So, too, Power: {157a}

"I can bear witness that the factory system in Bradford has engendered

a multitude of cripples, and that the effect of long continued labour

upon the physique is apparent, not alone in actual deformity, but

also, and much more generally, in stunted growth, relaxation of the

muscles, and delicacy of the whole frame."

So, too, F. Sharp, in Leeds, the surgeon {157b} already quoted:

"When I moved from Scarborough to Leeds, I was at once struck by the

fact that the general appearance of the children was much paler, and

their fibre less vigorous here than in Scarborough and its environs. I

saw, too, that many children were exceptionally small for their age. I

have met with numberless cases of scrofula, lung trouble, mesenteric

affections, and indigestion, concerning which I, as a medical man,

have no doubt that they arose from mill work. I believe that the

nervous energy of the body is weakened by the long hours, and the

foundation of many diseases laid. If people from the country were not

constantly coming in, the race of mill-hands would soon be wholly

degenerate."

So, too, Beaumont, surgeon in Bradford:

"To my thinking, the system, according to which work is done in the

mills here, produces a peculiar relaxation of the whole organism, and

thereby makes children in the highest degree susceptible to epidemic,

as well as to incidental illness. I regard the absence of all

appropriate regulations for ventilation and cleanliness in the mills

very decidedly as the chief cause of that peculiar tendency or

susceptibility to morbid affections which I have so frequently met in

my practice."

Similar testimony is borne by Dr. Ray:

(1) "I have had opportunity of observing the effects of the factory

system upon the health of children under the most favourable

circumstances (in Wood's mill, in Bradford, the best arranged of the

district, in which he was factory surgeon). (2) These effects are

decidedly, and to a very great extent, injurious, even under these

most favourable circumstances. (3) In the year 1842, three-fifths of

all the children employed in Wood's mill were treated by me. (4) The

worst effect is not the predominance of deformities, but of enfeebled

and morbid constitutions. (5) All this is greatly improved since the

working-hours of children have been reduced at Wood's to ten."

The Commissioner, Dr. Loudon himself, who cites these witnesses, says:

"In conclusion, I think it has been clearly proved that children have

been worked a most unreasonable and cruel length of time daily, and

that even adults have been expected to do a certain quantity of labour

which scarcely any human being is able to endure. The consequence is

that many have died prematurely, and others are afflicted for life

with defective constitutions, and the fear of a posterity enfeebled by

the shattered constitution of the survivors is but too well founded,

from a physiological point of view."

And, finally, Dr. Hawkins, in speaking of Manchester:

"I believe that most travellers are struck by the lowness of stature,

the leanness and the paleness which present themselves so commonly to

the eye at Manchester, and above all, among the factory classes. I

have never been in any town in Great Britain, nor in Europe, in which

degeneracy of form and colour from the national standard has been so

obvious. Among the married women all the characteristic peculiarities

of the English wife are conspicuously wanting. I must confess that

all the boys and girls brought before me from the Manchester mills had

a depressed appearance, and were very pale. In the expression of

their faces lay nothing of the usual mobility, liveliness, and

cheeriness of youth. Many of them told me that they felt not the

slightest inclination to play out of doors on Saturday and Sunday, but

preferred to be quiet at home."

I add, at once, another passage of Hawkins' report, which only half

belongs here, but may be quoted here as well as anywhere else:

"Intemperance, excess, and want of providence are the chief faults of

the factory population, and these evils may be readily traced to the

habits which are formed under the present system, and almost

inevitably arise from it. It is universally admitted that

indigestion, hypochondria, and general debility affect this class to a

very great extent. After twelve hours of monotonous toil, it is but

natural to look about for a stimulant of one sort or another; but when

the above-mentioned diseased conditions are added to the customary

weariness, people will quickly and repeatedly take refuge in

spirituous liquors."

For all this testimony of the physicians and commissioners, the report

itself offers hundreds of cases of proof. That the growth of young

operatives is stunted, by their work, hundreds of statements testify;

among others, Cowell gives the weight of 46 youths of 17 years of age,

from one Sunday school, of whom 26 employed in mills, averaged 104.5

pounds, and 20 not employed in mills, 117.7 pounds. One of the largest

manufacturers of Manchester, leader of the opposition against the working-

men, I think Robert Hyde Greg himself, said, on one occasion, that if

things went on as at present, the operatives of Lancashire would soon be

a race of pigmies. {159a} A recruiting officer {159b} testified that

operatives are little adapted for military service, looked thin and

nervous, and were frequently rejected by the surgeons as unfit. In

Manchester he could hardly get men of five feet eight inches; they were

usually only five feet six to seven, whereas in the agricultural

districts, most of the recruits were five feet eight.

