plan they have begun; and, unless a stop can be put to it by the arrival
of a superior naval force, I have as little doubt of its ending in the
loss of all my negroes, and in the destruction of my houses. But I
am prepared for the event, under the prospect of which, if you could
deposit in a place of safety the most valuable and less bulky articles,
it might be consistent with policy and prudence, and a means of
preserving them hereafter. Such and so many things as are necessary
for common and present use must be retained, and must run their chance
through the fiery trial of this summer. I am sincerely, yours.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
(ORIGINAL.)
Camp Wilton, on James River, May 17, 1781.
Dear General,--My correspondence with one of the British generals,
and my refusal of a correspondence with the other, may be, perhaps,
misrepresented, I shall therefore give an account of what has passed,
and I hope your excellency and General Greene will approve of my
conduct. On the arrival of our detachment at Richmond, three letters
were brought by a flag, which I have the honour to inclose, and which,
as commander of the troops in this state, it became my duty to answer.
The enclosed letters were successively sent in pursuit of General
Phillips, who received them both with a degree of politeness that seemed
to apologize for his unbecoming style. General Phillips being dead of
a fever, an officer was sent with a passport and letters from General
Arnold. I requested the gentleman to come to my quarters, and having
asked _if General Phillips was dead_,~[1] to which he answered in the
negative, I made it a pretence not to receive a letter from General
Arnold, which, being dated head-quarters, and directed to the commanding
officer of the American troops, ought to come from the British general
chief in command. I did, however, observe, should any officers have
written to me I should have been happy to receive their letters. The
next day the officer returned with the same passport and letter, and
informed me that he were now at liberty to declare that Phillips was
dead, and Arnold was commander-in-chief of the British army in Virginia.
The high station of General Arnold having obliged me to an explanation,
the enclosed note was sent to the officer of the flag, and the American
officer verbally assured him that were I requested to put in writing a
minute account of my motives, my regard for the British army was such
that I would cheerfully comply with the demand.
Last evening, a flag of ours returned from Petersburg, who had been sent
by the commander of the advanced corps, and happened to be on his way
while the British officer was at our picquets. Inclosed is the note
written by General Arnold, in which he announces his determination of
sending our officers and men to the West Indies.
The British general cannot but perfectly know that I am not to treat of
partial exchanges, and that the fate of the continental prisoners must
be regulated by a superior authority to that with which I am invested.
With the highest respect, I have the honour to be, &c.
Footnote:
1. Gordon places the death of General Phillips on the 13th of May: he
was very ill in his bed, when a cannon ball traversed his bed-room.
General Phillips commanded at Minden the battery whose cannon killed the
father of M. de Lafayette.
FROM GENERAL PHILLIPS TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.
(ORIGINAL.)
British Camp, at Osborn, April 28, 1781.
SIR,--It is a principle of the British army engaged in the present
war, which they esteem as an unfortunate one, to conduct it with
every attention to humanity and the laws of war; and in the necessary
destruction of public stores of every kind, to prevent, as far as
possible, that of private property. I call upon the inhabitants of
Yorktown, Williamsburg, Petersburg, and Chesterfield, for a proof of the
mild treatment they have received from the king's troops; in particular
at Petersburg, when the town was saved by the labour of the soldiers,
which otherwise must have perished by the wilful inactivity of its
inhabitants.
I have now a charge of the deepest nature to make against the American
arms: that of having fired upon the king's troops by a flag of truce
vessel; and, to render the conduct as discordant to the laws of arms,
the flag was flying the whole time at the mast head, seeming to sport in
the violation of the most sacred laws of war.
You are sensible, sir, that I am authorized to inflict the severest
punishment in return for this bad conduct, and that towns and villages
lay at the mercy of the king's troops, and it is to that mercy alone you
can justly appeal for their not being reduced to ashes. The compassion,
and benevolence of disposition, which has marked the British character
in the present contest, still govern the conduct of the king's officers,
and I shall willingly remit the infliction of any redress we have a
right to claim, provided the persons who fired from the flag of truce
vessel are delivered into my possession, and a public disavowal made by
you of their conduct. Should you, sir, refuse this, I hereby make you
answerable for any desolation which may follow in consequence.
