At the first retrograde movement, M. de Lafayette sent information to

the general of what was passing, who, arriving speedily on the spot,

found the troops retreating in confusion. "You know," said Lee, "that

all this was against my advice." The general, sending Lee to the

rear,~[30] himself formed seven or eight hundred men, and stationed

them, with some cannon, upon a chosen spot, and M. de Lafayette

undertook to retard the enemy's march. The English dragoons made their

first charge upon a small morass which sheltered him: the infantry

marched round to attack him on the other side, but he had sufficient

time to retire; and the army had by this time placed itself upon a

height, where he took the command of the second line. A cannonade was

kept up on both sides during the whole day, and two attacks of the enemy

were repulsed. A battery, placed on their left, obliged them to change

their position, and, when they presented their flank, the general

attacked them and forced them to retreat, until darkness interrupted all

operations. The American troops continued to gain ground, and Clinton

retired during the night, leaving behind him more than three hundred

dead and many wounded. The heat was so intense that the soldiers fell

dead without having received a single wound, and the fire of battle soon

became untenable. During this affair which ended so well, although begun

so ill, General Washington appeared to arrest fortune by his glance,

and his presence of mind, valour, and decision of character, were

never displayed to greater advantage than at that moment.~[31] Wayne

distinguished himself; Greene and the brave Stirling led forward the

first line in the ablest manner. From four o'clock in the morning until

night M. de Lafayette was momentarily obliged to change his occupations.

The general and he passed the night lying on the same mantle, talking

over the conduct of Lee, who wrote the next morning a very improper

letter, and was placed under arrest. He was afterwards suspended by a

council of war, quitted the service, and was not regretted by the army.

Clinton having retreated towards the hollows of Shrewsbury, the general

contented himself with the success already gained, and marched towards

White Plains; the second line, under M. de Lafayette forming the right

column. The 4th of July, being the anniversary of the declaration of

independence, was celebrated at Brunswick; and a few days later the army

learnt that the Count d'Estaing was before New York.~[32]

Twelve French vessels, which sailed from Toulon, had been three months

in reaching the Delaware: they arrived three days after the departure of

the English fleet, and, following it to New York, M. d'Estaing anchored

at Sandy-hook, outside the bar. He offered immense sums to be conveyed

across that bar, but the pilots declared that the large vessels drew too

much water, and the French finally agreed to attack Rhode Island, which

the enemy then occupied with a force of 5000 men, who had entrenched

themselves; whilst the state militia, under the command of Sullivan,

were stationed at Providence. M. Girard, a French minister, arrived on

board that squadron; he had been long most anxiously expected by the

Americans, and M. de Lafayette called his delay a proof of confidence.

The last mark of attention with which the court honoured M. de

Lafayette, had been an order to arrest him in the West Indies; he was,

in truth, out of favour in that quarter, and their displeasure had

increased on receiving his letters, which were dictated less by the

prudence of a philosopher than by the enthusiasm of a young lover of

liberty: but although no letters were addressed to him, M. d'Estaing

was not less kind and attentive in his conduct; and 2000 continentalists

having been despatched from White-Plains to Providence, M. de Lafayette,

who had exerted himself to hasten their departure, conducted them

rapidly along the sound, across a smiling country, covered with

villages, in which the evident equality of the population distinctly

proved the democracy of the government. From the apparent prosperity

of each colony, it was easy to judge of the degree of freedom which its

constitution might enjoy.

By forcing the passage between Rhode Island and Connecticut, M.

