of the old antagonism between the country commonwealths and the city
states. Disputes arose concerning the distribution of the Burgundian
conquests, and the admission of Freiburg and Solothurn, which had
solicited the favour, into the federal fold. In the fifteenth century
the balance of political power was gradually inclining towards the
cities. Zurich, Bern, and Lucerne, had far outstripped the "Laender" in
population, wealth, influence, and culture, and in 1481 their forces
amounted to 35,000 as against the 15,500 of the other five cantons. They
advocated the division of the spoil in proportion to their soldiery, and
the reception of their two helpmates in the previous wars by way of
reward. But the three Forest States, presuming on their prestige as the
primary stock and foundation of the league, and anxious to maintain
their position, resisted measures that would throw the weight of power
entirely on the opposite side. Their narrow and selfish views and their
obstinacy placed the Confederation in jeopardy. Meetings, held to settle
differences, only deepened the bitterness. A final Diet was fixed for
the 18th of December, 1481, at Stanz (Unterwalden), and the foremost men
met to arrange, if possible, a compromise. But high words were
exchanged, and when the excitement had reached its height, the pastor of
that place, Im Grund, stole away, and proceeded at dead of night to the
cave Zum Ranft, in a wilderness near Sachseln. Here he took counsel with
Nicholas von der Fluee, the famous hermit, who had dwelt there for the
space of twenty years. Mild words and deep thoughts proceeded from the
good man, whose love for his country had always been of the strongest.
In his earlier days he had served as a soldier and a magistrate, had
married, and had had several children born to him. But always given to
meditation, he was at the age of fifty-one suddenly filled with
religious enthusiasm, and, unable to appease his yearning soul, took
leave of his family, and retired into deep seclusion. His commune built
him a cell and chapel--still to be seen near Sachseln--on a rock called
die Fluee, hence his name. A few planks formed his bed, and his pillow
was a log of wood. Stores he needed not, for he lived on roots and wild
berries, and the saying went abroad amongst the country folk that he was
sustained by the bread of the holy sacrament alone, and ate no other
food. The peasants regarded his person with wonder and awe, and though
he was seen at times worshipping at Einsiedeln, no man ever saw him on
his way to or from that place. The fame of his wisdom spread beyond the
boundaries of his own land, and many were the high personages who came
to consult his oracle--from all parts of the empire and Italy, envoys
from Sigmund and Frederick. But into subtle discussions he never
entered, leaving them rather to his priests. "Pure water does not flow
through golden pipes, but through pipes of lead," he used to say to
those who complained of the dissolute and degenerate lives of the
clergy. To this man, then, the good pastor unburdened his mind, and from
him received solace and wise words. Then he toiled back to Stanz,
December 22nd. Finding the Diet broken up, and the envoys on the point
of leaving for their respective homes, he ran to the various hostelries,
and with tearful eyes begged the men to return once more. All opposition
melted at the name of Bruder Klaus, the envoys reassembled, and listened
with thrilled hearts to the profound truths uttered by him. Their jars
and differences were settled within the hour, and Freiburg and Solothurn
were unanimously admitted into the league. Blessing the memory of the
"Peacemaker," the delegates returned home, and the glad tidings of the
establishment of concord were everywhere celebrated by the ringing of
bells.
[Illustration: INNER COURT OF THE ABBEY OF OUR LADY. LUTH CHAPTER OF
ZURICH.]
Another feature of this memorable day was the signing of the Covenant of
Stanz, a series of measures prepared beforehand, but in which Nicholas
had no hand. They were levelled chiefly against the excesses and
tumultuous risings that were continually taking place in the country
cantons, their object being to re-establish order and prevent a
repetition of the insubordination, and to set bounds to "the too much
freedom in the Laender." Despite the resistance of Schwyz the agreement
was ratified, and gradually became part and parcel of the judicial
enactments of the Confederation. Breathing as they do the vigorous
spirit of Hans Waldmann, the most influential Swiss statesman of his
time, these measures were, though wrongly, attributed to him.
This Waldmann is indeed the most conspicuous figure in Switzerland in
the fifteenth century, and forms a singular contrast to the humble
recluse Zum Ranft, for he shared in all the vicissitudes of his times.