Your ships of war, and all other vessels, not actually in our possession
in James River, are, however, driven beyond a possibility of escaping,
and are in the predicament and condition of a town blockaded by land,
where it is contrary to the rules of war that any public stores should
be destroyed. I shall therefore demand from you, sir, a full account of
whatever may be destroyed on board vessels or otherwise, and need not
mention to you what the rules of war are in these cases.
I am, sir, your most humble servant,
W. PHILLIPS.
FROM GENERAL PHILLIPS TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.
(ORIGINAL.)
Camp at Osborn, April 29th, 1781.
Sir,--When I was at Williamsburg, and at Petersburg, I gave several
inhabitants and country people protections for their persons and
properties. I did this without asking, or even considering, whether
these people were either friends or foes, actuated by no other motive
than that of pure humanity. I understand, from almost undoubted
authority, that several of these persons have been taken up by their
malicious neighbours, and sent to your quarters, where preparations are
making for their being ill treated; a report which I sincerely hope may
be without foundation. I repeat to you, sir, that my protections were
given generally from a wish that, in the destruction of public stores,
as little damage as possible might be done to private property, and
to the persons of individuals; but at any rate, I shall insist upon my
signs manual being held sacred, and I am obliged to declare to you, sir,
that if any persons, under the description I have given, receive ill
treatment, I shall be under the necessity of sending to Petersburg,
and giving that chastisement to the illiberal persecutors of innocent
people, which their conduct shall deserve. And I further declare to
you, sir, should any person be put to death, under the pretence of their
being spies of, or friends to, the British government, I will make the
shores of James River an example of terror to the rest of Virginia.
It is from the violent measures, resolutions of the present house of
delegates, council, and governor of Virginia, that I am impelled to use
this language, which the common temper of my disposition is hurt at. I
shall hope that you, sir, whom I have understood to be a gentleman
of liberal principles, will not countenance, still less permit to be
carried into execution, the barbarous spirit which seems to prevail in
the council of the present civil power of this colony.
I do assure you, sir, I am extremely inclined to carry on this
unfortunate contest with every degree of humanity, and I will believe
you intend doing the same.
I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
W. PHILLIPS.
TO MAJOR GENERAL PHILLIPS.
(ORIGINAL.)
American camp, April 30th, 1781.
Sir,--Your letters of the 26th, 28th, and 29th, came yesterday to hand.
The duplicate dated at Petersburg being rather of a private nature, it
has been delivered to Major-General Baron de Steuben. I am sorry the
mode of your request has delayed the civility that had been immediately
intended.
From the beginning of this war, which you observe is an unfortunate
one to Great Britain, the proceedings of the British troops have been
hitherto so far from evincing benevolence of disposition, that your long
absence~[1] from the scene of action is the only way I have to account
for your panegyrics. I give you my honour, sir, that the charge against
a flag vessel shall be strictly inquired into, and in case the report
made to you is better grounded than the contrary one I have received,
you shall obtain every redress in my power, that you have any right to
expect. This complaint I beg leave to consider as the only part in your
letter that requires an answer. Such articles as the requiring that the
persons of spies be held sacred, cannot certainly be serious.
The style of your letters, sir, obliges me to tell you, that should your
future favours be wanting in that regard due to the civil and military
authority in the United States, which cannot but be construed into a
want of respect to the American nation, I shall not think it consistent
with the dignity of an American officer to continue the correspondence.
I have the honour to be, your most obedient servant,
LAFAYETTE.
Footnote:
1. General Phillips had been made prisoner at Saratoga.
TO MAJOR GENERAL PHILLIPS.
(ORIGINAL.)
May 3rd, 1781.
Sir,--Your assertion relating to the flag vessel was so positive, that
it becomes necessary for me to set you right in this matter. Inclosed
I have the honour to send you some depositions, by which it is clearly
proved that there has been on our side no violation of flags.
