in the canton of St. Gall, January 1, 1484. The talented youth was
destined for the Church by his father, a highly-respected magistrate,
and was sent to school at Basel, and afterwards studied at Bern. Here
sprang up his enthusiasm for classical studies under the famous Lupulus,
whilst the friars were so struck with his musical talents that they
tried hard to keep him in the cloisters. However, in 1500 he left for
the University of Vienna, and two years later we find him established as
Latin teacher at Basel and a student of the university there. Steeped in
the New Learning his attention was now drawn to scriptural studies by
the enlightened Wittenbach. At Basel, too, he formed a friendship with
the famed Erasmus. Obtaining the degree of _magister philosophiae_, in
1506, he was nominated pastor at Glarus, and with regret tore himself
away from that seat of learning. During his ten years' ministry at
Glarus (a Landsgemeinde canton) his natural taste and talent for
politics were brought into play. And though he founded a Latin school
for clever youths, and pursued his own studies vigorously, and kept up a
vast correspondence with Erasmus, Glarean, and other noted scholars, he
was no mere pedant or bookworm, but took a profound interest in the
political life of that stirring age. Twice he accompanied the men of
Glarus on their Italian expedition as field chaplain, but though he
naturally rejoiced at the glory their arms acquired, yet his eyes became
fully opened to the disastrous results of the mercenary wars. His direct
and unsparing attacks on the _Reislaufen_ and foreign pension system
roused such a storm against him that he was forced to take refuge at
Einsiedeln, 1516. His two years' quiet retreat in the famous abbey
afforded him a glimpse of the flagrant abuses rife in the Church. At
first he appealed to the dignitaries of the Church to remedy the evils,
but at length, driven no doubt by the sight of the superstitions around
him, he introduced those sweeping measures of reform which did away with
every vestige of Romanism that remained in the evangelical church.
Preaching to the thousands who flocked to the wonder-working image of
the Virgin, his sermons, full of force, novelty, and pithy eloquence,
rapidly spread abroad his fame. He became friendly with other scholars
and religious reformers. Rome made him tempting offers with the view of
drawing him away from Switzerland and his life-work, but resisting all
her persuasion, he accepted a call to Zurich, as _plebanus_ at the
Minster, December, 1518. Zurich was the foremost town of the
Confederation, but was justly reputed a dissolute city, not unlike the
then Geneva. Its enlightened Council saw in Zwingli a spirited leader.
His opening sermon, on New Year's Day, 1519, stirred his hearers in a
marvellous way, and at once stamped him as an evangelical reformer of no
common type. He briefly sketched out the plan by which he proposed to be
guided in his future sermons. His subjects would be drawn from the
Bible only,[48] especially from the New Testament, and he would follow
the guidance of the Holy Spirit, and not human direction. So profound
was the impression made by his impassioned and eloquent words that some
of the listeners declared him to be a "new Moses who had arisen to save
his people from spiritual bondage." The learned Platter writes that
during the sermon he "felt himself lifted off the ground by his hair."
The very first year of Zwingli's ministry at Zurich, two thousand souls
were "saved by the milk of the Holy Gospel." And his practical goodness
of heart was attested by his assiduous attention to the sick during the
plague of 1519, in which he was himself stricken and brought very near
to death. Three hymns composed during this trying time reveal his entire
resignation and calm trust in God. Although he fiercely opposed the sale
of indulgences there were no thunderings against him from the Vatican,
such as were hurled against Luther.[49] The Eidgenossen, being useful to
the Papal See, was rather indulged; it was even intimated to the Diet
that they should send back from Bern Friar Bernhard Samson, who was
preaching with great effect there, should he prove obnoxious. With
unflagging zeal and courage Zwingli followed his ideal in politics,
viz., to rear a republic on the type of the Greek free states of old,
with perfect national independence. Thanks to his influence Zurich in
1521 abolished _Reislaufen_, and the system of foreign pay. This step,
however, brought down on the head of Zurich the wrath of the twelve
sister republics, which had just signed a military contract with Francis
I. Zwingli addressed to Schwyz a "Holy Exhortation" to serve neither
Pope nor Emperor; his exhortation, however, served only to increase the
number of his political foes.[50] Relying rather on reason than on
force, he prepared the way for his reforms with singular moderation and
forbearance.
