encouraged by the authorities because they thought that it would be a
valuable counteractive to Christianity. Its leader was Son Pyung-hi, an old
Korean friend of Japan. As far back as 1894, when the Japanese arranged the
Tong-hak Rebellion in Korea, to give them an excuse for provoking war with
China, Son was one of their leading agents. He believed that Western
influence and in particular Western religion was inimical to his country,
and he hoped by the Tong-haks to drive them out.
As a result of his activities, he had to flee from Korea, and he did not
return until 1903. He became leader of the Chon-do Kyo, the Heavenly Way
Society, a body that tried to include the best of many religions and give
the benefits of Christian organization and fellowship without Christianity.
He had learned many things while in exile, and was now keen on reform and
education. Many of his old Tong-hak friends rallied around him, and the
Chon-do Kyo soon numbered considerably over a million members.
Son realized after a time that the Japanese were not the friends but the
enemies of his people. He made no violent protestations. He still
maintained seemingly good relations with them. But his organization was put
to work. His agents went over the country. Each adherent was called on to
give three spoonfuls of rice a day. Close on a million dollars was
accumulated. Most of this was afterwards seized by the Japanese.
The Chon-do Kyo and the native Christian leaders came together. The
Christian pastors had up to now kept their people in check. But the burden
was becoming intolerable. They gave the missionaries no inkling of what was
brewing. They did not wish to get them in trouble. Their real grief was
that their action would, they knew, make it harder for the Churches.
Two remarkable characters took the lead among the Christians, Pastor Kil
and Yi Sang-jai. Pastor Kil of Pyeng-yang was one of the oldest and most
famous Christians in Korea. He had become a leader in the early days,
facing death for his faith. A man of powerful brain, of fine character and
with the qualities of real leadership, he was looked up to by the people as
British Nonconformists a generation ago regarded Charles Spurgeon. In
recent years Kil had become almost blind, but continued his work.
I have already described in an earlier chapter how Yi Sang-jai, once
Secretary to the Legation at Washington, became a Christian while thrown
into prison for his political views. He was now a Y.M.C.A. leader, but he
was held in universal veneration by all men--Christian and non-Christian
alike--as a saint, as a man who walked with God and communed with Him.
When things seemed rapidly ripening, President Wilson made his famous
declaration of the rights of weaker nations. One sentence went round among
the Koreans, and its effect was electrical.
"What is the task that this League of Nations is to do?
"IT IS TO PROVIDE FOR THE FREEDOM OF SMALL NATIONS, TO PREVENT THE
DOMINATION OF SMALL NATIONS BY BIG ONES."
Here was the clarion call to Korea. Here was hope! Here was the promise of
freedom, given by the head of the nation they had all learned to love. If
any outsider was responsible for the uprising of the Korean people, that
outsider was Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States of America.
"Now is the time to act," said the people. For a start, they resolved to
send delegates to present their case to the Paris Conference. Three leaders
in America were chosen but were refused passports. Finally another young
leader, Mr. Kiusic Kimm, succeeded in landing in France. Perhaps it would
not be wise to say, at this time, how he managed to get there. He soon
found that his mission was in vain. The Paris Conference would not receive
him. President Wilson's declaration was not to be put into full effect.
The people resolved, by open and orderly demonstration, to support their
delegate in France. There were some who would have started a violent
revolution. The Christians would have none of it "Let us have no violence,"
said they. "Let us appeal to the conscience of Japan and of the world."
There were no constitutional means for them to employ to make their case
heard. But if ever there was an effort at peaceful constitutional change,
this was it. Instructions were sent out, surely the most extraordinary
instructions ever issued under similar circumstances:--
"Whatever you do
DO NOT INSULT THE JAPANESE
DO NOT THROW STONES
DO NOT HIT WITH YOUR FISTS.
For these are the acts of barbarians."
It was unnecessary to tell the people not to shoot, for the Japanese had
long since taken all their weapons away, even their ancient sporting
blunderbusses.