Full of vital energy, teeming with lofty schemes, his life is a bright
picture, darkened however, here and there, by deep shadows thrown by
that stirring, luxurious, fast-living epoch, an epoch itself coloured by
the Burgundian wars. The career of this remarkable man is a piece of
moral, social, and political history, quite worthy of a few moments'
notice.
A poor peasant boy Waldmann had raised himself to the highest position
in the country, that of Burgomaster of Zurich, and head, or king, as he
pleased to call it, of the Eidgenossen. The mobile and passionate
Zurcher, more than any other members of the league, lend themselves to
infatuations, and never do things by halves, whether for good or for
evil, to-day hurl down their idol of yesterday, and hand him over to the
executioner, so it has been said. A strange career was that of Waldmann.
Born in the canton of Zug, about 1436, he wandered in early youth to
Zurich to seek his fortune, and at the age of sixteen bought the
citizenship there. Apprenticed in various callings he turned at length
to the iron trade, but his restless mind being unalterably bent on the
battlefield he enlisted as a soldier at the first beat of the drums, and
plunged into the impending struggles as captain of the Zurich men, and
condottiere of German princes. In the intervals of peace he turned again
to business, giving himself up at the same time to the pleasures of the
town. Young, fiery, handsome, with an intelligent face and winsome
manners, he fascinated the women, whilst his eloquence and joviality
made him a general favourite with the men, and especially with the
masses. Many stories were current as to his adventurous life, and the
excesses in which he indulged in company with other young men of the
town caused him to be lodged in the Wellenberg, a state prison built in
the lake. Yet in that age of dissoluteness such failings did not detract
from his personal charm and credit. He married a gay and handsome young
widow of good family, and called himself the squire of Duebelstein, from
the manor he acquired. This union raised his position in society, and
with the help of the Constafel, the body of aristocracy with which he
became connected, he hoped to get a position in the Government. But the
Junker, or young nobles, treated with disdain the pretensions of a man
who had once been a tanner, and accordingly he turned his attention to
the craftsmen and guilds, and was returned as councillor by them in
1473. Beneath his exuberant spirits and brawling temper lay the superior
gifts of the general and the politician, gifts which the Burgundian wars
were to exhibit to the world. From first to last he shared in the
campaigns. At Morat we have seen him knighted, and leading the principal
charge against Charles the Bold; the recovery of Nancy was chiefly his
doing, for he it was who advocated the continuation of the war and the
appeal to arms by Rene of Lorraine, at the Federal Diet. At the
council-board and in the federal assemblies he rose to eminence by his
political and diplomatic talents, and showed himself to be an astute
ambassador. Sent to the French Court to negotiate with Louis XI.
respecting Franche Comte, he lent himself to French influences, for his
moral principles were by no means equal to his intellectual gifts. He
became a pensioner of that same king, who was thus the first to corrupt
the Swiss leaders with his gold. In his own city of Zurich, Waldmann
filled a series of public offices; as edile he built the fine
Wasserkirche, the Pantheon for war trophies, &c. In 1480 we find him
occupying a high position as tribune, and head of the guilds, and, three
years later, he was chosen Burgomaster. To obtain this last position,
however, he had ousted the powerful Chevalier Goldein. He ruled Zurich
as a veritable sovereign, head of the republic, and swayed also the
foreign policy of the Federation. He dictated terms of peace; to him
foreign princes applied for alliance or troops; and on him they showered
their favours. He was made Hofrath of Milan, and, becoming a pensioner
of Austria, began to lean more towards that country than to France, and
rightly so, perhaps. Waldmann rapidly became, in fact, the most
influential statesman, and, notwithstanding his extravagant habits, and
boundless generosity, the wealthiest of the Eidgenossen. Thanks to his
great ascendency Zurich was restored to that pre-eminence in the state
which she had forfeited in the civil strife, and which Bern had gained
in the time of the Burgundian troubles.
Ambitious, and readily bribed, Waldmann still professed lofty views in
his home policy and in his administration, and these views he proposed
to put into practice by the help of a political club he had founded.
This club he placed under the care of twelve influential citizens, who
followed his guidance. There was, in truth, a singular charm about his
person, and his intellectual gifts commanded the admiration of his whole
circle. He intended making some sweeping reforms that were to change the
face of the Zurich republic. And he addressed himself first to the
nobility, of whom he was no friend.