It was only in 1522 that he began to launch pamphlets against the abuses
in the Church-fasting, celibacy of the clergy, and the like. On the 29th
of January, 1523, Zwingli obtained from the Council of Zurich the
opening of a public religious discussion in presence of the whole of the
clergy of the canton, and representatives of the Bishop of Constance,
whose assistance in the debate the Council had invited. In sixty-seven
theses remarkable for their penetration and clearness he sketched out
his confession of faith and plan of reform, and utterly confounded all
objections of his opponents by showing the conformity of his theses with
the Holy Scriptures. On the 25th of October, 1523, a second discussion
initiated the practical consequences of the reformed doctrine--the
abrogation of the mass and image worship. Zwingli's system was virtually
that of Calvin, but was conceived in a broader spirit, and carried out
later on in a far milder manner by Bullinger. To enter into a full
comparison of the two systems would, however, be out of place here. The
Council gave the fullest approval to the Reformation.
In 1524 Zwingli married Anne Reinhard, the widow of a Zurich nobleman
(Meyer von Knonau), and so discarded the practice of celibacy obtaining
amongst priests. She made him an excellent wife and help-mate, and bore
him four children. The reformer's skill in music was often brought to
bear on his children when they were inclined to be unruly; he would
soothe them into peace and quietness by his performances on the lute or
other instrument. To his stepson Gerald Meyer he was an excellent
father. Tall, with grave but winning features, with a kind and generous
heart and winning manner, Zwingli's personality was most fascinating. A
scholar but no pedant, a plain but vigorous speaker, of sound and
practical judgment, with vast stores of learning, and an unusual
elevation of mind, he was also broadminded and compassionate. It may be
mentioned that he provided on Ufenau Island in Zurich lake a last asylum
for Ulrich von Hutten, who had been rejected by Erasmus and driven from
Germany.
In 1524 Zwingli began to effect the most sweeping changes with the view
of overthrowing the whole fabric of mediaeval superstition. In the
direction of reform he went far beyond Luther, who had retained oral
confession, altar pictures, &c. The introduction of his reforms in
Zurich called forth but little opposition. True, there were the risings
of the Anabaptists but these were the same everywhere, and the revolt
of the peasants was a general feature of the time.[51] Pictures and
images were removed from the churches, under government direction, and
nothing was left to distract men's attention, for Zwingli aimed at the
re-establishment of the primitive Christianity in its pure, simple, and
biblical form. The Holy Scriptures, expounded by the elect ministers of
God, were to be men's highest guide and support. At the
Landgemeinden,[52] called for the purpose, the people gave an
enthusiastic assent to his doctrines, and declared themselves ready "to
die for the gospel truth." Thus a national Church was established,
severed from the diocese of Constance, and placed under the control of
the Council of Zurich and a clerical synod. The convents were turned
into schools, hospitals, and poor-houses. The famous Chorherrenstift,
founded by the Carolingians, was turned into a University College,
continuing to be called the Carolinum. This lasted till 1832, when it
was formed into the University and Gymnasium of our own days. Zwingli
was elected rector, and lectured on theology. He was also devoted to the
study of Greek, and on New Year's Day, 1531, had a splendid performance
of one of the plays of Aristophanes, for which he himself wrote the
accompanying music, grave statesmen joining the professors and students
in the representation. Zwingli was now, indeed, the idol of the people,
and wielded the sceptre in his little state. Under him Zurich became a
centre of learning and religious enlightenment, and its influence spread
over other Swiss lands, South Germany and elsewhere.
The reformed faith penetrated, but only gradually, into the northern and
eastern cantons. Bern was reached in 1528, after a brilliant disputation
held in that city. Basel and Schaffhausen followed in 1529, and then St.
Gall, Appenzell, Graubuenden, and Solothurn, though some of them had
serious struggles within themselves and fell in only partly with the
reforms. But in the Central or Forest Cantons it was that the fiercest
opposition was encountered. Many things combined to produce this result.
