assisted Charles VIII. of France in the conquest of Naples, which he
claimed from the house of Aragon. His successor, Louis XII., took Milan
from Ludovico Sforza, surnamed Il Moro, with the aid of the Swiss,
promising to cede Bellinzona to the Swiss as a reward for their
services. Of the numerous enemies he raised up against himself the
bitterest was Pope Julius II., who counted on the help of the
Eidgenossen in the task of driving the French from Italy, and the more
so as he discovered amongst them a fit instrument for carrying out his
schemes. Matthaeus Schinner, a priest, was a most remarkable man. Born of
the poorest of parents, in the Upper Valais, he had in early life sung
in the streets for bread. From this humble origin he had raised himself
to the position of Cardinal, and had become an intimate friend of the
Pontiff. Having money, indulgences, and power liberally at command, he
brought about a five years' alliance between the Papal See and
Switzerland. The Swiss readily entered into this agreement, as they had
been slighted by Louis, and, moreover, their contract with France had
expired in 1510. Spain, England, and other powers, had likewise entered
into league with Pope Julius, but his chief supporters were the Swiss.
In their march through Lombardy, against the French (1512), Pavia
surrendered, and Milan also fell to the victors. Zwingli, the reformer,
who had been present in the campaign as camp-preacher, reports that it
was curious to see the ambassadors of great powers appearing at the
Tagsatzung held at Baden to decide on the fate of Milan, and pleading
with the Eidgenossen for a greater or less share of the duchy.[45]
Despite all flatteries, the Swiss envoys reinstated Maximilian Sforza in
his heritage, and in return for this they received Lugano, Locarno, &c.
The attempt of Louis to re-conquer Milan miscarried. His fine army,
commanded by the greatest generals of the age, Tremouille and Trivulzio,
was defeated at Novara in 1513. This siege surpassed all the Swiss had
yet gone through, yet they left open the gates, and in derision hung
linen before the breaches. Foreign historians compared this battle with
the greatest victories of the Greeks and Romans. The historian,
Machiavelli, prophesied that the Swiss would one day acquire the
leadership of Italy, but that was not to be, however.
[Illustration: FREIBURG CUSTOM-HOUSE.]
On the accession of Francis I., that youthful and ambitious prince
wished to signalize the opening of his reign by the recovery of Milan.
Anxious to have Switzerland neutral he made overtures, which were
rejected. But intrigues amongst the Swiss and dissensions among their
allies worked in his favour, and Bern, Freiburg, and Solothurn, accepted
a peace against the interests of Switzerland, and their men returned
home. Cardinal Schinner, strongly averse to the French, by a false
report that the enemy was at the gate, brought up in wild haste the
Eidgenossen, who had been wavering hitherto. The Swiss followed their
leader who was mounted on his horse, his purple cloak streaming in the
wind, and came up with the enemy at Marignano (the modern Malegnano)
September 13, 1515. A terrific struggle ensued, abating only when the
moon went down at midnight. Trivulzio had cut his way through the force
with his sword. Bayard, the "Chevalier _sans peur et sans reproche_,"
for the first time in his life fled. At dawn the Swiss renewed to the
attack. Their fortunes fluctuated till noon, when the cries of "San
Marco!" announced the approach of the Venetians. These appeared to be
about to cut off retreat, and the plain on which the Swiss stood being
now under water--for the French had broken down the dykes of the
Lambro--the Eidgenossen were compelled to retire. This they did in
perfect order, carrying with them their wounded, and retaining their
guns and banners. They were, indeed, rather foiled than defeated, and
Francis, full of admiration for the Swiss, forbade his troops to pursue.
Trivulzio declared that the eighteen battles he had previously witnessed
were but child's play to that of Marignano.
In the November of the following year (1516) an "eternal peace" was
concluded between France and the Swiss, and this drew Switzerland closer
to her powerful neighbour. The material results of the war were the
acquisition of Ticino (which was admitted a canton in 1805), and of
Valtellina and Chiavenna. This defeat was a turning-point in Swiss
history, establishing as it did the supremacy of France. The part they
had hitherto played in European politics had come to an end, and the
ascendency they had so long maintained as a leading military power had
been strangely shattered. A decline was clearly inevitable.