I have the honour to be, sir, your humble servant,
LAFAYETTE
NOTE FOR CAPTAIN EMYNE.
May 15th, 1781.
The Major-General Marquis de Lafayette has the honour to present his
compliments to Captain Emyne, and begs him to recollect that, on the
supposition of the death of General Phillips, he said, "that he should
know in that case what to do." From regard to the English army, he had
made use of the most polite pretence for declining all correspondence
with the English general who is at this moment commander-in-chief. But
he now finds himself obliged to give a positive denial. In case any
other English officer should honour him with a letter, he would always
be happy to give the officers every testimony of his esteem.
NOTE FROM GENERAL ARNOLD TO CAPTAIN RAGEDALE.
Brigadier-General Arnold presents his compliments to Captain Ragedale,
and takes the liberty of informing him, that the flag of truce having
been sent by Brigadier-General Nelson, who is not commander-in-chief of
the American army, is an inadmissible act. The letters are accordingly
sent back unopened. If Captain Ragedale thinks proper to leave them with
the servants, a receipt must be given for them.
Brigadier-General Arnold has given orders that the officers lately taken
in that place should be sent to New York; their baggage will follow soon
after them, and all the officers and soldiers of the American army that
shall be taken prisoners in future, shall be sent to the West Indies,
unless a cartel be immediately granted for the exchange of prisoners, as
General Arnold has repeatedly demanded.
Head-quarters, at Petersburg, 17th May, 1781.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
(ORIGINAL.)
Richmond, May 24th, 1781,
MY DEAR GENERAL,--My official letter, a copy of which I send to
congress, will let you know the situation of affairs in this quarter. I
ardently wish my conduct may meet with your approbation. Had I followed
the first impulsion of my temper, I should have risked something more;
but I have been guarding against my own warmth; and this consideration,
that a general defeat, which, with such a proportion of militia, must be
expected, would involve this state and our affairs in ruin, has rendered
me extremely cautious in my movements. Indeed, I am more embarrassed to
move, more crippled in my projects, than we have been in the northern
states. As I am for the present fixed in the command of the troops in
this state, I beg it as a great favour that you will send me Colonel
Gouvion. Should a junction be made with General Greene, he will act as
my aide-de-camp. Had the Pennsylvanians arrived before Lord Cornwallis,
I was determined to attack the enemy, and have no doubt but what we
should have been successful. Their unaccountable delay cannot be too
much lamented, and will make an immense difference to the fate of this
campaign. Should they have arrived time enough to support me in the
reception of Lord Cornwallis's first stroke, I should still have thought
it well enough; but from an answer of General Wayne, received this day,
and dated the 19th, I am afraid that at this moment they have hardly
left Yorktown.
Public stores and private property being removed from Richmond, this
place is a less important object.
I don't believe it would be prudent to expose the troops for the sake
of a few houses, most of which are empty; but I am wavering between two
inconveniences. Were I to fight a battle, I should be cut to pieces, the
militia dispersed, and the arms lost. Were I to decline fighting,
the country would think itself given up. I am therefore determined
to skirmish, but not to engage too far, and particularly to take care
against their immense and excellent body of horse, whom the militia fear
as they would so many wild beasts.
A letter from General Greene to General Sumner is dated 5th May, seven
miles below Camden. The baron is going to him with some recruits, and
will get more in North Carolina. When the Pennsylvanians come, I am only
to keep them a few days, which I will improve as well as I can. Cavalry
is very necessary to us. I wish Lauzun's legion could come. I am sure he
will like to serve with me, and as General Greene gave me command of the
troops in this state, Lauzun might remain with me in Virginia. If not,
Shelden's dragoons might be sent. As to Moylan, I do not believe he will
be ready for a long time.
Were I anyways equal to the enemy, I should be extremely happy in
my present command, but I am not strong enough even to get beaten.