In the first place, the district was a very stronghold of Catholic and
Conservative feeling, and religion was entwined with the fond memories
of a glorious past. From the very simplicity of their lives the people
ignored the degeneracy of the priesthood, and amongst these pastoral
peoples the priests were of simpler manners and more moral life than
those in the cities; they disliked learning and enlightenment.
Then there was the old feeling of antipathy to the cities, coupled with
a strong dislike for the reforms which had abolished _Reislaufen_, that
standing source of income to the cantons. Lucerne, bought with French
gold, struggled with Zurich for the lead. So far was the opposition
carried that the Catholic districts by a majority of votes insisted (at
the Diet) on a measure for suppressing heresy in Zurich, whilst some
were for expelling that canton from the league. The Forest Cantons
issued orders that Zwingli should be seized should he be found within
their territories; consequently he kept away from the great convocation
at Baden, 1526. Serious collisions arose, but it is impossible to dwell
on them here.
Wider and wider grew the chasm between the two religious parties, and
Zwingli at length formed a "Christian League" between the Swiss
Protestants and some of the German cities and the Elector of Hesse. On
the other hand, the Catholics entered into an alliance with Ferdinand of
Austria, a determined enemy to the reformed religion. At last the
Protestant party was exasperated beyond bearing, and Zurich declared war
on the Forest Cantons, Zwingli himself joining in the vicissitudes of
the campaign. His camp presented the "picture of a well-organized,
God-fearing army of a truly Puritan stamp." The encounter at Kappel, in
June, 1529, however, took a peaceful turn, thanks to the mediation of
Landammann Aebli, of Glarus, greatly to the disgust of Zwingli, who
prophetically exclaimed that some day the Catholics would be the
stronger party, and then they would not show so much moderation. All
ill-feeling, indeed, subsided when the two armies came within sight of
each other. The curious and touching episode known as the _Kappeler
Milchsuppe_ took place here. A band of jolly Catholics had got hold of a
large bowl of milk, but lacking bread they placed it on the boundary
line between Zug and Zurich. At once a group of Zurich men turned up
with some loaves, and presently the whole party fell to eating the
_Milchsuppe_ right merrily. A peace was concluded on the 29th of June,
1529, by which the Austrian League was dissolved, and freedom of
worship granted to all.
Zwingli's closing years were devoted to vast schemes of European policy.
With the view of forming a strong alliance of the Swiss Protestants with
foreign powers favouring the reformed faith, and in opposition to the
emperor Charles V., he entered into negotiations with France, with some
of the German states, with the Venetian republic, and others. His plans
were too bold and sweeping to be practical, and came to nought. His
relations with Luther claim special attention, however. By his treatise,
"De vera et falsa religione" (1525), Zwingli had, though unwillingly,
thrown the gauntlet into the Wittenberg camp. The work was
intended to be a scientific refutation of the Catholic doctrine of
transubstantiation, and a war of words arose. The contest was by each
disputant carried on _suo more_ by Luther with his usual authoritative
and tempestuous vehemence, by Zwingli in his own cool reasoning,
dignified, and courteous style and republican frankness. Presently there
came a strong desire for a union between the German _Protestants_, and
the Swiss _Reformers_--the two were thus distinguished--the impulse to
it being given by Charles V.'s "Protest" against the Protestants.
Landgrave Philip of Hesse, the political leader of the German reformers,
invited Luther and Zwingli to meet at his castle of Marburg, with the
view of reconciling the two sections. The religious _colloquium_ was
attended by many savants, princes, nobles, and all the chief leaders of
the Reformation, and might have done great things, but came to grief
through the obstinacy of Luther, as is well known, or rather through his
determination to approve of no man's views except they should agree
exactly with his own. Luther insisted on a literal interpretation of the
words "This is my body," whilst Zwingli saw in them only a metaphorical
or symbolical signification. Zwingli's logic and cool, clear reasoning
were acknowledged to be superior to those of his opponent, but Luther
demanded complete submission. The conference, in short, resulted in
nothing, and nearly ended in an open rupture between the two leaders.