A favourable moment was approaching. The old Korean Emperor lay dead. One
rumour was that he had committed suicide to avoid signing a document drawn
up by the Japanese for presentation to the Peace Conference, saying that he
was well satisfied with the present Government of his country. Another
report, still more generally believed, was that he had committed suicide to
prevent the marriage of his son, Prince Kon, to the Japanese Princess
Nashinoto. The engagement of this young Prince to a Korean girl had been
broken off when the Japanese acquired control of the Imperial House. Royal
romances always appeal to the crowd. The heart of the people turned to the
old Emperor again. Men, women and children put on straw shoes, signs of
national mourning, and a hundred thousand people flocked to Seoul to
witness the funeral ceremonies.
The funeral was to take place on March 4th. By now the Japanese suspected
something to be afoot. The astonishing thing is that the Koreans had been
able to keep it from them so long. A network of organizations had been
created all over the country. The Japanese hurried their preparations to
prevent popular demonstrations on the day of the funeral. The leaders
learned of this, and outwitted the police by a simple device. They resolved
to make their demonstration not on Tuesday, March 4th, but on the previous
Saturday.
Gatherings were arranged for all over the country. A Declaration of
Independence was drawn up in advance and delivered to the different
centres. Here it was mimeographed, and girls and boys organized themselves
to ensure its distribution. Meetings, processions and demonstrations in all
the big cities were planned.
Thirty-three men chose martyrdom. They were to be the original signers of
the Declaration of Independence. They knew that at the best this must mean
heavy punishment for them, and at the worst might well mean death. They had
no delusions. Pastor Kil's son had died from the effects of Japanese
torture, Yang Chun-paik and Yi Seung-hun, two of the signers, had been
victims in the Conspiracy case. The first two names on the list of signers
were Son Pyung-hi, leader of the Chon-do Kyo, and Pastor Kil.
On the morning of March 1st the group of thirty-two met at the Pagoda
Restaurant at Seoul. Pastor Kil was the only absentee; he had been
temporarily delayed on his journey from Pyeng-yang.
Some prominent Japanese had been invited to eat with the Koreans. After the
meal, the Declaration was produced before their guests and read. It was
despatched to the Governor-General. Then the signers rang up the Central
Police Station, informed the shocked officials of what they had done, and
added that they would wait in the restaurant until the police van came to
arrest them.
The automobile prison van, with them inside, had to make its way to the
police station through dense crowds, cheering and shouting, "Mansei!
Mansei! Mansei!" It was the old national battle cry, "May Korea live ten
thousand years." Old flags had been brought out, old Korean flags, with the
red and blue germ on the white ground, and were being widely waved.
"Mansei!" Not only Seoul but the whole country had in a few minutes broken
out in open demonstration. A new kind of revolt had begun.
Pastor Kil, arriving late, hurried to the police station to take his place
with his comrades.
The Declaration of Independence is a document impossible to summarize, if
one is to do full justice to it. It is written in the lofty tone of the
ancient prophets. It was something more than the aspiration of the Korean
people. It was the cry of the New Asia, struggling to find its way out of
oppression and mediaeval militarism into the promised land of liberty and
peace.
THE PROCLAMATION OF KOREAN INDEPENDENCE
"We herewith proclaim the independence of Korea and the liberty
of the Korean people. We tell it to the world in witness of the
equality of all nations and we pass it on to our posterity as
their inherent right.
"We make this proclamation, having back of us 5,000 years of
history, and 20,000,000 of a united loyal people. We take this
step to insure to our children for all time to come, personal
liberty in accord with the awakening consciousness of this new
era. This is the clear leading of God, the moving principle of
the present age, the whole human race's just claim. It is
something that cannot be stamped out, or stifled, or gagged, or
suppressed by any means.
"Victims of an older age, when brute force and the spirit of
plunder ruled, we have come after these long thousands of years
to experience the agony of ten years of foreign oppression, with
every loss to the right to live, every restriction of the freedom
of thought, every damage done to the dignity of life, every
opportunity lost for a share in the intelligent advance of the
age in which we live.