A few words may be given here respecting the famous monastery of St.
Gall. The cloisters of St. Gall shed a bright lustre on Swabian lands
during its best period, from 800 to 1050 A.D. This famous
religious-house was a centre of art and high culture, and was a blessing
to the whole country. We can but allude to some of its famous monks,
such as the Notkers, Ekkehard, Rabbert, and so forth; many famous as
poets, musicians, savants, historians, and teachers of the very highest
rank. In the noted school attached to the monastery there resided and
were educated some three hundred sons of the German and Helvetic
nobility. The discipline kept up was most severe. A story runs that King
Conrad I., on a visit to the institution, wished to put this to the
test, and caused to be scattered under the school benches a basketful of
fine apples. Not a single scholar touched the fruit, and, to reward them
for this very remarkable self-restraint, Conrad gave the youths three
holidays. But the number of anecdotes attaching to this magnificent
institution is endless.
FOOTNOTES:
[43] Maximilian, however, lies buried at Wiener (Vienna) Neustadt. The
monument at Innsbruck was planned by the emperor himself, though it took
some generations to execute the work (1509-83). Twenty of the relievi
were the work of Colin of Mecheln, and excited the admiration of
Thorwaldsen even. The whole monument is highly interesting from both an
artistic and an historical point of view. Among the bronze figures that
of King Arthur is the most exquisite, and is by the famous Peter
Vischer.
[44] See p. 187.
[45] "Here you might observe men's disposition," he writes, "caution,
and cunning. They strive to puzzle one another with the view of drawing
advantage from the confusion. They pretend to one thing, but hope to get
another."
XXI.
THE GREAT COUNCILS; THE LANDSGEMEINDE AND TAGSATZUNG, OR DIET;
LITERATURE IN THE HEROIC AGE.
Perhaps no better place than this can be found for discussing the
constitutional affairs of the enlarged Bund. A description of the
_rouage administratif_ of each of the thirteen republics would be far
too tedious to the reader, and we shall therefore treat them
collectively as far as possible. The cantons naturally split into two
divisions, those _a Grand Conseil_, and the cantons _a Landsgemeinde_,
the latter including the country republics, the three Waldstaetten,
Glarus, Appenzell, and Zug.
[Illustration: SARNEN, BERN.]
We have seen in the case of Zurich how her council sprang into existence
and became the chief corner-stone of her constitutional freedom, after
she had been for generations dependent on an abbey. In this latter
respect Zurich but resembles Lucerne, Solothurn, Geneva, and others,
which went through similar phases of development. Bern, however,
received the stamp of independence at her very birth--in the very
charter of liberties involved in her foundation--and her history ran
more smoothly. Her government at once took an aristocratic tinge, a
close corporation of dominant families ruling; and in this respect she
resembled somewhat mighty Venice. In the eighteenth century these ruling
families numbered 360, and kept at arm's length, as it were, the
craftsmen, who, however, were not entirely excluded from a share in the
government. Vast personal property and additional domains acquired by
conquest formed the chief source of the power of Bern, and brought in a
great income to the patricians. Rule, domination, statecraft, became the
chief concern of the Bernese aristocracy, whilst in Lucerne, Solothurn,
and Freiburg, the government was, if possible, still more aristocratic
than that of Bern, and in all these cases was presided over by a
Schultheiss, or Mayor. In the Zurich republic a more democratic spirit
was found, and the inhabitants were given to industrial and intellectual
pursuits rather than to rule and conquest. Her trade was considerable,
and her constitution had done away with the prerogatives of the
nobility. Owing to these things the way was opened for her burghers into
the government, and there sprang up an ambition among the craftsmen to
rise in the social scale. Zurich is the prototype of the Geneva of the
eighteenth century, the two cities greatly resembling each other in
their tendencies and movements, religious and political. At Geneva the
craftsmen, occupying the _bas de la ville_, by their energy struggled to
the _haut de la ville_, or quarter of the privileged classes. All
authority was vested in the two councils--the "Grosse Rath," a sort of
legislative body numbering one hundred or two hundred members; and the
"Kleine Rath," a select committee of the former, consisting of from
