MY DEAR FRIEND,—So it seems that I am really not to see you this time. I
am truly sorry, and count all the more on your calling on your return, if
I am still in England. I should like to have thanked you at once for your
affectionate letter for my birthday. But you know, if you altogether trust
me, that a lifelong love for you lies deep in my heart.
I had expected more from the great programme of New Oxford. It is not,
however, much more unsatisfactory than the article on Plato, the writer of
which now avows himself. It is only possible to excuse the milk-and-watery
treatment of the subject through the general mental cowardice and
ignorance in intellectual matters which is so predominant in this country.
I find a comfort in the hope that this article is the prologue to able
exegetical works, combined with a concrete statement of the absurdity, the
untruth, and untenableness of the present English conception of
inspiration. Do not call me to account too sharply for this hope, or it is
likely to evaporate simply in pious wishes. Moral earnestness is the only
thing that pleases me in this matter; the important thing now is to prove
it, in opposition to invincible prejudices. Your plan of publishing your
Introduction after you have talked it over with Lassen and Burnouf, and
drawn in fresh breath, and just in January too, pleases me very much. If I
may, all in the dark, give you some good advice, try to make yourself
clear on two points. First, as to the proper limits of language for the
investigation of past and prehistoric times. As yet, no one has known how
to handle these gigantic materials; what Jacob Grimm has lately attempted
with them is child’s play. It is no longer of any use, as a Titan in
intention, but confused as to aim, and uncertain in method,—it is no
longer of any use to put down dazzling examples which demonstrate nothing,
or at most only that something ought to be there to be demonstrated. What
you have told me entitles one to the highest hopes; and these will be
realized, if you in the French, not the Teutonic manner, arrive at full
understanding of what is at present a mere instinctive intuition, and thus
arrive at the right method. You can do it. Only I have some anxiety as to
the second point, the historical proofs of the beginnings of nations. That
is the weak side, first of all etymologists and word-masters, and then
especially of all “Indologues,” and of the whole Indian past itself. There
is an enormous difference between what _can_ have been, nay, according to
certain abstract theoretic views _must_ have been, and what _has_ been.
That, however, is the distinctive problem for historical investigation.
And here, above all, much depends on philological knowledge and sagacity;
but still more on that historical tact which understands how inferences
should be drawn. This demands much acquaintance with what is real, and
with purely historical material; much practice, and, as regards character,
much self-denial. In this _judicium subactum_ of the historian lies the
difference between Niebuhr and O. Müller. To satisfy these demands, it is
only necessary, with your gifts and your character, that you should wish
to do so earnestly, and perseveringly wish it. Of course you will not
separate the inquiry as to the oldest seat of the Sanskrit language from
the surrounding problems. I am perhaps too strongly prejudiced against the
idea that the family of which we are speaking must have wandered from the
banks of the Upper Indus towards Bactria, and from thence founded Media
and Persia. But I have for the present good grounds for this, and views
which have long been tested by me. I can well imagine a migration of this
family to and fro from the northern to the southern slopes of the
Hindu-Kush and back again; in Egypt one sees most plainly how the Semitic,
or the family which inclines towards Semitism, migrated frequently from
the Mediterranean and the Euphrates to the Red Sea and _back again_. But
this alters nothing in the theory, on the one hand, that it is one and the
same family historically, and, on the other hand, that it is not
originally African, but Asiatic. You will certainly not adopt Niebuhr’s
autochthonic theory, where such facts lie before you. But enough. Only
receive these remarks as a proof of my lively interest in your researches,
and in yourself; and may Minerva be your guide. I rejoice in the prize you
have gained at the French Academy in Paris, both for you and the
Fatherland.
The King _has_ subscribed for twenty copies of your Veda, and you have
received 500 thalers of it beforehand. The rest you will receive,
according to the agreement then made, and which was communicated to you,
as certainly _after_ the revolution and constitution as _before_. I
_cannot_ have said a word with any other meaning. I may have recommended
you not to demand future prepayment: there might have been difficulties.
Examine, then, the communication made to you, take twenty copies of your
first volume in your pocket, or rather in the ship, and hand them in,
writing in any case to Humboldt, and beside him to the minister concerned,
therefore to the Minister of Public Instruction. As to what concerns the
King personally, ask Humboldt what you have to do. The thing itself is as
clear and settled a matter of business as anything can well be; on this
very account I have completely forgotten the particulars.
And now, God bless you, my dear friend. Greet all friendly minds and
souls, and first, “though I have not the pleasure of her acquaintance,”
your mother; and then Humboldt and Lepsius before any one else.
[12.]
LONDON, _November_ 4, 1850.
I must tell you by return of post that your letter has frightened me by
what you tell me respecting your strong impulse to go to Benares or to
Bonn. This is the very worst moment for Bonn, and the very best for your
publication of the Introduction to the Vedas. The crisis in our country
disturbs everything; it will soon be over, and, as I have good reason to
believe, without dishonor or bloodshed. They would do everything to make
your stay in Bonn pleasant, as soon as they have recovered breath. Still,
you must print that English book in England; and I should add, before you
settle across the Channel. Or do you only intend to pay Lassen a visit?
You knew that some time ago Lassen longed to see you, more than any other
man. It would be a good idea if you settle to make an excursion to
Germany. You are one of those who always arrange things best personally.
At all events, you must come to us the day after to-morrow, and stay till
the 9th. We shall have a house full of visitors that day (evening), but
till then be quite alone. On the 7th you will give your presence to George
as a birthday gift, a proof of great affection. Of Froude I have heard and
seen nothing.
Empson has been here twice, without leaving his address. I have advanced
as far in the astronomy and chronology of the Chinese as I can without an
astronomer. _They have begun with the beginning of the Chaldeans._ With
the language, too, I have reached firm soil and ground, through the 120
words which become particles. More by word of mouth.
The struggle is over. Open conferences will be held at Vienna, where
Prussia will represent and securely maintain the principle of free
opinion.
The 8,000 Bavarians will return home again. The new constitution of the
Bund will include all Austria (except Italy), and will have a diet which
has no legislative power in internal German affairs. Will Radowitz stay?
Send a line in answer.
[13.]