The men wear out very early in consequence of the conditions under which

they live and work. Most of them are unfit for work at forty years, a

few hold out to forty-five, almost none to fifty years of age. This is

caused not only by the general enfeeblement of the frame, but also very

often by a failure of the sight, which is a result of mule-spinning, in

which the operative is obliged to fix his gaze upon a long row of fine,

parallel threads, and so greatly to strain the sight.

Of 1,600 operatives employed in several factories in Harpur and Lanark,

but 10 were over 45 years of age; of 22,094 operatives in diverse

factories in Stockport and Manchester, but 143 were over 45 years old. Of

these 143, 16 were retained as a special favour, and one was doing the

work of a child. A list of 131 spinners contained but seven over 45

years, and yet the whole 131 were rejected by the manufacturers, to whom

they applied for work, as "too old," and were without means of support by

reason of old age! Mr. Ashworth, a large manufacturer, admits in a

letter to Lord Ashley, that, towards the fortieth year, the spinners can

no longer prepare the required quantity of yarn, and are therefore

"sometimes" discharged; he calls operatives forty years of age "old

people!" Commissioner Mackintosh expresses himself in the same way in

the report of 1833:

"Although I was prepared for it from the way the children are

employed, I still found it difficult to believe the statements of the

older hands as to their ages; they age so very early."

Surgeon Smellie, of Glasgow, who treated operatives chiefly, says that

forty years is old age for them. {160a} And similar evidence may be

found elsewhere. {160b} In Manchester, this premature old age among the

operatives is so universal that almost every man of forty would be taken

for ten to fifteen years older, while the prosperous classes, men as well

as women, preserve their appearance exceedingly well if they do not drink

too heavily.

The influence of factory-work upon the female physique also is marked and

peculiar. The deformities entailed by long hours of work are much more

serious among women. Protracted work frequently causes deformities of

the pelvis, partly in the shape of abnormal position and development of

the hip bones, partly of malformation of the lower portion of the spinal

column.

"Although," says Dr. Loudon, in his report, "no example of

malformation of the pelvis and of some other affections came under my

notice, these things are nevertheless so common, that every physician

must regard them as probable consequences of such working-hours, and

as vouched for besides by men of the highest medical credibility."

That factory operatives undergo more difficult confinement than other

women is testified to by several midwives and accoucheurs, and also that

they are more liable to miscarriage. {161} Moreover, they suffer from

the general enfeeblement common to all operatives, and, when pregnant,

continue to work in the factory up to the hour of delivery, because

otherwise they lose their wages and are made to fear that they may be

replaced if they stop away too soon. It frequently happens that women

are at work one evening and delivered the next morning, and the case is

none too rare of their being delivered in the factory among the

machinery. And if the gentlemen of the bourgeoisie find nothing

particularly shocking in this, their wives will perhaps admit that it is

a piece of cruelty, an infamous act of barbarism, indirectly to force a

pregnant woman to work twelve or thirteen hours daily (formerly still

longer), up to the day of her delivery, in a standing position, with

frequent stoopings. But this is not all. If these women are not obliged

to resume work within two weeks, they are thankful, and count themselves

fortunate. Many come back to the factory after eight, and even after

three to four days, to resume full work. I once heard a manufacturer ask

an overlooker: "Is so and so not back yet?" "No." "How long since she

was confined?" "A week." "She might surely have been back long ago.

That one over there only stays three days." Naturally, fear of being

discharged, dread of starvation drives her to the factory in spite of her

weakness, in defiance of her pain. The interest of the manufacturer will

not brook that his employees stay at home by reason of illness; they must

not be ill, they must not venture to lie still through a long

confinement, or he must stop his machinery or trouble his supreme head

with a temporary change of arrangements, and rather than do this, he

discharges his people when they begin to be ill. Listen: {162a}

"A girl feels very ill, can scarcely do her work. Why does she not

ask permission to go home? Ah! the master is very particular, and if

we are away half a day, we risk being sent away altogether."

The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844 with a Preface written in 1892 · 第 11 / 20 题