twenty-five to thirty-six members, in whom rested the executive and
judicial power. In the liberal cantons the Burgomaster presided. The
Council, however, encroached upon the rights of the people at large, and
deprived them of direct influence in the management of affairs. Basel
and Schaffhausen followed in the track of Zurich. Genuine democracies
represent the cantons _a Landsgemeinde_. The government embodied the
will of a sovereign people, and from its very antiquity commands our
veneration and deserves special attention. To time immemorial the
ancient custom goes back. It was known amongst the Greeks, and we meet
with it in the "Volksversammlung" of the early German tribes--the
gathering of a whole people around their king to administer justice or
decide issues of peace or war. These assemblies sprang up again in the
thirteenth century, in the Forest Cantons, but now became political
meetings, from the necessity of guarding against a common foe. The rule
by Landsgemeinde was adopted by eleven Alpine districts, of which two,
Gersau and Urseren, were almost microscopical. Five of these were swept
away, Schwyz amongst the number. Of these we shall not speak. Yet the
hoary and patriarchal custom still lingers on in some of the secluded
Alpine nooks, favoured by the isolation of the place, and the _genie
conservateur_ innate in the Alpine folk. Unable, however, to clearly
understand the ancient Landsgemeinde except by reference to the present
age, we prefer to draw the reader's attention to the living spring, the
sacred spot where he can "look face to face on freedom in its purest and
most ancient form"--to quote Freeman's fine words--a heart-stirring
sight to witness.
[Illustration: CITY WALLS OF LUCERNE.]
The last Sunday in April is the date usually fixed for the holding of
the Landsgemeinde. The gatherings all bear a general resemblance to each
other, yet each shows the influence of the locality, the religion, or
the industrial pursuits of the people. But whether we see the meeting in
Protestant and manufacturing Glarus, in Catholic and conservative
Unterwalden, or in picturesque Sarnen, the scene is one never to be
forgotten. Dressed in their Sunday best, and wearing the sword, the
badge of freedom--so orders the ancient ritual--the ardent burghers
flock to the national ring, or forum, to discharge their civic duties.
After early morning service, and a grand parade of Landammann and staff,
halberdiers, troops, and bands of music, the Landsgemeinde opens at
eleven with a religious ceremony. At Trogen the hymn, "All life flows
from Thee," is sung by ten thousand voices, and, at the call of the
Landammann, the vast crowd falls down in silent prayer. The effect is
grand and solemn. An address by the Landammann follows, and then the
business of the day is entered upon. The inspection of the yearly
accounts, the election of magistrates and officials, amendment of
existing laws and the promulgation of new ones, are the chief items on
the agenda list. All the officers, from the Landammann himself down to
the humblest public servant, are subject to yearly election, though in
the case of the chief man re-election usually takes place for many
years. There are indeed regular dynasties of Landammanns, so to speak,
for the office may remain in the same family for many generations.
Assent to a proposal is given by holding up the right hand, and this the
crowd does with great eagerness. The list of candidates is drawn up by
the Landsgemeinde, but, strange to say, free discussion on proposed
reforms and new laws is permitted only at Glarus. The question is
discussed beforehand by the Landrath, a legislative body elected by the
parish. "De minoribus rebus principes consultant, de majoribus omnes,"
writes Tacitus of the German Volksgemeinde, and the words apply almost
equally well here. The Landsgemeinde is, in fact, the supreme court,
which approves or annuls. So recently as the spring of 1888, for
instance, Urseren was deprived of its autonomy and joined to the Canton
of Uri, by order of the Landsgemeinde. And at Sarnen the revision of the
constitution was agreed to at the open and general meeting. The election
of the Waibel, or Summoner, gives rise to much amusement, for in him the
chief requisite is strength of lungs, he being the mouthpiece of the
Landammann. The installation of the Landammann himself is the closing
scene, and the most impressive one. Slowly and solemnly he takes the
oath of fidelity to the constitution, and the people in return pledge
themselves to stand by the leader. With hands uplifted the vast crowd
repeats the phrases word by word as they are spoken by the Landammann.