Hitherto the aristocracy and the craftsmen had been equally represented
in the government (Kleiner Rath, see Zurich), each having twelve seats
(one having dropped away). Waldmann, however, did away with half that
number, and supplied their places by men from the Zuenfte, or Guilds, who
were almost to a man on his side. This not only strengthened his power
as dictator, but increased the importance of the democracy generally,
whilst it lessened that of the nobility. Nor did he spare the clergy. In
1486 he issued a series of orders against abuses, and compelled Innocent
VIII. to give his sanction to them. Waldmann would at times
good-humouredly style himself pope and emperor at Zurich. In one of his
writs he laments the evil consequences of the Burgundian wars, and of
the Reislaufen, mercenary service. Foreign influence was indeed
spreading fast; the rich contracted expensive foreign tastes, French
and Spanish dress became fashionable, public amusements increased in
number, and magnificent family feasts--weddings, baptisms, and the
like--grew general among the people of Zurich. Waldmann began to take
steps to regulate these extravagant tastes, although he himself did not
practise what he preached--going so far as to fix the number of guests
to be invited, and the cost of the presents to be given. Public
amusements were checked or suppressed, even when of an altogether
innocent character. Reding of Schwyz advocated Reislaufen in full.
The indefatigable Waldmann extended his writs and orders to the country
districts, and, anticipating the views of the sixteenth century, strove
for the centralization of power. This was with the hope of strengthening
his government, and bringing the detached portions of the country under
one general code of laws. For each village had so far its own distinct
judicature. Regensberg, for instance, jealously maintained its curious
right of indulging in ear-boxing at the cost of five shillings in each
case, whereas the same doubtful amusement cost elsewhere double and
treble the money. The city Waldmann considered to be the head of the
republic, whilst the country parts he looked upon as the less honourable
or subject portion of the body politic. The trade and manufacturing
industry he monopolized for the town, limiting the country districts to
agriculture and the cultivation of the vine. Numberless were the
measures of improvement which the bold reformer showered on his country,
but many of them were inadvisedly introduced, and the severity with
which he carried out his plans alienated all classes, and none more than
the nobles. Consequently a conspiracy was formed by the Junker (the
Goeldli, the Escher, the Meyer von Knonau, &c.), against the Burgomaster,
whose manifest opulence gave the lie to his affectation of republican
simplicity. But blinded by the flatteries of the crowd and by his own
power Waldmann did not see the storm which was rising fast.
The ill-advised execution of Theiling of Lucerne, the hero of Giornio,
by the orders of Waldmann, whom and whose banner he had insulted in that
campaign, turned the tide of popular favour against the ruler of Zurich,
although Lucerne, overawed by the powerful Burgomaster did not dare to
accuse him. But a more absurd if less iniquitous order was issued by
him, and at length caused the tempest to burst forth against him. He
seems however to have been urged on by his enemies, who wished to hasten
his ruin, and he issued the order most reluctantly. It was to the effect
that the country folk were to kill all their large dogs, his plea being
that the animals did injury to the vineyards and hunting grounds. The
consternation was as great as if Charles the Bold had once more come to
life. Some obeyed, but at Knonau five hundred peasants met, and resisted
the messengers who had been sent to effect the slaughter. With this
example the whole district rose in arms, and, marching on Zurich,
demanded admittance, March 4, 1489. It would occupy too much space to
give the story of this outbreak; it was stopped for a time, but broke
out again on April 1st. Waldmann bent on amusement had actually returned
to Baden, a gay watering-place near Zurich, and the rendezvous of the
_grand-monde_ of various nations, but he at once rode back to the town
with his troop of horses, hoping to check the revolt by his personal
influence. But the majority was too strong for him, and surrendering, he
was with his adherents rowed off to the Wellenberg tower, where he was
placed on the rack, however without anything worthy of death being
discovered. Meanwhile the burgesses held a town's meeting in the
Wasserkirche; passed sentence of death on him, and hurriedly instituted
a government to confirm the verdict. In his last hours Waldmann revealed
his nobleness of soul; no bitter accusation against his enemies ever
passed his lips; and he never lost heart, for he knew within himself
that he had ever aimed at promoting the greatness of the town, and at
that only. Had he appealed to the crowds he might have been saved, but
he had promised to his confessor that he would make no such appeal, and
on his way to the block he merely begged the thousands who had flocked
to the bloody spectacle to forgive him and pray with him. The people
were moved to tears, but just then a false alarm was spread that an
Austrian army was coming to his rescue. This hurried on his doom. He was
executed in a meadow on an eminence outside the walls, so that the armed
men might be kept out of the town, April 6, 1489. "May God protect thee,
my beloved Zurich, and keep thee from all evil!" were the last words of
the dying man, as he turned his eyes towards his loved city for a
moment before the fatal blow fell. The new government, called the
"Horned Council," on account of its incapacity, was for a while unable
to stop the revolts, and more executions followed. The "Compromise of
Waldmann" (_Waldmann's Spruch_) secured to the city the supremacy over
the country districts, whilst it restored to the city itself its old
liberties. To ask to be represented on the council had as yet not
entered the mind of the country folk. It may perhaps be added that the
question is frequently being ventilated in Zurich whether or no a
monument shall be erected to Waldmann's memory. Opinion is divided on
the subject.
