floated on my frigate, I recalled to mind the state of my country and
of America, and my peculiar situation when I quitted France. The
conspirators were merely exchanged as English prisoners, and I only
thought of rejoining my family and friends, of whom I had received no
intelligence during the last eight months. When I repaired to a court
which had hitherto only granted me _lettres de cachet_, M. de Poix made
me acquainted with all the ministers. I was interrogated, complimented,
and exiled, but to the good city of Paris; and the residence of the
Hotel de Noailles was selected, instead of according me the horrors of
the Bastille, which had been at first proposed. Some days afterwards, I
wrote to the king to acknowledge an error of which the termination had
been so fortunate: he permitted me to receive a gentle reprimand in
person; and, when my liberty was restored to me, I was advised to avoid
those places in which the public might consecrate my disobedience by its
approbation. On my arrival, I had the honour of being consulted by all
the ministers, and, what was far better, embraced by all the ladies.
Those embraces lasted but one day; but I retained for a greater length
of time the confidence of the cabinet, and I enjoyed both favour at
the court of Versailles, and popularity at Paris. I was the theme of
conversation in every circle, even after the queen's kind exertions had
obtained for me the regiment of the king's dragoons. Times are widely
changed; but I have retained all that I most valued--popular favour and
the affection of those I love.
Amidst the various tumultuous scenes that occupied my mind, I did not
forget our revolution, of which the ultimate success still appeared
uncertain. Accustomed to see great interests supported by slender
means, I often said to myself that the expense of one _fête_ would have
organized the army of the United States; and to clothe that army I
would willingly, according to the expression of M. de Maurepas, have
unfurnished the palace of Versailles. In the meantime, the principal
object of the quarrel, American independence, and the advantage our
government and reputation would derive from seizing the first favourable
opportunity, did not appear to me sufficiently promoted by those immense
preparations for trifling conquests, and those projects conceived in the
expectation of peace; for no person seriously believed in war, not even
when it was declared, after the _hundredth injury_ had induced Spain to
enter into those co-operations which finally terminated in nothing more
than noisy exercises.
Footnotes:
1. Note by M. de Lafayette upon the _Memoirs written by himself and his
American correspondence_.--Many papers relating to the first years of my
public life have been destroyed during the reign of terror. An
imperfect copy of these memoirs has been saved: this ought to have been
re-written; I have preferred copying it precisely as it was originally
composed.
Several letters written from America had been copied by my wife for
Dr. Dubrucil, (physician to the king and to _la Charité_, at St.
Germain-en-laza, deceased 1785,) whose friendship was the pride of one
portion of my life, and who has filled the remainder of it with a deep
and tender recollection. Those papers have been preserved; it would be
necessary to suppress some repetitions and insignificant details, but
I have left them almost all untouched, because, whilst forming this
collection, I felt pleasure in recalling the sentiments that had
animated me at various periods of my existence.
The Duke d'Ayen, my father-in-law, was not one of the least hasty and
severe censurers of my departure for America but he restored to me his
favour with all the kindness and sincerity which characterized him: his
affectionate congratulations deeply touched my heart. The same feeling
induces me at the present moment to repeat some details contained in the
letters I addressed to him.
2. Michel-Louis-Christophe-Roch-Gilbert de Motier, Marquis de Lafayette,
colonel of the grenadiers of France, Chevalier de St. Louis, killed at
the battle of Minden before the age of twenty-five.
3. The college du Plessis.
4. Marie-Louise-Julie de la Rivière, died at Paris the 12th of April,
1770, some days before her father Joseph-Yves-Thibauld-Hyacinthe,
Marquis de la Rivière.
5. Previous to the marriage of M. de Lafayette, we have only one letter
written by him at fourteen years of age, the 8th of February, 1772,
which will be read perhaps with some curiosity. It is addressed to his
cousin, Mademoiselle de Chavaniac.
"I have just received, my dear cousin, your letter, and the good account
you give me of my grandmother's health. After that, which was what first
touched my heart, I was much interested by the account of the hunt of
the proprietor of the forests of Lata. I should like very much to know
whether those dogs that neither walk nor bark contributed to the success
of the expedition? The details of that hunt would have amused me very
much; if I had been speaking to you of a new-fashioned cap, I should
have thought it my duty to have described to you its figure and
proportions, with a compass in my hand.