This mutual engagement between leader and people--their hearts filled
with the sacredness of the moment, and their voices swelling into one
grand roll--is almost overwhelming in its touching simplicity and
fervour. That the custom has maintained itself with but minor changes
through so many centuries answers for the admirable stability of the
people, and the suitableness of the _regime_ itself.
The common tie that bound together the thirteen autonomous states into
one was the Diet or Tagsatzung. It met at one or other of the chief
towns--Zurich, Lucerne, Bern, Baden, and so forth. Each canton was, as a
rule, allowed one representative, and any one of the cantons could
summon a meeting, though this was generally done by the Vorort or
_canton directeur_--a position usually held by Zurich--whose member
likewise presided. The various cantons joined in the discussions
according to their rank and the order of their admission to the league.
This will be made clearer by the accompanying list. The Boten, or
envoys, not being plenipotentiaries, would post to and fro between their
governments and the Diet, to report progress and receive instructions.
As the proceedings were in later times committed to writing, we have
extant a most valuable series of records called Abschiede (= leave or
_conge_). Held at first but once a year, the Diet occasionally met as
many as fifty times in the course of the twelvemonth, whilst a single
session would last sometimes for several weeks. At one period the
meetings became international congresses, at which the most important
questions were deliberated. But, in truth, the Diet, down to its
extinction in 1848, never again during its long existence exerted the
vast influence it had in its brilliant fifteenth-century period. Yet
despite its many defects, and its slow and round-about way of doing
business, the Tagsatzung worked successfully--far more so indeed than
did the German Government.
A short sketch of the intellectual and literary life of the heroic
period may here be given. It is clear at the outset that an epoch so
largely given over to warfare and political progress would not be likely
to produce much meditative or reflective poetry. "The clash of arms
frightens the Muses," says an old proverb. (An exception must, however,
be usually made in the case of the peaceful and sheltered cloister.) Yet
this active and stirring period brought forth much national literature.
Throughout we find singers who in verse or prose chant the national
glory, and no episode of importance is without its poetic chronicle or
interpretation; the national enthusiasm vents itself in war-song, in
satire, in mock-heroics, or in rhyming chronicle. Wandering poets living
on the scanty proceeds of their _lieder_; craftsmen who have taken up
the sword; soldiers by profession--these are the bards of the time.
Rugged and unpolished sometimes are their verses, for the Middle German
is in a transition state, and poetry has long since left courts and
descended among the people. In Germany, as everybody knows, had formed
the body of the _Meistersinger_. The historical "Folk songs"
(_Volkslieder_) are the overflowing of a nation's heart stirred to its
depths by the thrilling scenes around it, and they are the true
expression of the temper of the time. We need only allude to the songs
inspired by Sempach and Naefels, and the fiery song of Morat by Veit
Weber, an Alsacian, who fought in the Swiss ranks filled with patriotic
enthusiasm. Lucerne, too, has brought forth many poets--Auer, Wick,
Viol, Birkes, and others--who sang the glory of the great wars. A song
and a play dealing with Tell appeared about this time.
Along with the poet the chronicler springs up, and numerous instances of
this class are met with. At Bern we find Justinger (1420), the first to
draw historical knowledge from the _Volkslieder_, Diebold Schilling
(1484), and Anshelm; at Schwyz, John Fruend; at Lucerne, Melchior Russ,
Diebold Schilling, the chaplain, whose account of the meeting at Stanz
is most trustworthy, Petermann Etterlin, and Nicolas Schradin; at
Zurich, Gerold Edlibach, the noble knights Strettlinger of Bern, who
wrote the chronicles bearing their name, and the author of the "White
Book of Sarnen," complete the list. The "White Book" is much referred to
by modern writers. The most brilliant annalist perhaps is Tschudi, of
whom mention was made in the chapter on the foundation of the league.
