The Pope and Peace
In the summer of 1917 I received at Krueznach a visit from the Papal
Nuncio, Pacelli, who was accompanied by a chaplain. Pacelli is a
distinguished, likable man, of high intelligence and excellent manners,
the perfect pattern of an eminent prelate of the Catholic Church. He
knows German well enough to understand it easily when he hears it, but
not sufficiently to speak it with fluency.
Our conversation was conducted in French, but the Nuncio now and then
employed German expressions of speech. The chaplain spoke German
fluently and took part--even when not asked--in the conversation,
whenever he feared that the Nuncio was becoming too much influenced by
what I said.
Very soon the conversation turned on the possibility of peace mediation
and the bringing about of peace, in which connection all sorts of
projects and possibilities were touched upon, discussed, and dismissed.
Finally, I suggested that the Pope should make an effort, seeing that
my peace offer of December 12, 1916, had been rejected in such an
unprecedented manner. The Nuncio remarked that he thought such a step
would be attended with great difficulties; that the Pope had already
been rebuffed when he had made certain advances in this direction;
that, aside from this, the Pope was absolutely in despair on account of
the slaughter and wondered ceaselessly how he might help toward freeing
the world and European culture from the scourge of war. Any suggestion
as to this, he added, would be most valuable to the Vatican.
I stated that the Pope, as the highest in rank among all the priests of
the Roman Catholic Christians and Church, should, first of all, seek
to issue instructions to his priests in all countries to banish hate,
once for all, from their minds, since hate was the greatest obstacle in
the path of the peace idea; that it was, unfortunately, true that the
clergy in the Entente countries were, to a positively frightful extent,
the standard-bearers and instigators of hate and fighting.
I called attention to the numerous reports from soldiers at the
beginning of the war concerning abbés and parish priests captured with
arms in their hands; to the machinations of Cardinal Mercier and the
Belgian clergy, members of which often worked as spies; to the sermon
of the Protestant Bishop of London, who, from the pulpit, glorified the
"Baralong" murderers; and to other similar cases. I added that it would
be, therefore, a great achievement if the Pope should succeed in having
the Roman Catholic clergy in all the countries at war condemn hatred
and recommend peace, as was already being done by the German clergy, be
it from the pulpit or by means of pastoral letters.
URGES PAPAL INTERCESSION
Pacelli found this idea excellent and worthy of attention, but he
remarked that it would be difficult to enlist the efforts of the
various prelates in its support. I replied that, in view of the severe
discipline of the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church, I could not
imagine that, if the Pope should solemnly call upon the prelates of the
Church to preach reconciliation and consideration for the foe, those
of any country whatsoever should refuse obedience; that the prelates,
on account of their eminent rank, were above all parties, and, since
reconciliation and love of our neighbor were fundamental principles
of the Christian religion, they were absolutely in duty bound to work
toward making people observe these principles.
Pacelli agreed to this and promised to give the idea his earnest
attention and report upon it to the Vatican. In the further course
of the conversation, the Nuncio asked what form--beyond the purely
ecclesiastical step suggested by me--the bringing about of peace
possibilities through the intervention of the Pope might take. I
pointed out that Italy and Austria were two Roman Catholic states, upon
which the Pope could bring influence to bear easily and effectively;
that one of these lands was his native country and place of residence,
in which he was greatly revered by the people and exerted direct
influence upon his fellow countrymen; that Austria was ruled by a
sovereign who actually bore the title "apostolic"; who, with all his
family, had direct relations with the Vatican and was among the most
faithful adherents of the Catholic Church; that I was, therefore, of
the opinion that it would not be difficult for the Pope to try at least
to make a beginning with these two countries and cause them to talk
peace.
I added that the diplomatic skill and wide vision of the Vatican were
known the world over; that, if once a beginning were made in this
way--and it had a good chance of success--the other Powers could
scarcely refuse an invitation from the Vatican later on to an exchange
of views, which should be, at first, not binding upon them.
The Nuncio remarked that it would be difficult for the Vatican to make
the Italian Government agree to such a thing, since it had no direct
relation with the said Government and no influence upon its members;
that the Italian Government would never look with favor upon an
invitation, even to mere conferences.
Here the chaplain interposed that such a step by the Pope was
absolutely out of the question, since it would entail consequences
which might be actually dangerous to the Vatican; the Government
would at once mobilize the "piazza" ("man in the street") against the
Vatican, and the Vatican certainly could not expose itself to that.
When I refused to attach importance to this objection, the chaplain
grew more and more excited. He said that I did not know the Romans;
that, when they were incited they were simply terrible; that just as
soon as the "piazza" got into action things would get disagreeable;
that, if it did, there was even a possibility of an attack on the
Vatican, which might actually imperil the life of the Pope himself.
