the shoulder,

especially a projection of the right shoulder-blade, consequent upon the

nature of the work. This sort of spinning and the throstle-spinning of

cotton frequently produce diseases of the knee-pan, which is used to

check the spindle during the joining of broken threads. The frequent

stooping and the bending to the low machines common to both these

branches of work have, in general, a stunting effect upon the growth of

the operative. In the throstle-room of the cotton mill at Manchester, in

which I was employed, I do not remember to have seen one single tall,

well-built girl; they were all short, dumpy, and badly-formed, decidedly

ugly in the whole development of the figure. But apart from all these

diseases and malformations, the limbs of the operatives suffer in still

another way. The work between the machinery gives rise to multitudes of

accidents of more or less serious nature, which have for the operative

the secondary effect of unfitting him for his work more or less

completely. The most common accident is the squeezing off of a single

joint of a finger, somewhat less common the loss of the whole finger,

half or a whole hand, an arm, etc., in the machinery. Lockjaw very often

follows, even upon the lesser among these injuries, and brings death with

it. Besides the deformed persons, a great number of maimed ones may be

seen going about in Manchester; this one has lost an arm or a part of

one, that one a foot, the third half a leg; it is like living in the

midst of an army just returned from a campaign. But the most dangerous

portion of the machinery is the strapping which conveys motive power from

the shaft to the separate machines, especially if it contains buckles,

which, however, are rarely used now. Whoever is seized by the strap is

carried up with lightning speed, thrown against the ceiling above and

floor below with such force that there is rarely a whole bone left in the

body, and death follows instantly. Between June 12th and August 3rd,

1843, the _Manchester Guardian_ reported the following serious accidents

(the trifling ones it does not notice): June 12th, a boy died in

Manchester of lockjaw, caused by his hand being crushed between wheels.

June 16th, a youth in Saddleworth seized by a wheel and carried away with

it; died, utterly mangled. June 29th, a young man at Green Acres Moor,

near Manchester, at work in a machine shop, fell under the grindstone,

which broke two of his ribs and lacerated him terribly. July 24th, a

girl in Oldham died, carried around fifty times by a strap; no bone

unbroken. July 27th, a girl in Manchester seized by the blower (the

first machine that receives the raw cotton), and died of injuries

received. August 3rd, a bobbins turner died in Dukenfield, caught in a

strap, every rib broken. In the year 1843, the Manchester Infirmary

treated 962 cases of wounds and mutilations caused by machinery, while

the number of all other accidents within the district of the hospital was

2,426, so that for five accidents from all other causes, two were caused

by machinery. The accidents which happened in Salford are not included

here, nor those treated by surgeons in private practice. In such cases,

whether or not the accident unfits the victim for further work, the

employer, at best, pays the doctor, or, in very exceptional cases, he may

pay wages during treatment; what becomes of the operative afterwards, in

case he cannot work, is no concern of the employer.

The Factory Report says on this subject, that employers must be made

responsible for all cases, since children cannot take care, and adults

will take care in their own interest. But the gentlemen who write the

report are bourgeois, and so they must contradict themselves and bring up

later all sorts of bosh on the subject of the culpable temerity of the

operatives.

The state of the case is this: If children cannot take care, the

employment of children must be forbidden. If adults are reckless, they

must be mere over-grown children on a plane of intelligence which does

not enable them to appreciate the danger in its full scope; and who is to

blame for this but the bourgeoisie which keeps them in a condition in

which their intelligence cannot develop? Or the machinery is

ill-arranged, and must be surrounded with fencing, to supply which falls

to the share of the bourgeoisie. Or the operative is under inducements

which outweigh the threatened danger; he must work rapidly to earn his

wages, has no time to take care, and for this, too, the bourgeoisie is to

blame. Many accidents happen, for instance, while the operatives are

cleaning machinery in motion. Why? Because the bourgeois would

otherwise oblige the worker to clean the machinery during the free hours

while it is not going, and the worker naturally is not disposed to

sacrifice any part of his free time. Every free hour is so precious to

the worker that he often risks his life twice a week rather than

sacrifice one of them to the bourgeois. Let the employer take from

working-hours the time required for cleaning the machinery, and it will

never again occur to an operative to clean machinery in motion. In

short, from whatever point of view, the blame falls ultimately on the

manufacturer, and of him should be required, at the very least, life-long

support of the incapacitated operative, and support of the victim's

family in case death follows the accident. In the earliest period of

manufacture, the accidents were much more numerous in proportion than

now, for the machinery was inferior, smaller, more crowded, and almost

never fenced. But the number is still large enough, as the foregoing

cases prove, to arouse grave question as to a state of things which

permits so many deformities and mutilations for the benefit of a single

class, and plunges so many industrious working-people into want and

starvation by reason of injuries undergone in the service and through the

fault of the bourgeoisie.

A pretty list of diseases engendered purely by the hateful money greed of

the manufacturers! Women made unfit for childbearing, children deformed,

men enfeebled, limbs crushed, whole generations wrecked, afflicted with

disease and infirmity, purely to fill the purses of the bourgeoisie. And

when one reads of the barbarism of single cases, how children are seized

naked in bed by the overlookers, and driven with blows and kicks to the

factory, their clothing over their arms, {167a} how their sleepiness is

driven off with blows, how they fall asleep over their work nevertheless,

how one poor child sprang up, still asleep, at the call of the

overlooker, and mechanically went through the operations of its work

after its machine was stopped; when one reads how children, too tired to

go home, hide away in the wool in the drying-room to sleep there, and

could only be driven out of the factory with straps; how many hundreds

came home so tired every night, that they could eat no supper for

sleepiness and want of appetite, that their parents found them kneeling

by the bedside, where they had fallen asleep during their prayers; when

one reads all this and a hundred other villainies and infamies in this

one report, all testified to on oath, confirmed by several witnesses,

deposed by men whom the commissioners themselves declare trustworthy;

when one reflects that this is a Liberal report, a bourgeois report, made

for the purpose of reversing the previous Tory report, and rehabilitating

the pureness of heart of the manufacturers, that the commissioners

themselves are on the side of the bourgeoisie, and report all these

things against their own will, how can one be otherwise than filled with

wrath and resentment against a class which boasts of philanthropy and

self-sacrifice, while its one object is to fill its purse _a tout prix_?

Meanwhile, let us listen to the bourgeoisie speaking through the mouth of

its chosen apostle, Dr. Ure, who relates in his "Philosophy of

Manufactures" {167b} that the workers have been told that their wages

bore no proportion to their sacrifices, the good understanding between

masters and men being thus disturbed. Instead of this, the working-men

should have striven to recommend themselves by attention and industry,

and should have rejoiced in the prosperity of their masters. They would

then become overseers, superintendents, and finally partners, and would

thus--(Oh! Wisdom, thou speakest as the dove!)--"have increased at the

same time the demand for their companions' labour in the market!"

"Had it not been for the violent collisions and interruptions

resulting from erroneous views among the operatives, the factory

system would have been developed still more rapidly and beneficially."

{168a}

Hereupon follows a long Jeremiad upon the spirit of resistance of the

operatives, and on the occasion of a strike of the best paid workers, the

fine spinners, the following naive observation: {168b}

"In fact, it was their high wages which enabled them to maintain a

stipendiary committee in affluence, and to pamper themselves into

nervous ailments, by a diet too rich and exciting for their indoor

employments."

The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844 with a Preface written in 1892 · 第 12 / 20 题