d'Estaing might easily have carried off as prisoners 1500 Hessians

who were stationed on the latter island; but he yielded to Sullivan's

entreaties, and waited until that general should be in readiness: but

although the troops of M. de Lafayette had traversed 240 miles, he found

on his arrival that no preparations were yet made. He repaired to

the squadron, and was received with the greatest possible attention,

especially by the general; and, as M. de Suffren was placed in front, he

carried back to him an order from M. d'Estaing to attack three frigates,

which, however, were burnt by their own crews. The American army

repaired, on the 8th of August, to Howland's Ferry, during the time that

the squadron was forcing its way between the two islands. General Greene

having joined the army, M. de Lafayette yielded to him the command of

half his corps; each then possessed a wing, of 1000 continentalists and

5000 militia. M. de Lafayette's corps was to receive the addition of

the two battalions of Foix and Hainaut, with some marines. The English,

fearing to be intercepted evacuated the forts on the right of the island

during the night of the 8th, and Sullivan landed with his troops the

next day. M. de Lafayette was expecting the French that afternoon, and

the boats were already under way, when a squadron appeared in sight on

the south of the island, at M. d'Estaing's former anchorage. Lord Howe,

brave even to audacity, having watched the movements of the French

admiral and his fleet, collected a greater number of ships, of which

the sizes were however too unequal; his position, and the southern

wind, would enable him, he thought, to throw succours into Newport where

General Pigot had concentrated his force; but the wind changed during

the night, and the next day M. d'Estaing, within sight of both armies

passed gallantly through the fire of the two batteries whilst the enemy,

cutting their cables, fled, under heavy press of sail. After a chase of

eight hours the two squadrons at length met, and Lord Howe would have

paid dearly for his temerity, had not a violent storm arisen, which

dispersed the ships. By a singular chance, several of Byron's vessels

came up at the same time on their return from Portsmouth, having been

separated at the Azores by a violent gale of wind. The _Languedoc_,

the admiral's ship, deprived of its masts and rudder, and driven by

the tempest to a distance from the other vessels, was attacked by the

_Isis_, of fifty guns, and owed its safety only to the courage and

firmness of M. d'Estaing. At length he succeeded in rallying his

squadron, and, faithful to his engagements, reappeared before Rhode

Island; but as he no longer possessed the superiority of force, he

announced his intention of repairing to Boston, where the _Cesar_ had

taken shelter after a combat. When the storm, which lasted three days,

subsided, the American army drew near Newport. This town was defended

by two lines of redoubts and batteries, surrounded by a wooden palisade,

the two concentrated fronts of which rested on the sea-shore, and were

supported by a ravine that it was necessary to cross. The trench was

opened, the heavy batteries established, and General Greene and M.

de Lafayette were deputed to go on board the French admiral ship,

to endeavour to obtain time, and propose either to make an immediate

attack, or to station vessels in the Providence river. If M. de

Lafayette had felt consternation upon hearing of the dispersion of the

fleet, the conduct of the sailors during the combat, which he learnt

with tears in his eyes, inspired him with the deepest grief. In the

council, where the question was agitated, M. de Brugnon (although five

minutes before he had maintained the contrary) gave his voice in

favour of Boston, and his opinion was unanimously adopted. Before they

separated, the admiral offered his two battalions to M. de Lafayette,

and appeared to feel great pleasure in being thus enabled to secure him

his rank in the French army; but these troops were useful on board, and

were not necessary on the island, and M. de Lafayette would not expose

them to danger for his own private interest. At the departure of the

vessels, there was but one unanimous feeling of regret and indignation.

Their lost time, extinguished hopes, and embarrassed situation, all

served to increase the irritation of the militia, and their discontent

became contagious. The people of Boston already spoke of refusing the

fleet admission into their port; the generals drew up a protestation,

which M. de Lafayette refused to sign. Carried away by an impulse of

passion, Sullivan inserted in an order "that our allies have abandoned

us." His ill humour was encouraged by Hancock, a member of congress,

formerly its president, and who then commanded the militia of

Massachusets stationed on the island. To him M. de Lafayette first

declared his intentions, and then, calling upon Sullivan, he insisted

upon the words used in the order of the morning being retracted in that

of the evening. Some hours after, the general returned his visit, and,

drawing him aside, a very warm altercation took place; but although

totally indifferent to the peril of a duel, Sullivan was neither

indifferent to the loss of the intimacy of M. de Lafayette, nor to the

influence this young Frenchman possessed at head-quarters, and over

congress and the nation; and in the numerous letters which M. de

Lafayette wrote on this occasion, he made ample use of his influence

over those three important powers.

Dr. Cooper, a presbyterian minister, was extremely useful at Boston;

and Hancock himself ended by repairing thither to receive the squadron.

Rather than yield to the public torrent, M. de Lafayette had risked his

own popularity; and in the fear of being guided by private interest,

he had gone to the extreme in the opposite line of conduct. He lived in

complete retirement, in his own military quarter, and was never seen but

at the trench or the council, in which latter place he would not allow

the slightest observation to be made against the French squadron. As

hopes were still entertained of obtaining assistance from the latter, it

was resolved to retreat to the north of the island; and M. de Lafayette

was sent on an embassy to M. d'Estaing. After having travelled all

night, he arrived at the moment when the general and his officers were

entering Boston. A grand repast, given by the town, was followed by a

conference between the council, the admiral, and himself, at which M.

d'Estaing, while he clearly demonstrated the insufficiency of his

naval force, offered to march himself with his troops. Every word was

submitted to M. de Lafayette, and the admiral remarked this deference

without appearing hurt by it. That same day, the 29th August, Sullivan

retreated from his post; and although the discontent which the militia

experienced had diminished the number of his troops, he conducted this

movement, and the attack which it occasioned, with great ability.

