effect may be conceived that was produced at Versailles by the bold step
taken by a youth of distinguished birth and fortune, allied to one of
the first families of the court, by whom the King of England and his
ministers would fancy themselves braved and even laughed at, and whose
departure would leave no doubt as to the connivance of the ambassador
and government of France. The displeasure of the rulers was roused
to the highest pitch: a portion of Lafayette's family shared in this
displeasure. He had secretly traversed France. Having met near Paris
with Carmichael, secretary of the American agents, he had urged the
immediate departure of his vessel from Bordeaux, preferring to complete
the necessary arrangements at the Spanish port of Passage. He returned
himself to Bordeaux, in the hope of obtaining a consent which he
considered would be useful to his cause. The return of his courier
having informed him that they would not condescend to give an answer to
such an indiscreet request, he hastened to quit France himself in the
disguise of a courier, and lost no time in setting sail.
The government, to appease as far as possible, the English ambassador,
despatched two light vessels to the Leeward and Windward Islands to stop
Lafayette. At that period, the French navigators did not risk steering
straight towards the American continent; they first repaired to the
West Indies, and, taking out papers for France, they ranged as close as
possible to the American coast, and endeavoured to seize a favourable
moment or pretext to steal into a harbour. Lafayette's vessel had
followed the common course of all expeditions; but its youthful owner,
who had several officers with him, and had won the affection of the
crew, obliged the captain to take a straightforward direction. A lucky
gale of wind drove off the frigates that had been cruising on the
preceding day before Georgetown, and he sailed into that port, having
been protected by fate against the various obstacles which had been
opposed to his enterprise.
But whilst the French government thus seconded the views of the English
government, the departure of young Lafayette produced, in Paris, in the
commercial towns, in all societies, and even at court, a sensation that
was very favourable to the American cause. The enthusiasm it excited was
in a great measure owing to the state of political stagnation into which
the country had so long been plunged, the resentment excited by
the arrogance of England, her commissioner at Dunkirk, her naval
pretensions, and the love inherent in all mankind of bold and
extraordinary deeds, especially when they are in defiance of the
powerful, and to protect the weak in their struggle for liberty. To
these peculiar circumstances may be imputed the increased interest and
attention, the strong national feeling, and the constantly augmenting
force of public opinion to which the French government at length
yielded, when, in its treaties with the United States, it formed
engagements with them, and commenced a war with England, which were both
equally opposed to its real character and inclination.
Footnote:
1: MM. de de Gouvion, Duportail, Laradiére, and Laumoy.
B.
FIRST INTERVIEW BETWEEN GENERAL WASHINGTON AND GENERAL LAFAYETTE.
The appearance of the two brothers Howe before the capes of the Delaware
had given rise to the supposition that it was upon that side they
intended to land. General Washington repaired with his army towards the
neighbourhood of Philadelphia. That army had been recruiting during the
winter. Washington went to Philadelphia to attend a public dinner given
in honour of him. It was then Lafayette was introduced to him. This
young foreigner had travelled by land over the southern states, and had
made a direct application to the congress, requesting to serve at first
as volunteer, and to serve at his own expense. The members were much
struck with two requests differing so widely from those of several other
officers, and of one in particular, an officer of artillery, who had
made great pretensions on his arrival, and had soon afterwards drowned
himself in the Schuylkill. The rank of major-general (the highest in
the American army) was given to Lafayette. Washington received the young
volunteer in the most friendly manner, and invited him to reside in his
house as a member of his military family, which offer Lafayette accepted
with the same frankness with which it was made.
He remained there until he was appointed to the command of a division.
The court of France had required that the American envoys should write
to America to prevent Lafayette from being employed in their army. They
did not hasten to despatch that letter, and, when its contents became
known, the popularity of Lafayette was so great that it could not
produce any effect. It is thus evident, that from the first moment of
his embracing the American cause every obstacle was thrown in his way;
all of which, however, he encountered and surmounted. (Manuscript No.