"Our cousin's marriage is broken off; there is another one on
the carpet, but they are obliged to lower their tone exceedingly.
Mademoiselle de Roucherolles, a place with Madame de Bourbon, of a
thousand crowns a-year, and five thousand small livres a-year--that is
the whole amount. You see that this is a very short abridgment of the
other intended matches. My uncle, who came to see me the other day,
consents to the marriage, on condition that the Prince de Condé will
promise one of his regiments of cavalry to the cousin. Madame de
Montboissier thinks this is asking too much, and told M. le Marquis de
Canillic that, in truth, if he were so difficult, her husband would no
longer take any part in his affairs; this offended him and some high
words passed on both sides. The nephew does not care much about the
marriage. He said, there were in his own province far better matches,
which he named, that would not be refused him.
"I thought I had written you word that the Cardinal de Le Roche-Aimon
was abbé de St. Germain. It is said that M. de Briges has the barony
de Mercoeur. M. de la Vauguyon has died, little regretted either by the
court or by the town. The ball of last Thursday is put off to the 15th,
that is to say, for week hence. I dined, the day before yesterday,
Thursday, with M. de la Tour d'Auvergne, who is on a complimentary
footing with M. de Turenne, now Duke de Bouillon. He told us he should
lose perhaps a million from politeness. You will recognise him by that
phrase.
"Adieu, dear cousin; my respects, if you please, to all the family; M.
de Fayon presents his to you, and I remain your obedient servant,
"LAFAYETTE."
6. A place in the household of a prince of royal blood. The Marshal
de Noailles wished for this arrangement. To prevent it without openly
opposing the will of those he loved, M. de Lafayette took an opportunity
of displeasing, by a few words, the prince, to whose person they were
desirous of attaching him, and all negotiations on the subject were thus
broken off. We do not believe that since that period a reconciliation
has ever taken place between him and Louis XVIII.
7. In 1828, Mr. Jared Sparks, a distinguished American author, intending
to form a collection of the writings of Washington, which he is at
present publishing at Boston, made a voyage to France to converse
with M. de Lafayette, and consult the archives of foreign affairs. He
obtained from the general many anecdotes, letters, and documents, of
which extracts have enriched his publication. At the close of vol. v.,
he has placed an appendix, containing the account of the departure of M.
de Lafayette from France, and his arrival in America. We doubt not
but that the details of that narration were related, nay, perhaps even
written, by the general himself. We shall therefore quote some extracts
from it without hesitation, which, placed as notes, will completely
elucidate the text of these memoirs.
"In the summer of 1776," says Mr. Sparks, "M. de Lafayette was stationed
on military duty at Metz, being then an officer in the French army. It
happened at this time that the Duke of Gloucester, brother to the King
of England, was at Metz, and a dinner was given to him by the commandant
of that place. Several officers were invited, and among others
Lafayette. Despatches had just been received by the duke from England,
and he made their contents the topic of conversation; they related to
American affairs, the recent declaration of independence, the resistance
of the colonists, and the strong measures adopted by the ministry to
crush the rebellion.
"The details were new to Lafayette; he listened with eagerness to the
conversation, and prolonged it by asking questions of the duke. His
curiosity was deeply excited by what he heard, and the idea of a people
fighting for liberty had a strong influence upon his imagination; the
cause seemed to him just and noble, from the representations of the duke
himself; and before he left the table, the thought came into his head
that he would go to America, and offer his services to a people who were
struggling for freedom and independence. From that hour he could think
of nothing but this chivalrous enterprise. He resolved to return to
Paris and make further inquiries.
"When he arrived in that city, he confided his scheme to two young
friends, Count Segur and Viscount de Noailles, and proposed that they
should join him. They entered with enthusiasm into his views; but as
they were dependent on their families, it was necessary to consult their
parents, who reprobated the plan and refused their consent. The
young men faithfully kept Lafayette's secret: his situation was more
fortunate, as his property was at his own disposal, and he possessed an
annual revenue of nearly two hundred thousand livres.