The next morning, at the same time that M. de Lafayette was informed of

the event, he learnt also that the two armies were in close contact

at the north of the island, and that Clinton had arrived with a

reinforcement. Traversing then eighty miles in less than eight hours,

he repaired to Howland's Ferry, arriving there just as the army was

re-crossing it. A corps of a thousand men had been left on the island,

surrounded with divisions of the enemy: M. de Lafayette undertook the

charge of them, and succeeded in withdrawing them without losing a

single man. When congress returned thanks to him for his conduct during

this retreat, they likewise expressed their gratitude for his journey to

Boston, at the very period when he might so rationally have expected

an engagement.~[33] Sullivan returned to Providence, and left M. de

Lafayette in the command of the posts around the island: the post of

Bristol, in which his principal corps was placed, was exposed to an

attack by water; he announced this to General Washington, to whom,

Sullivan said, he thought the same idea had also occurred. It was

at this place he learnt the affair of Ouessant, which he expected to

celebrate as an important victory; but the welfare of the squadron

recalled him to Boston, where he felt he could be useful to his

countrymen. The general dissatisfaction was soon appeased; and although

M. de Saint Sauveur had been killed accidentally in a tumult, the French

had nevertheless full cause to acknowledge the kindness and moderation

of the Bostonians. During a walk which he took with the Count d'Estaing,

M. de Lafayette pointed out to him the remains of the army of Burgoyne:

two soldiers of militia, stationed at each wing, alone constituted

its guard. Feeling that his presence was no longer necessary to the

squadron, and believing that it was his duty to return to France, M.

de Lafayette set out to rejoin the principal corps of the army at

Philadelphia.

During that time, the commissioners had made many addresses and

proclamations. By endeavouring to gain over one member, Johnstone had

displeased the congress, who refused to treat with him. In a public

letter, signed Carlisle, the French nation was taxed with a _perfidy

too universally acknowledged to require any new proof_. With the

effervescence of youth and patriotism, M. de Lafayette seized this

opportunity of opposing the commission; and the first impulse of M.

d'Estaing was to approve of his conduct. A haughty challenge was sent

from head-quarters to Lord Carlisle: the answer was an ill-explained

refusal; and the impetuosity of M. de Lafayette was attended with a

good result, whilst the prudence of the president was ridiculed in every

public paper.~[34]

Soon afterwards, during M. de Lafayette's residence at Philadelphia, the

commission received its death-blow; whilst he was breakfasting with the

members of congress, the different measures proper to be pursued were

frankly and cheerfully discussed. The correspondence which took place

at that time is generally known; the congress remained ever noble; firm,

and faithful to its allies: secretary Thomson, in his last letter to

Sir Henry Clinton, informs him, that "_the congress does not answer

impertinent letters_." To conceal nothing from the people, all the

proposals were invariably printed; but able writers were employed in

pointing out the errors they contained. In that happy country, where

each man understood and attended to public affairs, the newspapers

became powerful instruments to aid the revolution. The same spirit was

also breathed from the pulpit, for the Bible in many places favours

republicanism. M. de Lafayette, having once reproached an Anglican

minister with speaking only of heaven, went to hear him preach the

following Sunday, and the words, _the execrable house of Hanover_,

proved the docility of the minister.

M. de Lafayette addressed a polite letter to the French minister, and

wrote also to the congress, that, "whilst he believed himself free, he

had supported the cause under the American banner; that his country was

now at war, and that his services were first due to her; that he hoped

to return; and that he should always retain his zealous interest for the

United States." The congress not only granted him an unlimited leave of

absence, but added to it the most flattering expressions of gratitude.

It was resolved that a sword, covered with emblems, should be presented

to him, in the name of the United States, by their minister in France;

they wrote to the king; and the _Alliance_, of thirty-six guns, their

finest ship, was chosen to carry him back to Europe. M. de Lafayette

would neither receive from them anything farther, nor allow them to

ask any favour for him at the court of France. But the congress, when

proposing a co-operation in Canada, expressed its wish of seeing the

arrangement of the affair confided to him: this project was afterwards

deferred from the general's not entertaining hopes Of its ultimate

success. But although old prejudices were much softened,--although

the conduct of the admiral and the squadron had excited universal

approbation,--the congress, the general, and, in short, every one,

told M. de Lafayette that, in the whole circuit of the thirteen states,

vessels only were required, and that the appearance of a French corps

would alarm the nation. As M. de Lafayette was obliged to embark at

Boston, he set out again on this journey of four hundred miles; he

hoped, also, that he should be able to take leave of M. d'Estaing, who

had offered to accompany him to the islands; and whose friendship and

misfortunes affected him as deeply as his active genius and patriotic

courage excited his admiration. Heated by fatiguing journeys and over

exertion, and still more by the grief he had experienced at Rhode

Island; and having afterwards laboured hard, drank freely, and passed

several sleepless nights at Philadelphia, M. de Lafayette proceeded on

horseback, in a high state of fever, and during a pelting autumnal rain.