1.)
C.
ON THE MILITARY COMMANDS DURING THE WINTER OF 1778, AND THE FRENCH IN
THE SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Amongst the various means employed to deprive the general-in-chief of
his friends, attempts were made to awaken the ambition of Lafayette, who
already enjoyed much popularity in the army and in the country, and who
besides appeared to the enemies of Washington, from his relations with
Europe, one of the men whom it was most important to draw into their
party. They fancied they should gain him over by offering him the
government of the north, which Gates had just quitted, and by the hope
of an expedition into Canada. General Washington received a packet
from the minister of war, enclosing a commission for Lafayette as an
independent commander-in-chief, with an order to repair to the congress
to receive instructions. The general placed it in his hands, without
allowing himself any observation on the subject. Lafayette immediately
declared to three commissioners of congress, who happened to be at that
moment in the camp, "that he would never accept any command independent
of the general, and that the title of his aide-de-camp appeared to
him preferable to any other that could be offered him." When General
Washington received the order of congress, he only said to his young
friend, whilst placing the letter in his hand, "I prefer its being for
you rather than for any other person."
The military commands, during the winter of 1777-1778, were distributed
in the following manner:--General Washington assembled in some huts at
Valley-Forge what was termed the principal army, reduced at that time
to four or five thousand half-clothed men. General Mac-Dougal had the
direction of a station at Peekskill. Lafayette commanded what was called
the northern army, that is to say, a handful of men; his head-quarters
were at Albany. The enemy made a few incursions, but of slight
importance; and by the exercise of great vigilance, and a judicious
choice of stations, the winter passed away tranquilly. Lafayette had
under his orders two general officers, who had been engaged in the
service of France, namely, General Kalb, a German by birth, who came
over in the same vessel with himself; and General Conway, an Irishman,
who had been a major in a regiment of that nation, also in the service
of France. Besides the four engineers who have been before named,
and these two officers, we must also mention, amongst the foreigners
employed in the service of the United States, Pulaski, a Polish
nobleman, who had taken a conspicuous part in the confederation of his
own country, and who, after the success of the Russians, had arrived
in America with letters of introduction to the congress, General
Washington, and General Lafayette; Kosciuszko, his countryman, who was
a colonel of engineers in America, and who afterwards acted such a grand
and noble part during the last revolutions in Poland; Ternant, by birth
a Frenchman, who has served the United States, Holland, and France
with great ability; La Colombe, aide-de-camp to Lafayette, who has been
subsequently so usefully employed in the French revolution; the Marquis
de la Royerie, whom disappointed love brought to the United States, and
who has since taken part in the counter-revolution; Gimat, aide-de-camp
to Lafayette, who has since had the command in the French islands;
Fleury, who distinguished himself in the defence of Fort Mifflin, and
in the attack of the fort of West-Point, and who afterwards died a
field-marshal in France; Mauduit-Duplessis, an extremely brave officer
of artillery, who has since taken part against the French revolution,
and was massacred at Saint Domingo; Touzard, an officer of artillery,
who lost his arm at Rhode Island, where he was acting as aide-de-camp
to Lafayette; Major Lenfant, employed as engineer; Baron Steuben, a
Prussian officer, a good tactician, who arrived at the commencement of
1778, and was of essential service in disciplining the American troops.
These officers, and several others, obtained employment in America. The
greatest number, however, of those who presented themselves were refused
service, and returned to France, with some few exceptions, to bear
thither their own prejudices against the Americans. Some of those
who remained appear to have written home likewise in the same spirit.
General Washington therefore observes very justly in one of his letters,
that Lafayette, in his correspondence, by destroying the unfavourable
impressions that were given of the Americans, and seeking, on the
contrary, to excite the feelings of the French in their favour, rendered
a new and very important service to their cause. (Manuscript No. 1.)
D.
RETREAT OF BARREN-HILL.