Biassed as the writers often are--nothing else can be expected from the
times--their records bear witness to the national spirit of the Swiss,
and to the intellectual revival taking place. The first Helvetian
typography was produced by Albert von Bonnstetten, a Zurich nobleman,
and Dean of Einsiedeln, and one of the chief scholars of his age. He
gave a trustworthy account of Nicolas von der Fluee, and the Burgundian
wars. Another great scholar was his friend Nicolas von Wyl, a nobleman
of Aargau.
The revival of letters introduced into the subtle scholasticism of the
time a world of new thoughts, learning, and refined literary
tastes--_humanismus_ as the Germans so expressively call it. Nicolas von
Wyl is one of the oldest German-Swiss humanists. He extended the Italian
Renaissance to his native soil by his masterly translations of Petrarch,
Boccaccio, Poggio, and others. AEneas Sylvius, the elegant poet,
novelist, and orator, who rose to the Papal dignity as Pius II., would
have had the world forget his fascinating but worldly writings.
"Rejicite AEneam, suscipite Pium," was his request. For twenty years
AEneas had laboured to bring classical culture to barbarian Germany. His
earliest pupil, Von Wyl,[46] became a great favourite at the German
courts, and with the literary circle which the highly-cultivated Duchess
of Wurtemberg gathered around her. Von Wyl translated some of the Latin
works of Felix Malleolus, his friend and benefactor; for instance, his
biting satire on the idle Lollards and "Beghards." He died at Zurich.
But if the courts and the nobles promoted the growth of the New
Learning, the universities were its chief support. That of Basel was
opened in 1460, under the auspices of Pius II. (AEneas Sylvius), who
granted its foundation charter. It rapidly gathered within its walls
some of the brightest minds of the day, amongst whom we need only
mention the world-famed Erasmus and Zwingli the reformer.
FOOTNOTES:
[46] Prof. Baechtold's "Swiss-German Literature."
XXII.
THE REFORMATION IN GERMAN SWITZERLAND.
(1484-1531.)
The age of the Renaissance ushered in a century of intellectual
revolution, and wrought remarkable changes in art, in science, in
literature, in religion, and in every department of human life and
energy. The space at our disposal will permit us to touch only on one of
these developments, the religious. But the varying history of religious
movement well-nigh fills up the sixteenth century. The revival of
learning quickened the spirit of the Reformation, though most of the
savants disapproved of the movement, as in the case of Erasmus and
Glarean, a famous Swiss scholar. But whilst Luther's training was
monastic rather than scholarly, and whilst he was, if anything, opposed
to the New Learning, the great Swiss reformer was a scholar of the first
order, who drew his profound and liberal ideas from his study of the
classics. And it is a curious and noteworthy fact that with the spread
of letters in Switzerland, there started up on its soil a host of men
of parts[47] who, forming a school of disciples, as it were, espoused
the cause of their great leader, Zwingli, and promoted it, each in his
own canton. This is one peculiarity of the Swiss Reformation.
The degeneracy of the Church passed all belief, and was, as every one
knows, the primary and chief cause of the Reformation on the Continent;
but in Switzerland there was yet another cause, quite as important,
which gave an impulse to the movement--the calamitous consequences of
the mercenary wars, touched upon in previous chapters. Foreign pay had
irresistible attractions for captain and man alike, and the country was
constantly being drained of its stoutest arms and bravest hearts. It was
difficult to over-estimate the baneful effects of this practice on the
national welfare, and, of all the noble men who deplored these results,
none felt it like Ulrich Zwingli. An enthusiastic scholar, a gifted
preacher, a zealous patriot, and a remarkably able politician, he
devoted his life to the work of rescuing his people and country from
their moral decline. This he proposed to effect by the working of the
Divine Word. Luther left the knotty skein of politics to his princely
friends to unravel, but Zwingli, on the contrary, shrank from no
political difficulties, encumbrances, or complications. To his clear and
far-seeing mind social and political reform was inseparably bound up
with religious change and progress. The one would be of but little avail
without the other, and the great object of his life became the total
regeneration of the commonwealth--church and state both.
[Illustration: ULRICH ZWINGLI.
(_After Asper._)]