Government in this state has no energy, and laws have no force. But I
hope this assembly will put matters upon a better footing. I had a
great deal of trouble to put the departments in a tolerable train; our
expenses were enormous, and yet we can get nothing. Arrangements for the
present seem to put on a better face, but for this superiority of the
enemy, which will chase us wherever they please. They can overrun the
country, and, until the Pennsylvanians arrive, we are next to nothing
in point of opposition to so large a force. This country begins to be
as familiar to me as Tappan and Bergen. Our soldiers are hitherto very
healthy: I have turned doctor, and regulate their diet. Adieu, my
dear general. Let me hear sometimes from you; your letters are a great
happiness to your affectionate friend, &c.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
(ORIGINAL.)
Camp, 28th June, 1781.
MY DEAR GENERAL,--Inclosed, I have the honour to send you a copy of
my letter to General Greene. The enemy have been so kind as to retire
before us.~[1]
Twice I gave them a chance of fighting (taking care not to engage
farther than I pleased), but they continued their retrograde motions.
Our numbers are, I think, exaggerated to them, and our seeming boldness
confirms the opinion.
I thought, at first, Lord Cornwallis wanted to get me as low down as
possible, and use his cavalry to advantage. But it appears that he does
not as yet come out, and our position will admit of a partial affair.
His lordship had (exclusive of the reinforcement from Portsmouth,
said to be six hundred) four thousand men, eight hundred of whom were
dragoons, or mounted infantry. Our force is about equal to his, but only
one thousand five hundred regulars and fifty dragoons. Our little action
more particularly marks the retreat of the enemy. From the place whence
he first began to retire to Williamsburg is upwards of one hundred
miles. The old arms at the Point of Fork have been taken out of the
water. The cannon was thrown into the river, undamaged, when they
marched back to Richmond; so that his lordship did us no harm of any
consequence, but lost an immense part of his former conquests, and did
not make any in this state. General Greene only demanded of me to hold
my ground in Virginia. But the movements of Lord Cornwallis may answer
better purposes than that in the political line. Adieu, my dear general;
I don't know but what we shall, in our turn, become the pursuing enemy;
and in the meanwhile, have the honour to be, &c.
Footnote:
1. It was the 20th of May that Lord Cornwallis effected his junction
with the troops of Arnold, whose unexpected opposition re-established
the affairs of the English in Virginia. The war became from that moment
extremely active, and the movements of the two armies very complicated.
M. de Lafayette maintained his position, and experienced no other check
than the loss of some magazines, at the forks of James River, which had
been confided to the care of Baron Steuben. His position was, however,
rather a defensive one, until the period at which that letter was
written, when the English abandoned Richmond. Cornwallis obtained,
and usually by the aid of negroes, the best horses of Virginia. He had
mounted an advance-guard of Tarleton on race-hores, who, like birds of
prey, seized all they met with, so that they had taken many couriers who
were bearers of letters. Cornwallis stopped once during his retrograde
march on Williamsburg; the Americans being close to him, it was thought
an affair would take place, but he continued on his road. It was before
he reached Williamsburg that his rear-guard was attacked by the advance
corps of Lafayette under Colonel Butler. He evacuated Williamsburg the
4th; Lafayette had done all he could to convince him that his own forces
were more considerable than they really were. Either the night of, or
two nights before, the evacuation of Williamsburg, a double spy had
taken a false order of the day to Lord Cornwallis,--found, he said, in
the camp,--which ordered General Morgan's division to take a certain
position in the line. The fact was, that General Morgan had arrived in
person, but unaccompanied by troops: Dr. Gordon justly observes, that
Lord Cornwallis, from Charlestown to Williamsburg, had made more than
eleven hundred miles, without counting deviations, which amounts,
reckoning those deviations, to five hundred leagues. The whole march
through North Carolina and Virginia, and the campaign against Lafayette,
were effected without tents or equipages, which confers honour on
the activity of Lord Cornwallis, and justifies the reputation he
had acquired, of being the best British general employed in that
war.--(Extract of Manuscript, No. 2.)
EXTRACTS OF SEVERAL LETTERS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.~[1]
(ORIGINAL.)