As the English army was preparing to evacuate Philadelphia, Lafayette
was sent, with a detachment of two thousand chosen men, and five pieces
of cannon, to a station half-way betwixt that city and Valley-Forge;
this was Barren-hill. A corps of militia under General Porter had been
placed on Lafayette's left wing; but he retired farther back, and
the English took advantage of that movement to surround Lafayette's
detachment. General Grant, with seven thousand men and fourteen pieces
of cannon, was behind him, and nearer than himself to the only ford by
which it was possible for him to pass the Schuylkill. General Grey, with
two thousand men, arrived on his left at Barren-hill church; whilst the
remainder of the English army, under the command of Generals Clinton and
Howe, prepared to attack him in front. It is said that Admiral Lord Howe
joined the army as a volunteer. The English generals felt so certain
of the capture of Lafayette, that they sent to Philadelphia several
invitations to a _féte_, at which they said Lafayette would be present.
If he had not, in truth, manoeuvred rather better than they did, the
whole corps must inevitably have been lost. Alarm-guns were fired by
the army; General Washington felt additional anxiety from the fact that,
those troops being the flower of his army, their defeat would, he
knew, have discouraged the rest. Lafayette instantly formed his plan of
operation: he threw some troops into the churchyard, to check those of
General Grey. He made a false attack upon General Grant, 'shewing him
the heads of columns; and whilst the latter halted, and formed his
troops to receive him, he caused his detachment to file off. By these
manoeuvres he gained the ford, and passed it in presence of the enemy,
without losing a single man. Two English lines met, and were on the
point of attacking each other, for there was no longer anything between
them; the Americans had been for some time in safety at the other side
of the Schuylkill. The English then returned to Philadelphia, much
fatigued and ashamed, and were laughed at for their ill success.
(Manuscript No. 1.)
E.
ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH FLEET.
The treaty with France became known a short time before the opening
of the campaign. The national enthusiasm for the Americans had much
increased, but the ministry was afraid of war. Necker, in particular,
did all he could to prevent the court of France from espousing the
American cause, which may serve as an answer to the accusations of
revolutionary ardour that were made against him by the aristocrats in
France. Maurepas was very timid, but the news of the taking of Burgoyne
inspired him with some courage. The Count de Vergennes flattered himself
that he should succeed in avoiding war. The court of France shewed
little sincerity in its proceedings with England. The treaty was at
length concluded. Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and John Adams, accompanied
by many other Americans then in Paris, were presented to the King and
royal family. They repaired afterwards to the young Madame de Lafayette,
who was at Versailles, wishing to testify by that public act how much
they thought themselves indebted to Lafayette for the happy direction
which their affairs had taken. The news of the treaty excited a great
sensation in America, and, above all, in the army. Lafayette had long
since returned from his command in the north to the head-quarters
of General Washington. The manifesto of the French government to the
British cabinet contained this expression: "The Americans having become
independent by their declaration of such a day." "That," said Lafayette,
smiling, "is a principle of national sovereignty which shall one day be
recalled to them." The French revolution, and the part which he took in
it, have doubly verified this prediction. (Manuscript No. 1.)
Mr. Marshall's work contains a curious dissertation upon the declaration
of war between France and England, and gives also the extract of a
memorial of M. Turgot, which it would be interesting to verify. It would
then be seen what opinions were supported at that time, concerning
the colonies in general, and the quarrel with the English colonies in
particular, by one of the most liberal and enlightened men in regard to
political and commercial questions. The idea that the queen supported
the war party is not correct; her social tastes were rather of the
Anglomania kind; her politics were completely Austrian, and the court of
Vienna did not wish that France should have any pretext for refusing
to fulfil the conditions of the treaty made with it, which were soon
afterwards exacted; but the queen, like a true woman of the world,
followed the impulse given by Paris, the commercial towns, and the
public.