"He next explained his intentions to the Count de Broglie who told him
that his project was so chimerical, and fraught with so many hazards,
without a prospect of the least advantage, that he could not for a
moment regard it with favor, nor encourage him with any advice which
should prevent him from abandoning it immediately. When Lafayette found
him thus determined, he requested that at least he would not betray him
for he was resolved to go to America. The Count de Broglie assured him
that his confidence was not misplaced; 'But,' said he, 'I have seen your
uncle die in the wars of Italy; I witnessed your father's death at the
battle of Minden; and I will not be accessary to the ruin of the only
remaining branch of the family: He then used all his powers of argument
and persuasion to divert Lafayette from his purpose, but in vain.
Finding his determination unalterable, the Count de Broglie said, as he
could render him no aid, he would introduce him to the Baron de Kalb,
who he knew was seeking an opportunity to go to America, and whose
experience and counsels might be valuable.--(The Writings of George
Washington, vol. v. Appendix, No. 1, p. 445.)
8. M. du Boismartin was the person sent to Bourdeaux to secure the
purchase and equipment of the ship that M. de Lafayette intended for the
United States.--(Sparks, loc. cit.)
9. It is a singular coincidence that, at the same time that General
Washington, who had never left America, reduced to corps of two thousand
men, did not despair of the common cause, the same sentiment was
animating, two thousand leagues from thence, the breast of a youth
of nineteen, who was destined to become one day his intimate friend,
partake with him the vicissitudes and happy termination of that
revolution, and afterwards carry back to another hemisphere the
principles of liberty and equality which formed its basis.
10. With the Prince de Poix. This journey lasted three weeks.
11. The Marquis de Noailles, brother to the Duke d'Aven, and uncle to
Madame de Lafayette.
12. M. de Lafayette learnt, at Bordeaux, that his intended departure was
known at Versailles, and that the order to prevent it had been already
issued. After having taken his ship to the common port of the Passage,
he returned himself to Bordeaux, and wrote to the ministers, to his
family and friends. Amongst the latter was M. de Coigny, to whom he sent
a confidential person, and who bade him entertain no hopes of obtaining
the permission he wished for. Pretending to repair to Marseilles, where
he had received an order to join his father-in-law, who was going into
Italy, he set off in a postchaise with an officer named Mauroy, who
was desirous of going to America. Some leagues from Bordeaux he got
on horseback, disguised as a courier, and rode on before the carriage,
which took the road to Bayonne. They remained two or three hours in
that town, and whilst Mauroy was arranging some necessary affairs, M.
de Lafayette remained lying on some straw in the stable. It was the
postmaster's daughter who recognised the pretended courier Saint Jean
de Luz, from having seen him when returning from the Passage harbour to
Bordeaux. (Sparks, loc. cit.)
13. These memoirs, written until now in the first person, change here to
the third person, in spite of the kind of engagement taken in the first
page to continue them in the former manner. We are ignorant of the cause
of the inconsistency thus offered by the manuscript, which is, however,
completely written in the general's own hand.
14. See, at the end of these memoirs, amongst the various fragments,
fragment A.
15. The court of France despatched orders to the Leeward and Windward
Islands to stop him on his road, because the ship, not being able to
take out papers for North America, was to have stopped in the Spanish
islands. (Manuscript No. 1.) Mr. Sparks relates that M. de Lafayette
declared to the captain that the ship belonged to him, and that if he
offered the slightest resistance, he would take from him the command and
give it to the mate. But as he soon discovered that the real motive of
the captain's resistance was a cargo belonging to him of 8000 dollars,
M. de Lafayette secured to him its full value upon his own private
fortune, and thus succeeded in overcoming all his scruples.
(Washington's writings, loc. cit.)
16. When they landed, says Mr. Sparks, a distant light served to guide
them. As they approached the house from whence it issued, the dogs
barked, and the people took them for a band of marauders landing from an
enemy's ship. They were asked who they were, and what they wanted. Baron
Kalb replied and all suspicions vanished. The next morning the weather
was beautiful. The novelty of all that surrounded him,--the room, the
bed covered with mosquito nets, the black servant who came to ask his
commands, the beauty and foreign aspect of the country which he beheld
from his windows, and which was covered by a rich vegetation,--all
united to produce on M. de Lafayette a magical effect, and excite in him
a variety of inexpressible sensations. (Sparks, appendix.)