Ambler's Plantation, July 8th, 1781.
The inclosed copy, my dear general, will give you an account of our
affairs in this quarter. Agreeably to your orders I have avoided a
general action, and when Lord Cornwallis's movements indicated that it
was against his interest to fight, I ventured partial engagements. His
lordship seems to have given up the conquest of Virginia. It has been
a great secret that our army was not superior, and was most generally
inferior, to the enemy's numbers. Our returns were swelled up,
as militia returns generally are; but we had very few under arms,
particularly lately, and to conceal the lessening of our numbers, I was
obliged to push on as one who had heartily wished a general engagement.
Our regulars did not exceed one thousand five hundred, the enemy had
four thousand regulars, eight hundred of whom were mounted: they thought
we had eight thousand men. I never encamped in a line, and there was
greater difficulty to come at our numbers.
Malvan Hill, July 20th.
When I went to the southward, you know I had some private objections;
but I became sensible of the necessity there was for the detachment to
go, and I knew that had I returned there was nobody that could lead them
on against their inclination. My entering this state was happily marked
by a service to the capital. Virginia became the grand object of the
enemy, as it was the point to which the ministry tended. I had the
honour to command an army and oppose Lord Cornwallis. When incomparably
inferior to him, fortune was pleased to preserve us; when equal in
numbers, though not in quality of troops, we have also been pretty
lucky. Cornwallis had the disgrace of a retreat, and this state being
recovered, government is properly re-established: The enemy are under
the protection of their works at Portsmouth. It appears an embarkation
is taking place, probably destined to New York. The war in this state
would then become a plundering one, and great manoeuvres be out of the
question. A prudent officer would do our business here, and the baron is
prudent to the utmost. Would it be possible, my dear general, in case a
part of the British troops go to New York, I may be allowed to join the
combined armies?
Malvan Hill, July 20th.
No accounts from the northward, no letter from head quarters. I am
entirely a stranger to every thing that passes out of Virginia; and
Virginian operations being for the present in a state of languor, I have
more time to think of my solitude; in a word, my dear general, I am home
sick, and if I cannot go to head quarters, wish at least to hear from
thence. I am anxious to know your opinion concerning the Virginian
campaign. That the subjugation of this state was the great object of
the ministry is an indisputable fact. I think your diversion has been of
more use to the state than my manoeuvres; but the latter have been much
directed by political views. So long as my lord wished for an action,
not one gun has been fired; the moment he declined it, we have been
skirmishing; but I took care never to commit the army. His naval
superiority, his superiority of horse, of regulars, his thousand
advantages over us, so that I am lucky to have come off safe. I had an
eye upon European negotiations, and made it a point to give his lordship
the disgrace of a retreat.
From every account it appears that a part of the army will embark. The
light infantry, the guards, the 80th regiment, and the Queen's rangers,
are, it is said, destined to New York. Lord Cornwallis, I am told, is
much disappointed in his hopes of command. I cannot find out what he
does with himself. Should he go to England, we are, I think, to rejoice
for it; he is a cold and active man, two dangerous qualities in this
southern war.
The clothing you have long ago sent to the light infantry is not yet
arrived. I have been obliged to send for it, and expect it in a few
days. These three battalions are the best troops that ever took the
field; my confidence in them is unbounded; they are far superior to
any British troops, and none will ever venture to meet them in equal
numbers. What a pity these men are not employed along with the French
grenadiers; they would do eternal honour to our arms. But their presence
here, I must confess, has saved this state, and, indeed, the southern
part of the continent.
Malvan Hill, July 26th.
I had some days ago the honour to write to your excellency, and informed
you that a detachment from the British army would probably embark at
Portsmouth. The battalions of light infantry and the Queen's rangers
were certainly, and the guards, with one or two British regiments, were
likely to be, ordered upon that service. My conjectures have proved
true, and forty-nine sail have fallen down in Hampton-road, the
departure of which I expect to hear every minute. A British officer, a
prisoner, lately mentioned that Lord Cornwallis himself was going.