Dr. Ramsay alludes to the happiness which Lafayette must have
experienced when, upon learning the happy news of the French alliance,
he, with tears of joy, embraced his illustrious general. Several persons
present have since recollected that when the message of the court of
Versailles to that of London was read aloud, with all the justifications
which dwelt upon the right of the American nation to give themselves a
government, Lafayette exclaimed,--"That is a great truth which we will
recall to them at home." (Manuscript No. 2.)
F.
DISSENSIONS BETWEEN THE FRENCH FLEET AND THE AMERICAN ARMY.
The history of Dr. Gordon, that of Ramsay, and of Mr. Marshall, give a
detailed account of the arrival of Count d'Estaing at the entrance of
the Delaware, his arrival at Sandyhook, and the expedition against Rhode
Island. Lafayette conducted thither, from White Plains, two thousand men
of the continental troops. He made that journey (two hundred and forty
miles) very rapidly, and arrived before the remainder of the troops
under Sullivan were in readiness. It is to be lamented that the latter
general persuaded Count d'Estaing to await the cooperation of the
Americans, whilst, had he encouraged him to force the passage between,
Rhode Island and Cannanicut Island, he would have had time, at the first
moment of his arrival, to have captured fifteen hundred Hessians who
were upon the last-mentioned island. On the other hand, M. d'Estaing
was wrong in being displeased with General Sullivan for effecting his
passage and taking possession of the forts on the north of the island,
as soon as he learnt that they had been abandoned by the enemy, and
without having concerted any plan of operations with the admiral.
Everything, however, went on extremely well. The Americans had twelve
thousand men upon the island; their right was composed of the half of
the continentalists brought by Lafayette from White Plains, and of five
thousand militia, and was under the command of General Greene; the left
consisted also of five thousand militia, with the other half of the
continentalists, and was commanded by M. de Lafayette. On the 8th
of August the American army proceeded to Howland's ferry, whilst the
squadron forced the passage. The English set fire to three of their own
frigates; they had six frigates, and several other vessels, burnt
during this expedition. In the afternoon of the day that Sullivan's army
landed, they were expecting the battalions of Foix and Hainaut, and the
marines, which were to have joined Lafayette's corps, when Admiral Howe
suddenly hove in sight, and took possession of the anchorage that
Count d'Estaing had quitted, in order to force his passage between the
islands. The French sailors feared that the enemy, would take advantage
of their situation, enclosed as they were between the islands, or that
some reinforcements would at least be thrown upon the southern part
of the island; but the wind having changed during the night, Count
d'Estaing sailed out gallantly through the fire of the English
batteries, and Lord Howe, cutting his cables, fled before him. This
skilful admiral would have paid dearly for his bold manoeuvre, if the
storm had not come most opportunely to his aid.
Mr. Marshall, who had the letters of Washington and Lafayette before
him, states the manner in which Lafayette, on the one side, exposed
himself, without reserve, to the loss of his popularity, and on the
other, zealously exerted himself in defending the honour of the French
from the accusations that the dissatisfaction of the Americans had
universally excited, especially at Rhode Island and Boston, against the
officers of the squadron; and also to prevent that dissatisfaction
from breaking into open disputes. Sullivan, the senior of the three
majors-general, was commander-in-chief. It was after an explanation with
Lafayette, his friend and comrade, that he softened, by a subsequent
order of the day, the expressions which he had imprudently used in the
one preceding. General Greene, a man of superior merit, contributed
much to the reconciliation. The ex-president, Hancock, who had at first
loudly expressed his displeasure, consented to repair to Boston to
endeavour to calm the public mind, and to obtain provisions for the
squadron. The popularity of Lafayette was usefully employed during his
short visit to that town. The congress, and General Washington also,
thought that this quarrel could not he too speedily appeased; but they
were at a distance, and a proper mixture of firmness and persuasion was
required from the first moment. Such a perfect understanding, however,
was now established, that it was not even disturbed by the unfortunate
event which, some time afterwards, cost M. de Saint Sauveur his life.