17. An American, who must not be confounded with the two brothers of
that name who commanded the one the English army, the other the English
fleet.
18. When he arrived at Philadelphia, M. de Lafayette delivered his
letters to Mr. Lovell, president of the committee for foreign affairs.
The next day he proceeded to congress: Mr. Lovell came out of the
meeting, and told him there was but little hope of his request being
acceded to. Suspecting that his letters had not been read, M. de
Lafayette wrote the note which will be found in the text. The resolution
of the congress concerning him, deliberated the 31st of July, is
expressed in the following manner: "Seeing that the Marquis de
Lafayette, on account of his great zeal in the cause of liberty in which
the United States are engaged, has quitted his family and country, and
has come to offer his services to the United States, without demanding
either pay or private indemnity, and that he desires to expose his life
in our cause,--resolved, that his services be accepted, and that, on
account of his zeal, illustrious family and connexions, he shall have
the rank and commission of major-general in the army of the United
States." The real intention of this resolution was to give a rank to M.
de Lafayette, and to leave to General Washington the right and care
of confiding to him a command in unison with that rank. (Letters of
Washington, 2nd part. V, p. 10, 35, and 128, and appendix No. I.)
19. He was presented, for the first time, to Washington, says Mr.
Sparks, at a dinner, at which several members of congress were present.
When they were separating, Washington drew Lafayette aside, expressed
much kindness for him, complimented him upon his zeal and his
sacrifices, and invited him to consider the headquarters as his own
house, adding, with a smile that he could not promise him the luxuries
of a court, but that as he was become an American soldier, he would
doubtless submit cheerfully to the customs and privations of a
republican army. The next day Washington visited the forts of the
Delaware, and invited Lafayette to accompany him. (Sparks, ibid.)
20. See fragment B.
21. From Bethlehem he wrote to M. de Boullé, governor of the Windward
Islands, to propose to him to attack the English islands under American
colours. That general approved of the project, and forwarded it to the
court, who would not, however, accept it. At the same period, M. de
Lafayette, although in disgrace himself at court, wrote to the Count de
Maurepas, to propose to him a still more important enterprise against
the English factories, but also under American colours. The old
minister, from prudential motives, did not adopt this project, but
he spoke publicly in praise of it, and expressed, ever after, a great
partiality for Lafayette. "He will end, one day," said he, smiling, "by
unfurnishing the palace of Versailles to serve the American cause; for
when he has taken anything into his head, it is impossible to resist
him."--(Note by M. de Lafayette.)
22. This name is very illegible in the manuscript.
23. The celebrated Alexander Hamilton, one of the authors of the
_Federalist_.
24. Journal of Congress, 1st December, 1777.
25. See fragment C, at the end of the Memoirs.
26. After having thus declared himself, he wrote to congress that "he
could only accept the command on condition of remaining subordinate to
General Washington, of being but considered as an officer detached from
him, and of addressing all his letters to him, of which those received
by congress would be but duplicates." These requests, and all the others
he made, were granted. (Manuscript No. 2.)
27. He had the discretion to renounce an expedition which, undertaken
without proper means, would have produced fatal effects upon the whole
northern part of the United States. At Georgetown, the present residence
of congress, some anxiety was experienced, because they feared that M.
de Lafayette had trusted himself upon the lakes in the season of the
year when the ice begins to melt. The counter orders that were sent
him would have arrived too late; and when it became known that he had
himself renounced the expedition, he received the thanks of congress
and of the minister of war, General Gates, who, in spite of the line
of conduct Lafayette had pursued during his quarrel with General
Washington, had always expressed great respect and esteem for him.
(Manuscript No. 1.)
28. It is singular that the oath of renunciation to Great Britain
and her king, which every one employed in the continental service was
obliged to take at that time, should have been administered in one half
of the United States by a Frenchman of twenty years of age. (Manuscript
No. 2.)
29. See, after these Memoirs, fragment D.
30. The two battalions formed to arrest the enemy's march were placed
by General Washington himself. When, after having expressed his own
feelings of dissatisfaction, he wished to give himself time to form
his army on the heights behind the passage, he left there Major-General
Lafayette, Brigadier-General Knox, commanding the artillery, and
some officers of his staff. The colonels were good officers, and the
battalions conducted themselves perfectly well. When the army was ranged
in order of battle, General Greene commanded the right of the first
line, Lord Stirling the left, and Lafayette the second line. (Manuscript
No. 2.)