[Illustration: ARMS OF UNTERWALDEN.]
XX.
THE LEAGUE OF THE THIRTEEN CANTONS COMPLETED.
(1513.)
No traveller visiting the picturesque town of Innsbruck should miss
turning into the Hofkirche to inspect one of the most remarkable
masterpieces of German art, the imposing monument erected by Maximilian,
of Austria to himself. Amongst the numerous magnificent bronze effigies
adorning this monument, we find those of Rudolf of Habsburg, Leopold
III., who fell at Sempach, Charles the Bold, and many others whose names
are familiar to the reader of the "Story of Switzerland." But the
grandest figure there is that of Maximilian himself, a personage hardly
less interesting to the Switzer, from the part played by that ruler in
the separation of Switzerland from the empire.[43]
[Illustration: MAXIMILIAN'S MONUMENT AT INNSBRUCK, MARBLE RELIEVI.
(_From a Photograph of the Original._)]
Maximilian, the son of Frederick III., is the first of a long series of
monarchs who regarded their high vocation as a serious trust, and
earnestly desired the well-being of the people whom they ruled; and of
an empire sadly torn by the dissensions amongst the various factions of
prelates, princes, and cities, each of which followed its own special
ends, regardless of the welfare of the empire as a whole. Desirous of
drawing more closely together the various members of his kingdom, he
sought to lighten his hold over the Swiss Confederation, the bonds
between which and the empire lapse of time had loosened. He was at the
same time hopeful that he might win Switzerland over for his Italian
schemes. He first invited, and then ordered the Eidgenossen to acquiesce
in the new constitution (1495), and to join the Swabian Bund, a league
formed by the nobility and the great cities, under the aegis of Austria.
But this sacrifice of their freedom and independence did not at all suit
the Swiss, and they flatly refused. They quite realized by this time
that their own federal union was a much better guarantee of safety for
them than the dubious assistance of party-torn Germany. Moreover they
felt that the Reichstag, composed only of aristocratic elements, would
ever fail to really represent and promote their republican and
democratic interests. And besides, their strongest feelings were arrayed
against Austria. The imperial crown had become almost hereditary in the
Habsburg family, and to submit to imperial rule meant to the Swiss the
loss of all the political freedom and advantages they had gained. Last,
but not least, after the double-dealing of Frederick III. in the
Burgundian wars, the Swiss could have but little confidence in imperial
rulers. The position of the Eidgenossen was indeed much like that of the
Americans three hundred years later. They refused allegiance to a
government which placed burdens upon them, but in which they had little
or no share. Maximilian threatened the Swiss with invasion, whilst his
chancellor proposed to bring his pen to bear upon them. But a Swiss
envoy replied to the monarch that he would be very ill-advised to start
on such a venture, whilst to the chancellor he said, "Why, sir, should
we fear your goose quills? We are known not to have feared your Austrian
lances." For the first time, perhaps, the Swiss truly realized that they
were in a singularly independent position, and needed no foreign support
for their protection. The truant child had grown strong and
self-reliant, and would certainly decline to give up his dearly-bought
and much-cherished freedom.
This stout refusal, the great friendship of the Swiss for France--for
since the days of St. Jacques they had been slowly drifting to the
French side--and their independent bearing, nettled beyond measure their
Swabian neighbours. Mutual recriminations and accusations followed, and
the desire of both sides for war was intensified by vexatious lawsuits,
and by serious troubles in the Grisons. At last the flame burst forth.