Much was also due to Dr. Cooper, a distinguished minister of the
Presbyterian church. (Manuscript No. 2.)
CORRESPONDENCE.
1777--1778.
TO THE DUKE D'AYEN.~[1]
London, March 9,1777.
You will be astonished, my dear father, at the news I am on the point
of giving you: it has cost me far more than I can express not to consult
you. My respect and affection for you, as well as my great confidence in
you, must convince you of the truth of this assertion; but my word was
given, and you would not have esteemed me had I broken it; the step I
am now taking will at least prove to you, I hope, the goodness of
my intentions. I have found a peculiar opportunity of distinguishing
myself, and of learning a soldier's trade: I am a general officer in the
army of the United States of America. The frankness of my conduct, and
my zeal in their service, have completely won their confidence. I have
done, on my side, all I could do for them, and their interest will ever
be dearer to me than my own. In short, my dear father, I am at this
moment in London, anxiously awaiting letters from my friends; upon
receiving them, I shall set off from hence, and, without stopping at
Paris, I shall embark in a vessel that I have myself purchased and
chartered. My travelling companions are the Baron de Kalb, a
very distinguished officer, brigadier in the King's service, and
major-general, as well as myself, in the United States' army; and some
other excellent officers, who have kindly consented to share the chances
of my fate. I rejoice at having found such a glorious opportunity of
occupying myself, and of acquiring knowledge. I am conscious that I am
making an immense sacrifice, and that to quit my family, my friends,
and you, my dearest father, costs me more than it could do any other
person,--because I love you all far more tenderly than any other person
ever loved his friends. But this voyage will not be a very long one; we
see every day far longer journeys taken for amusement only; and I hope
also to return more worthy of all those who are kind enough to regret
my absence. Adieu, my dear father, I hope I shall soon see you again.
Retain your affection for me; I ardently desire to merit it--nay, I
do merit it already, from my warm affection towards you, and from the
respect that, during the remainder of his life, will be felt for you by,
Your affectionate son,
LAFAYETTE.
I have arrived, for one moment, at Paris, my dear father, and have only
time to bid you again farewell. I intended writing to my uncle~[2] and
to Madame de Lusignem, but I am in such haste that I must request you to
present to them my respectful regards.
Footnotes:
1. Jean Paul Francois de Noailles, Duke d'Ayen, afterwards Duke de
Noailles, died a member of the House of Peers, in 1824, and was, as is
well known, father-in-law to M. de Lafayette, who had been, we may say,
brought up in the hotel de Noailles, and who looked upon all his wife's
family as his own. It was at that time divided into two branches. The
Marshal de Noailles, governor of Roussillon, and captain of the guards
of the Scotch company, was the head of the eldest branch. He bad four
children: the Duke d'Ayen, the Marquis de Noailles, and Mesdames de
Tesse and de Lesparre. The Duke d'Ayen, a general officer, captain of
the guards in reversion, married Henriette Anne Louise Daguesseau, by
whom he had daughters only. The eldest, who died in 1794, on the
same scaffold as her mother, had married her cousin, the Viscount de
Noailles. The second, Marie Adrienne Françoise,--born the 2nd November,
1759, died the 24th December, 1807,--was Madame de Lafayette. The
three others, unmarried at the time this letter was written, married
afterwards MM. de Thésan, de Montagu, and de Grammont.
The head of the younger branch of the familv of Noailles was the Marshal
de Mouchy, brother of the Marshal de Noailles, whose children were, the
Prince de Poix, who died peer of France, and captain of the guards
under the restoration; the Duchess de Duras; and the same Viscount de
Noailles, member of the constituent assembly, who died of his wounds in
the expedition to St. Domingo, in 1802.
2. M. de Lusignem, an uncle by marriage of M. de Lafayette.
TO MADAME DE LAFAYETTE.
On board the _Victory_, May 30th, 1777.