Zwingli extended his hand in token of friendship and goodwill, but
Luther refused it. The truth was the two men looked at the matter from
quite different points of view. With Luther religion was almost wholly a
thing of a mystic basis, a creed of the heart--of feeling--whilst
Zwingli, required his reason to be satisfied. The one wrestled in agony
of soul with the spirits of darkness; the other looked to the Divine,
all-embracing love under which all creation rests in trust and
happiness, and under which all men are brothers, children of one
all-kind Father.
To return for a moment to home politics. The peace of 1529 was a
short-lived one. Zwingli anxious only to spread the reformed faith over
the whole republic did not realize clearly the hatred of the Forest
district against the new creed. Then there were faults on both
sides--the Zwinglian party and the Waldstaetten--but the history of them
is too long and too trifling to be given here. Not the least of the
mistakes, however, was made by Zwingli himself, in claiming well-nigh
absolute power for the two chief reformed cities, Zurich and Bern.
Again, the refusal of the Waldstaetten to assist Graubuenden against an
Italian invasion was looked upon with grave suspicion, and caused much
ill-feeling against them. War was imminent, and was indeed eagerly
desired on _both_ sides. Bern, finding that war was likely to be
injurious to her private ends insisted on a stoppage of mercantile
traffic between the opposing districts,[53] but Zwingli scorned to use
such a means to hunger the enemy and so bring them to submit. However
Zurich was outvoted in the Christian League (May 16th), and the Forest
was excluded from the markets of that city and Bern. The rest may be
easily guessed. On Zurich was turned all the fury of the famished Forest
men, and they sent a challenge in October, 1531. A second time the
hostile armies met at Kappel, but the positions were reversed. Zurich
was unprepared to meet a foe four times as numerous as her own, and Bern
hesitated to come to her aid. However Goeldlin, the captain of the little
force, recklessly engaged with the opposing army, whether from treachery
or incapacity is not known, but he was certainly opposed to the reformed
faith. Zwingli had taken leave of his friend Bullinger, as though
foreseeing his own death in the coming struggle, and had joined the
Zurich force. He was with the chief banner, and, with some five hundred
of his overmatched comrades, fell in the thickest of the battle. Amongst
the slain were most of the foremost men of the city, councillors,
clergy, Zwingli's friends and relations. Amongst these last was his
beloved stepson who had been fighting by his side. A canon of Zug,
seeing Zwingli's body, burst into tears, crying, "Whatever thy faith, I
know thou hast been a brave Eidgenosse." According to the barbarous
custom of the time the body was quartered, then burnt, and scattered to
the winds. And the terrible disaster which befell Zurich was followed
soon after by another.
But the reformation was far too deeply rooted to be thus destroyed.
Bullinger, the friend of Zwingli, and, later on, of Calvin, worthily
succeeded to the headship of the Zurich reformers. Keeping clear of
politics, for which he had no propensity, he concentrated his attention
on the perfecting of the Zwinglian ecclesiastical system; working for
strict morality without narrowness of mind, for national independence,
for inquiring after light and truth, and for true piety combined with
benevolence and charity. Zwingli had made mistakes of policy, but his
devotion to his cause, his self-abnegation, and his tragic death, made
full reparation for them.
At Solothurn Catholicism again got the upper hand, and the reformers had
to leave. Intestine feuds were breaking out, and indeed the first shot
had actually been fired, when the noble-minded Schultheiss, Nicolas von
Wengi, a Catholic, threw himself before the mouth of a cannon, and
exclaimed, "If the blood of the burghers is to be spent, let mine be the
first!" Wengi's party at once desisted from the attack, and matters were
settled amicably.
FOOTNOTES:
[47] A mere list of names must suffice:--Lupulus, Wittenbach,
Oecolompad, Vadian, Oeconomius, Collin, Myconius, Pellikan Platter,
Glarean (the poet laureate crowned with the wreath by the Emperor Max).
The savants at that time were wont to latinize their names in their
enthusiasm for the classics.
[48] It is necessary to bear in mind that at that time the Bible was
well-nigh an unknown book to the common people. There were even to be
found priests who neither possessed a copy of the Scriptures nor could
have read it if they had.
[49] On such good terms with the Pontiff was Zwingli that one of the
Papal Legates sent his own doctor to attend him.