"Assuredly, if the defects of the past are to be rectified, if
the agony of the present is to be unloosed, if the future
oppression is to be avoided, if thought is to be set free, if
right of action is to be given a place, if we are to attain to
any way of progress, if we are to deliver our children from the
painful, shameful heritage, if we are to leave blessing and
happiness intact for those who succeed us, the first of all
necessary things is the clear-cut independence of our people.
What cannot our twenty millions do, every man with sword in
heart, in this day when human nature and conscience are making a
stand for truth and right? What barrier can we not break, what
purpose can we not accomplish?
"We have no desire to accuse Japan of breaking many solemn
treaties since 1636, nor to single out specially the teachers in
the schools or government officials who treat the heritage of our
ancestors as a colony of their own, and our people and their
civilization as a nation of savages, finding delight only in
beating us down and bringing us under their heel.
"We have no wish to find special fault with Japan's lack of
fairness or her contempt of our civilization and the principles
on which her state rests; we, who have greater cause to reprimand
ourselves, need not spend precious time in finding fault with
others; neither need we, who require so urgently to build for the
future, spend useless hours over what is past and gone. Our
urgent need to-day is the setting up of this house of ours and
not a discussion of who has broken it down, or what has caused
its ruin. Our work is to clear the future of defects in accord
with the earnest dictates of conscience. Let us not be filled
with bitterness or resentment over past agonies or past occasions
for anger.
"Our part is to influence the Japanese government, dominated as
it is by the old idea of brute force which thinks to run counter
to reason and universal law, so that it will change, act honestly
and in accord with the principles of right and truth.
"The result of annexation, brought about without any conference
with the Korean people, is that the Japanese, indifferent to us,
use every kind of partiality for their own, and by a false set of
figures show a profit and loss account between us two peoples
most untrue, digging a trench of everlasting resentment deeper
and deeper the farther they go.
"Ought not the way of enlightened courage to be to correct the
evils of the past by ways that are sincere, and by true sympathy
and friendly feeling make a new world in which the two peoples
will be equally blessed?
"To bind by force twenty millions of resentful Koreans will mean
not only loss of peace forever for this part of the Far East, but
also will increase the evergrowing suspicion of four hundred
millions of Chinese--upon whom depends the danger or safety of
the Far East--besides strengthening the hatred of Japan. From
this all the rest of the East will suffer. To-day Korean
independence will mean not only daily life and happiness for us,
but also it would mean Japan's departure from an evil way and
exaltation to the place of true protector of the East, so that
China, too, even in her dreams, would put all fear of Japan
aside. This thought comes from no minor resentment, but from a
large hope for the future welfare and blessing of mankind.
"A new era wakes before our eyes, the old world of force is gone,
and the new world of righteousness and truth is here. Out of the
experience and travail of the old world arises this light on
life's affairs. The insects stifled by the foe and snow of winter
awake at this same time with the breezes of spring and the soft
light of the sun upon them.
"It is the day of the restoration of all things on the full tide
of which we set forth, without delay or fear. We desire a full
measure of satisfaction in the way of liberty and the pursuit of
happiness, and an opportunity to develop what is in us for the
glory of our people.
"We awake now from the old world with its darkened conditions in
full determination and one heart and one mind, with right on our
side, along with the forces of nature, to a new life. May all the
ancestors to the thousands and ten thousand generations aid us
from within and all the force of the world aid us from without,
and let the day we take hold be the day of our attainment. In
this hope we go forward.
THREE ITEMS OF AGREEMENT
"1. This work of ours is in behalf of truth, religion and life,
undertaken at the request of our people, in order to make known
their desire for liberty. Let no violence be done to any one.
"2. Let those who follow us, every man, all the time, every hour,
show forth with gladness this same mind.
"3. Let all things be done decently and in order, so that our
behaviour to the very end may be honourable and upright."
The 4252nd year of the Kingdom of Korea 3d Month.
Representatives of the people.