31. General Washington was never greater in battle than this action. His
presence stopped the retreat; his arrangements secured the victory. His
graceful bearing on horseback, his calm and dignified deportment, which
still retained some trace of the displeasure he had experienced in the
morning, were all calculated to excite the highest degree of enthusiasm.
(Manuscript No. 2.)
32. See, after these Memoirs, the fragment E.
33. See fragment F.
34. The following was written by M. de Lafayette twenty years after
the presumed date of the memoirs:--"Lord Carlisle refused,--and he was
right. The challenge, however, excited some jokes against the commission
and its president, which, whether well or ill founded, are always
disadvantageous to those who become their objects."--(Manuscript No.
1.) "Lord Carlisle was right: but the challenge appearing the result of
chivalric patriotism, party spirit took advantage of the circumstance,
and the feeling which had inspired this irregular step was generally
approved."--(Manuscript No. 2.)
35. General Washington--who, when Lafayette was wounded at Brandywine,
said to the surgeon, "_Take care of him as if he were my son, for I love
him the same_"--expressed for him, during this illness, the most tender
and paternal anxiety.--(Manuscript No. 1.)
FRAGMENTS
EXTRACTED FROM VARIOUS MANUSCRIPTS.~[1]
Footnote:
1. We have already mentioned these manuscripts. The one we term
_Manuscript No. 1_, consists of a rapid sketch of the American life
of General Lafayette; the other one, or _Manuscript 2_, is entitled,
_Observations on some portion of the American History, by a Friend of
General Lafayette_. Both appear to have been written about the period of
the empire. Fragment A is drawn from the Manuscript No. 2.
* * * * *
A.
DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA IN 1777.
The histories of the American war and revolution are, generally
speaking, very favourable to M. de Lafayette; the life of Washington, by
Mr. Marshall, is especially so. There is one phrase, however, (page
410 of the third volume of the London edition,) which requires
some explanation. "_He left France ostensibly in opposition to his
sovereign_." This circumstance is treated in a more lucid and exact
manner in the following works:--_The History, etc., by William Gordon,
D.D._, vol. ii., pages 499 and 500. _London_, 1788.--_The History of the
American Revolution, by Dr. Ramsay_, vol. ii., page 11. _Philadelphia_,
1789.
The importance of this step was increased by a peculiar circumstance.
The preparations for the purchase and equipment of the vessel had
delayed Lafayette's departure until the period which had been long
previously fixed upon for an excursion of some weeks into England; this
enabled him to conceal his departure; the American commissioners were
well pleased to take advantage of this accident. Lafayette refused the
proposals which were made him in London to visit the ports, or to do
anything which could be construed into an abuse of confidence. He
did not conceal his partiality for the American insurgents; but he
endeavoured to profit by the parade with which, from political motives,
the king and his ministry received at that period all persons coming
from the court of France, and the attention which was paid them. The
Marquis de Noailles, the ambassador, was his uncle. Lafayette felt no
scruple in compromising the diplomatic character of this representation
of the King of France, so that the _maximum_ of the favourable effect
that his departure could produce was obtained in England.
The same result took place in France. It would be difficult at
this period to imagine into what a state of political and military
insignificance the nation and government had been reduced during the
war of seven years, and, above all, after the partition of Poland. The
French ministry had personally, at that period, the reputation of great
circumspection; the few indirect relations it permitted itself to hold
with the agents of the insurgent colonies were only managed through
the medium of unacknowledged agents, and were discovered the moment
the ambassador pretended to become acquainted with them, or that
the Americans could have drawn any advantage from them. Amongst the
departures on which the ministers were kind enough to close their eyes,
there were only four engineers for whom this toleration was in truth
a secret mission.~[1] One word from Lord Stormont was sufficient to
procure the detention, discharge, and sometimes imprisonment of the
Americans admitted into our ports: their liberty or property was only
restored to them surreptitiously, and as if escaping from the vigilance
of a superior.