[50] "It is meet that cardinals should wear red cloaks and hats," to
quote one passage from the Exhortation; "if you shake them they drop
crowns and ducats, but if you wring them there flows forth the blood of
your fathers, your sons, and your brothers."
[51] In Germany similar revolts took place, but Luther took no pains to
appease the peasantry.
[52] Landgemeinden or gatherings of the parishes, a mode of appealing to
the people which became the prototype of the modern Referendum.
[53] Traffic absolutely necessary to the Forest Cantons for supplying
provisions.
XXIII.
THE REFORMATION IN WEST SWITZERLAND.
(1530-1536.)
The history of French Switzerland has not yet been touched upon, and
that for good reasons. It is difficult to realize that down even to the
sixteenth century the French Swiss were still languishing under the
ancient forms of feudalism, and this at a time when their German
brethren had long been enjoying the blessings of national independence,
and had filled the world with their military renown. But, in truth, the
French were slow to awaken to republican freedom, and looked to East
Switzerland rather than to themselves for deliverance from political
bondage. It is a remarkable fact that the Reformation was made but with
the assistance of those skilled statesmen, the Bernese, the connecting
link between the eastern portions of Switzerland and the isolated west.
That Bern rightly calculated on benefiting by this junction is well
known.
[Illustration: MINSTER, BERN.
(_From a Photograph._)]
Before passing to the Reformation itself, however, we must give a slight
sketch of the political condition at that time of Vaud and Geneva, with
which alone we have here any concern. Neuchatel still remained in
reality a separate principality, though temporarily (1512-1529) under
Swiss rule. Vaud had in its time seen many masters which may perhaps
account for its backwardness in adopting home rule. Its natural beauty
and enjoyable climate have made it coveted at all times, in ancient, in
mediaeval, and, as we shall see, even in modern times. At first a scene
of turmoil and tumult caused by the quarrels of its powerful nobles, it
sank beneath the sceptre of Savoy, Peter, the eminent prince of
Savoy--surnamed the "Petit Charlemagne"--having succeeded in
establishing his authority over the native nobility. Once joined to
Savoy, the fortunes of Vaud naturally depended on those of the Savoy
dynasty. Peter attempted to annex the bishopric of Lausanne, but
failing, Vaud was torn asunder, and there existed side by side a
spiritual and a temporal lordship. Of the two portions that under
ecclesiastical sway enjoyed the less liberty. Lausanne was a place much
frequented by pilgrims, and was a mart for indulgences, but it possessed
not a vestige of autonomy. It lay "dormant at the base of its many
churches." When in the fifteenth century the power of the House of Savoy
declined, the Vaud country speedily fell into a condition of anarchy,
the nobility at daggers drawn against the burghers, and the
mountain-dwellers at deadly variance with the vine-tillers of the plain.
But early in the sixteenth century Lausanne was stirred from its
lethargy by the attempts of Charles III. of Savoy to obtain the
overlordship of the city. Thus threatened, and torn by intestine
quarrels, Vaud in its helplessness seemed to invite the interference of
Bern in this affair, and that city on its part was only too glad of an
occasion of interfering.
Geneva was Vaud's companion in trouble, threatened by similar dangers,
and torn by similar struggles. Here also the bishop was lord-paramount,
but in this case the stout-hearted burghers had wrested from him a
considerable amount of self-rule. Its inveterate enemy, too, was the
Duke of Savoy. But the men of Geneva loved independence far too much to
submit quietly to hostile aggressiveness and encroachment; for centuries
even they had kept at bay the designing nobility. Yet at one time the
Duke of Savoy had arrogated to himself the rights of vicedom, that is,
temporal justice of the bishop as his vassal. Possessing thus temporal
jurisdiction, _nomine episcopi_, over the city, he was anxious to annex
it altogether. Geneva was almost entirely surrounded by Savoy territory.
In the end Savoy arrogated to itself the right of appointing to the see,
and its nominees were, it is needless to say, always members of its own
house. Boys of twelve or fourteen, bastard sons even, were not
unfrequently raised to the episcopal dignity. This did not add to the
peacefulness of the district, and the adherents of the respective Savoy
and Geneva factions went about armed to the teeth.