The signatures attached to the document are:
Son Pyung-hi, Kil Sun Chu, Yi Pil Chu, Paik Yong Sung, Kim Won
Kyu, Kim Pyung Cho, Kim Chang Choon, Kwon Dong Chin, Kwon Byung
Duk, Na Yong Whan, Na In Hup, Yang Chun Paik, Yang Han Mook, Lew
Yer Dai, Yi Kop Sung, Yi Mung Yong, Yi Seung Hoon, Yi Chong Hoon,
Yi Chong Il, Lim Yei Whan, Pak Choon Seung, Pak Hi Do, Pak Tong
Wan, Sin Hong Sik, Sin Suk Ku, Oh Sei Chang, Oh Wha Young, Chung
Choon Su, Choi Sung Mo, Choi In, Han Yong Woon, Hong Byung Ki,
Hong Ki Cho.
XV
THE PEOPLE SPEAK--THE TYRANTS ANSWER
On Saturday, March 1st, at two in the afternoon, in a large number of
centres of population throughout the country, the Declaration of Korean
Independence was solemnly read, usually to large assemblies, by
representative citizens. In some places, the leaders of the Christians and
the leaders of the non-Christian bodies acted in common. In other places,
by mutual agreement, two gatherings were held at the same time, the one for
Christians and the other for non-Christians. Then the two met in the
streets, and sometimes headed by a band they marched down the street
shouting "Mansei" until they were dispersed. Every detail had been thought
out. Large numbers of copies of declarations of independence were ready.
These were circulated, usually by boys and schoolgirls, sometimes by women,
each city being mapped out in districts.
It was soon seen that every class of the community was united. Men who had
been ennobled by the Japanese stood with the coolies; shopkeepers closed
their stores, policemen who had worked under the Japanese took off their
uniforms and joined the crowds, porters and labourers, scholars and
preachers, men and women all came together.
In every other Korean demonstration, for untold centuries, only part of the
nation had been included. When the yang-bans started a political revolt, in
the old days, they did not recognize that such a thing as popular opinion
existed and did not trouble to consult it. Korea had long known
demonstrations of great family against great family, of Yis against Mins;
of section against section, as when the Conservatives fought the
Progressives; and of Independents against the old Court Gang. But now all
were one. And with the men were the women, and even the children. Boys of
six told their fathers to be firm and never to yield, as they were carried
off to prison; girls of ten and twelve prepared themselves to go to jail.
The movement was a demonstration, not a riot. On the opening day and
afterwards--until the Japanese drove some of the people to fury--there was
no violence. The Japanese, scattered all over the country, were uninjured;
the Japanese shops were left alone; when the police attacked, elders
ordered the people to submit and to offer no resistance. The weak things
had set themselves up to confound the strong.
At first, the Japanese authorities were so completely taken by surprise
that they did not know what to do. Then the word was passed round that the
movement was to be suppressed by relentless severity. And so Japan lost her
last chance of winning the people of Korea and of wiping out the
accentuated ill-will of centuries.
The first plan of the Japanese was to attack every gathering of people and
disperse it, and to arrest every person who took part in the demonstrations
or was supposed to have a hand in them. Japanese civilians were armed with
clubs and swords and given _carte blanche_ to attack any Korean they
suspected of being a demonstrator. They interpreted these instructions
freely. Firemen were sent out with poles with the big firemen's hooks at
the end. A single pull with one of these hooks meant death or horrible
mutilation for any person they struck.
The police used their swords freely. What I mean by "freely" can best be
shown by one incident A little gathering of men started shouting "Mansei"
in a street in Seoul. The police came after them, and they vanished. One
man--it is not clear whether he called "Mansei" or was an accidental
spectator--was pushed in the deep gutter by the roadside as the
demonstrators rushed away. As he struggled out the police came up. There
was no question of the man resisting or not resisting. He was unarmed and
alone. They cut off his ears, cut them off level with his cheek, they slit
up his fingers, they hacked his body, and then they left him for dead. He
was carried off by some horrified spectators, and died a few hours later. A
photograph of his body lies before me as I write. I showed the photograph
one evening to two or three men in New York City. Next day I met the men
again. "We had nightmare all night long, because of that picture," they
told me.