SCOUTS DANGER FROM "PIAZZA"
I replied that I, too, was well acquainted with the Vatican; that no
rabble or "piazza" could storm it; that, in addition, the Pope had a
strong party of adherents in society circles and among the people,
which would at once be ready to defend him. The Nuncio agreed with me,
but the chaplain continued unabashed to expatiate upon the terrors of
the "piazza" and paint the risks run by the Pope in the blackest of
colors.
I then remarked that anyone wishing to capture the Vatican must first
get a battery of heavy mortars and howitzers, as well as pioneers and
storm troops, and institute a regular siege; that all this was scarcely
possible for the "piazza"; that, therefore, it was highly improbable
that the latter would undertake anything. Moreover, I mentioned having
heard that measures had already been taken in the Vatican to guard
against such an emergency. At this the priest was silent.
The Nuncio then remarked that it was difficult for the Pope to do
anything really practical toward peace without giving offense and
arousing opposition in lay Italy, which would place him in danger;
that it must be borne in mind that he was, unfortunately, not free;
that had the Pope a country, or at least a district of his own where he
could govern autonomously and do as he pleased, the situation would be
quite different; that, as matters stood, he was too dependent upon lay
Rome and not able to act according to his own free will.
I remarked that the aim of bringing peace to the world was so holy and
great that it was impossible for the Pope to be frightened away, by
purely worldly considerations, from accomplishing such a task, which
seemed created especially for him; that, should he succeed in it, the
grateful world would assuredly bring influence to bear upon the Italian
Government in support of his wishes and of his independence.
This made an impression on the Nuncio; he remarked that I was right,
after all; that the Pope must do something in the matter.
Then I called the attention of the Nuncio to the following point: He
must have noticed, I said, how the Socialists of all countries were
zealously working in favor of peace efforts. I told him that we had
always allowed the German Socialists to travel to foreign parts in
order to discuss the question of making peace at conferences, because I
believed them to be acquainted with the desires and views of the lower
classes; that we placed no obstacles in the path of anybody desiring
to work honestly and without veiled purpose in the interests of peace;
that the same desires for peace also existed among the Entente nations
and among their Socialists, but that the latter were prevented by
refusal of passports from attending congresses in neutral lands; that
the desire for peace was gaining strength in the world, nations were
acquiring it more and more, and if nobody in any Government should
be found willing to work for peace--I, unfortunately, had failed in
my attempt--the peoples would finally take the matter into their own
hands. I added that this would not occur without serious shocks and
revolutions, as history proved, through which the Roman Church and the
Pope would not come unscathed.
WINS PROMISE OF ACTION
What must a Catholic soldier think, I asked, when he reads always of
efforts by Socialists only, never of an effort by the Pope, to free him
from the horrors of war? If the Pope did nothing, I continued, there
was danger of peace being forced upon the world by the Socialists,
which would mean the end of the power of the Pope and the Roman Church,
even among Catholics!
This argument struck home to the Nuncio. He stated that he would at
once report it to the Vatican and give it his support; that the Pope
would have to act.
Greatly worried, the chaplain again interposed, remarking that the Pope
would endanger himself by such a course; that the "piazza" would attack
him.
To this I replied that I was a Protestant, and, hence, a heretic in
the chaplain's eyes, notwithstanding which I was obliged to point
out that the Pope was designated the "Viceroy of Christ upon earth"
by the Catholic Church and world; that I had, in studying the Holy
Scriptures, occupied myself earnestly and carefully with the person of
the Saviour and sought to immerse myself profoundly therein; that the
Lord had never feared the "piazza," although no fortresslike building,
with guards and weapons, was at His disposal; that the Lord had always
walked into the midst of the "piazza," spoken to it, and finally gone
to His death on the Cross for the sake of this hostile "piazza."
Was I now to believe, I asked, that His "Viceroy upon earth" was afraid
of the possibility of becoming a martyr, like his Lord, in order to
bring peace to the bleeding world, all on account of the ragged Roman
"piazza"? I, the Protestant, thought far too highly of a Roman priest,
particularly of the Pope, to believe such a thing. Nothing could be
more glorious for him, I went on, than to devote himself unreservedly,
body and soul, to the great cause of peace, even despite the remote
danger of thus becoming a martyr!
With shining eyes, the Nuncio grasped my hand and said, deeply moved:
"Vous avez parfaitement raison! C'est le devoir du Pape; il faut qu'il
agisse; c'est par lui que le monde doit être régagné à la paix. Je
transmettrai vos paroles à Sa Sainteté" ("You are absolutely right!
It is the duty of the Pope; he must act; it is through him that the
world must be won back to peace. I shall transmit your words to His
Holiness").
The chaplain turned away, shaking his head, and murmured to himself:
"Ah, la piazza, la piazza!"