That "Rocky Island" where three Swiss nationalities mingle peacefully
together, afraid of falling beneath the Habsburg sway--for the Austrian
and Rhaetian lands were still inextricably mixed together--sought shelter
with the Eidgenossen as Zugewandte connections (1497 and 1498), the
Zehngerichte excepted. The Tyrolese Government, seizing on this
occurrence as a pretext, summoned the Swabian League to its aid, and
sent troops into the Muensterthal in the absence of the monarch. The
Buendner replied by calling in the Confederates, and war was soon raging
along the whole line of the Rhine, from Basel to the borders of
Voralberg and the Grisons. The deliverance of Rhaetia (Graubuenden) thus
went step by step with the separation of the Swiss League from the
empire. This war, called the Swabian war, from the people who took the
most prominent part in it, glorious though it was in many ways, cannot
be described in detail here. Maximilian was drawn into the struggle, but
his troops never entered into the spirit of the enterprise, and were
completely routed. No Swiss war has been more fruitful in glorious deeds
and acts of self-sacrifice. As an example we may just allude to the
noble courage of Benedict Fontana, the chieftain of the Gotteshausbund.
He led the charge on the strong fortress deemed impregnable in the
narrow valley, An der Calven (Chialavaina), on the Tyrolean frontier.
Lacerated by a bullet he nevertheless covered his wounds with one hand,
fighting with the other till he fell exhausted, calling to his troops,
"Onward, comrades! I count but for one man; to-day we are Rhaetians and
allies, or nevermore!" Fired by his example, Von Planta and other noble
leaders sacrificed themselves; the fort was taken, and the two leagues
were rescued from the Austrian grip. The Swabian war had lasted for six
months, the Swabians themselves had suffered reverses on ten occasions,
whilst in only two cases had the Swiss been repulsed; the German
territory beyond the Rhine had been wasted; two thousand villages and
castles having been reduced, and twenty thousand of their soldiery
killed. No wonder both the contending parties longed for peace, and this
was secured by a treaty at Basel, September 22, 1499. The effect was the
separation of the Swiss League from the empire, but this was understood
rather than officially expressed. The Eidgenossen were released by the
emperor from the Reichskamergericht, a step tantamount to acknowledging
their independence. One hundred and fifty years later this independence
was formally declared at the Peace of Westphalia. For a time, however,
many curious anomalies continued; the Swiss still submitted their
charters for the sovereign's approval, accepted patents of nobility, and
so forth. But the late wars had again won for them the respect and
admiration of many of their neighbours.
[Illustration: CITY WALLS OF MURTEN.]
Admission into the league was now requested by Basel and Schaffhausen,
and their request was granted in 1501. Basel ranked as the ninth link of
the federal chain, and thus took precedence of Freiburg and Solothurn,
in acknowledgment of its high position and great merits. Basel had
indeed advanced greatly in prosperity. She had opened her University in
1460; her importance as an emporium was great; and she formed a fitting
corner-stone in the West. She gloried in her union with the league and
the protection it afforded her; and to show the perfect trust she felt,
she dismissed all the guards at her gates, and placed in their stead an
old woman with a distaff who, much to the annoyance of the neighbours,
used to receive the tolls. Henceforward the Swabians and the Swiss were
looked upon as distinct nationalities. Wurtemburg and Bavaria joined in
union with the Swiss the very next year, and even Maximilian himself
renewed his friendship with the Swiss states. "Could there be a greater
compliment paid to the excellence of the Swiss Union," says a German
historian, Uhlmann, "than this mark of confidence on the part of
Maximilian?" After various refusals, and only after having qualified
itself for taking its position, Appenzell was admitted into the federal
fold December, 1513, despite the resistance of the Prince Abbot of St.
Gall, as a member on equal terms, and the list of the XIII. Orte, or
cantons, was complete, and remained closed for three centuries.
The Italian wars which follow bear more or less the stamp of mercenary
wars, and are interesting chiefly from a military point of view, only
the essential points of their story will therefore be touched upon here.
It has been shown how the league got a footing in Ticino under the
Visconti;[44] and later on the Swiss not only strove to increase their
acquisitions in Italy, but played a prominent part in the wars waged by
foreign princes and powers which set up pretensions to Naples, Milan,
&c.