In Seoul, when the thirty-three leaders were arrested, a demonstration was
held in the Park and the Declaration read there. Then the crowd made an
orderly demonstration in the streets, waving flags and hats, shouting
"Mansei," parading in front of the Consulates and public buildings, and
sending letters to the Consuls informing them of what they had done. There
was no violence. The police, mounted and foot, tried to disperse the crowds
and made numerous arrests, but the throngs were so dense that they could
not scatter them.
Next day was Sunday. Here the strong Christian influences stopped
demonstrations, for the Korean Christians observe the Sunday strictly. This
gave the Japanese authorities time to gather their forces. Numerous arrests
were made that day, not only in Seoul but all over the country. On Monday
there was the funeral of the ex-Emperor. The people were quiet then. It was
noticed that the school children were entirely absent from their places
along the line of march. They had struck.
On Wednesday life was supposed to resume its normal aspects again. The
schools reopened, but there were no pupils. The shops remained closed. The
coolies in official employ did not come to work. The authorities sent
police to order the shopkeepers to open. They opened while the police were
by, and closed immediately they were out of sight. Finally troops were
placed outside the shops to see that they remained open. The shopkeepers
sat passive, and informed any chance enquirer that they did not have what
he wanted. This continued for some weeks.
The authorities were specially disturbed by the refusal of the children to
come to school. In one large junior school, the boys were implored to come
for their Commencement exercises, and to receive their certificates. Let me
tell the scene that followed, as described to me by people in the city. The
boys apparently yielded, and the Commencement ceremonies were begun, in the
presence of a number of official and other distinguished Japanese guests.
The precious certificates were handed out to each lad. Then the head boy, a
little fellow of about twelve or thirteen, came to the front to make the
school speech of thanks to his teachers and to the authorities. He was the
impersonation of courtesy. Every bow was given to the full; he lingered
over the honorifics, as though he loved the sound of them. The
distinguished guests were delighted. Then came the end. "I have only this
now to say," the lad concluded. A change came over his voice. He
straightened himself up, and there was a look of resolution in his eyes. He
knew that the cry he was about to utter had brought death to many during
the past few days. "We beg one thing more of you." He plunged one hand in
his garment, pulled out the Korean flag, the possession of which is a
crime. Waving the flag, he cried out, "Give us back our country. May Korea
live forever. Mansei!"
All the boys jumped up from their seats, each one pulling out a flag from
under his coat and waved it, calling, "Mansei! Mansei! Mansei!" They tore
up their precious certificates, in front of the now horrified guests, threw
them on the ground, and trooped out.
At nine o'clock that Wednesday morning there was a great demonstration of
students and high school girls around the palace. The girls had planned out
their part ahead. A big crowd gathered around. Then a large force of police
rushed on them, with drawn swords, knocking down, beating and arresting,
lads and girls alike. The girls were treated as roughly as the men. Over
four hundred, including one hundred girl students, were taken to the police
station that morning. What happened to the girls there, I tell in a later
chapter. Fifteen nurse-probationers of the Severance Hospital, one of the
most famous missionary hospitals in the Far East, hurried out with bandages
to bind up the wounded. The police took them in custody also. They were
severely examined, to find if the foreigners had instigated them to take
part in the demonstrations, but were released the same afternoon.
As Prince Yi was returning from the ex-Emperor's funeral that afternoon, a
group of twenty literati approached his carriage and attempted to present a
petition. They were stopped by the police. A petition was sent by the
literati to the Governor-General; the delegates were told to take it to the
police office. Here they were arrested.
Two of the most famous nobles in the land, Viscount Kim and Viscount Li,
sent a dignified petition to the Governor-General, begging him to listen to
the people, and deploring the severe measures taken to suppress the
demonstrations. Viscount Kim was senior peer, head of the Confucian
College, and had ever been a friend of Japan. As far back as 1866, he had
run the risk of death by urging the King to open the country to outside
nations and to conclude a treaty with Japan. The Japanese had made him one
of their new Korean peerage. He was now eighty-five, feeble and bedridden.
The protest of himself and his fellow senior was measured, polished, moved
with a deep sympathy for the people, but with nothing in it to which the
Governor-General should have taken offence.