Fetes were given in compliment to him throughout his journey, and

he endeavoured to strengthen himself with wine, tea, and rum: but at

Fishkill, eight miles from head-quarters, he was obliged to yield to

the violence of an inflammatory fever. He was soon reduced to the last

extremity, and the report of his approaching death distressed the army,

by whom he was called _the soldier's friend_, and the whole nation were

unanimous in expressing their good wishes and regrets for _the marquis_,

the name by which he was exclusively designated. From the first moment,

Cockran, director of the hospitals, left all his other occupations to

attend to him alone. General Washington came every day to inquire after

his friend; but, fearing to agitate him, he only conversed with the

physician, and returned home with tearful eyes, and a heart oppressed

with grief.~[35] Suffering acutely from a raging fever and violent

head-ache, M. de Lafayette felt convinced that he was dying, but did

not lose for a moment the clearness of his understanding: having taken

measures to be apprised of the approach of death, he regretted that he

could not hope again to see his country and the dearest objects of his

affection. Far from foreseeing the happy fate that awaited him, he would

willingly have exchanged his future chance of life, in spite of his one

and twenty years, for the certainty of living but for three months,

on the condition of again seeing his friends, and witnessing the happy

termination of the American war. But to the assistance of medical art,

and the assiduous care of Dr. Cockran, nature added the alarming though

salutary remedy of an hemorrhage. At the expiration of three months, M.

de Lafayette's life was no longer in danger: he was at length allowed

to see the general, and think of public affairs. By decyphering a

letter from M. d'Estaing, he learnt that, in spite of twenty-one English

vessels, the squadron had set out for la Martinique. After having

spent some days together, and spoken of their past labours, present

situations, and future projects, General Washington and he took a tender

and painful leave of each other. At the same time that the enemies of

this great man have accused him of insensibility, they have acknowledged

his tenderness for M. de Lafayette; and how is it possible that he

should not have been warmly cherished by his disciple, he who, uniting

all that is good to all that is great, is even more sublime from his

virtues than from his talents? Had he been a common soldier, he would

have been the bravest in the ranks; had he been an obscure citizen, all

his neighbours would have respected him. With a heart and mind equally

correctly formed, he judged both of himself and circumstances with

strict impartiality. Nature, whilst creating him expressly for that

revolution, conferred an honour upon herself; and, to show her work to

the greatest possible advantage, she constituted it in such a peculiar

manner, that each distinct quality would have failed in producing the

end required, had it not been sustained by all the others.

In spite of his extreme debility, M. de Lafayette, accompanied by

his physician, repaired, on horseback, to Boston, where Madeira wine

effectually restored his health. The crew of the _Alliance_ was not

complete, and the council offered to institute a press, but M. de

Lafayette would not consent to this method of obtaining sailors, and it

was at length resolved to make up the required number by embarking

some English deserters, together with some volunteers from among the

prisoners. After he had written to Canada, and sent some necklaces to a

few of the savage tribes, Brice and Nevil, his aides-de-camp, bore his

farewell addresses to the congress, the general, and his friends.

The inhabitants of Boston, who had given him so many proofs of their

kindness and attention, renewed their marks of affection at his

departure; and the _Alliance_ sailed on the 11th of January. A winter

voyage is always boisterous in that latitude; but on approaching the

banks of Newfoundland, the frigate experienced a violent storm: her

main-top mast torn away, injured by a heavy sea, filling with water,

during one long dark night she was in imminent danger; but a still

greater peril awaited her, two hundred leagues from the coast of France.

His British Majesty, encouraging, the mutiny of crews, had issued a

somewhat immoral proclamation, promising them the value of every _rebel_

vessel that they should bring into an English port; which exploit could

only be performed by the massacre of the officers and those who opposed

the mutiny. This proclamation gave rise to a plot which was formed by

the English deserters and volunteers, who had most imprudently been

admitted, in great numbers, on board the ship: not one American or

Frenchman (for some French sailors had been found at Boston, after the

departure of the squadron) took part in this conspiracy. The cry of

_Sail_! was to be raised, and when the passengers and officers came on

deck, four cannon, loaded with canister shot, prepared by the gunner's

mate, were to blow them into atoms. An English serjeant had also

contrived to get possession of some loaded arms. The hour first named

was four in the morning, but was changed to four in the afternoon.

During that interim, the conspirators, deceived by the accent of an

American who had lived a long time in Ireland, and traded on its coast,

disclosed the plot to him, and offered him the command of the frigate:

the worthy man pretended to accept it, and was only able to inform the

captain and M. de Lafayette of the conspiracy one hour before the time

fixed for its execution. They rushed, sword in hand, upon deck, followed

by the other passengers and officers, called upon their own sailors to

assist them, and, seized thirty-one of the culprits, whom they placed

in irons. Many others were accused in the depositions, but it was judged

expedient to appear to rely upon the rest of the crew, although real

confidence was only placed in the French and Americans. Eight days

afterwards, the _Alliance_ entered safely the port of Brest, February,

1779.

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