I had the good fortune to please my master in every department in

which he employed me; and there was scarcely any part of his business,

or household affairs, in which I was not occasionally engaged. I often

supplied the place of a clerk, in receiving and delivering cargoes to

the ships, in tending stores, and delivering goods: and, besides this,

I used to shave and dress my master when convenient, and take care of

his horse; and when it was necessary, which was very often, I worked

likewise on board of different vessels of his. By these means I became

very useful to my master; and saved him, as he used to acknowledge,

above a hundred pounds a year. Nor did he scruple to say I was of more

advantage to him than any of his clerks; though their usual wages in

the West Indies are from sixty to a hundred pounds current a year.

I have sometimes heard it asserted that a negro cannot earn his master

the first cost; but nothing can be further from the truth. I suppose

nine tenths of the mechanics throughout the West Indies are negro

slaves; and I well know the coopers among them earn two dollars a day;

the carpenters the same, and oftentimes more; as also the masons,

smiths, and fishermen, &c. and I have known many slaves whose masters

would not take a thousand pounds current for them. But surely this

assertion refutes itself; for, if it be true, why do the planters and

merchants pay such a price for slaves? And, above all, why do those

who make this assertion exclaim the most loudly against the abolition

of the slave trade? So much are men blinded, and to such inconsistent

arguments are they driven by mistaken interest! I grant, indeed, that

slaves are some times, by half-feeding, half-clothing, over-working

and stripes, reduced so low, that they are turned out as unfit for

service, and left to perish in the woods, or expire on a dunghill.

My master was several times offered by different gentlemen one hundred

guineas for me; but he always told them he would not sell me, to my

great joy: and I used to double my diligence and care for fear of

getting into the hands of those men who did not allow a valuable slave

the common support of life. Many of them even used to find fault with

my master for feeding his slaves so well as he did; although I often

went hungry, and an Englishman might think my fare very indifferent;

but he used to tell them he always would do it, because the slaves

thereby looked better and did more work.

While I was thus employed by my master I was often a witness to

cruelties of every kind, which were exercised on my unhappy fellow

slaves. I used frequently to have different cargoes of new negroes in

my care for sale; and it was almost a constant practice with our

clerks, and other whites, to commit violent depredations on the

chastity of the female slaves; and these I was, though with

reluctance, obliged to submit to at all times, being unable to help

them. When we have had some of these slaves on board my master's

vessels to carry them to other islands, or to America, I have known

our mates to commit these acts most shamefully, to the disgrace, not

of Christians only, but of men. I have even known them gratify their

brutal passion with females not ten years old; and these abominations

some of them practised to such scandalous excess, that one of our

captains discharged the mate and others on that account. And yet in

Montserrat I have seen a negro man staked to the ground, and cut most

shockingly, and then his ears cut off bit by bit, because he had been

connected with a white woman who was a common prostitute: as if it

were no crime in the whites to rob an innocent African girl of her

virtue; but most heinous in a black man only to gratify a passion of

nature, where the temptation was offered by one of a different colour,

though the most abandoned woman of her species. Another negro man was

half hanged, and then burnt, for attempting to poison a cruel

overseer. Thus by repeated cruelties are the wretched first urged to

despair, and then murdered, because they still retain so much of human

nature about them as to wish to put an end to their misery, and

retaliate on their tyrants! These overseers are indeed for the most

part persons of the worst character of any denomination of men in the

West Indies. Unfortunately, many humane gentlemen, by not residing on

their estates, are obliged to leave the management of them in the

hands of these human butchers, who cut and mangle the slaves in a

shocking manner on the most trifling occasions, and altogether treat

them in every respect like brutes. They pay no regard to the situation

of pregnant women, nor the least attention to the lodging of the

field negroes. Their huts, which ought to be well covered, and the

place dry where they take their little repose, are often open sheds,

built in damp places; so that, when the poor creatures return tired

from the toils of the field, they contract many disorders, from being

exposed to the damp air in this uncomfortable state, while they are

heated, and their pores are open. This neglect certainly conspires

with many others to cause a decrease in the births as well as in the

lives of the grown negroes. I can quote many instances of gentlemen

who reside on their estates in the West Indies, and then the scene is

quite changed; the negroes are treated with lenity and proper care, by

which their lives are prolonged, and their masters are profited. To

the honour of humanity, I knew several gentlemen who managed their

estates in this manner; and they found that benevolence was their true

interest. And, among many I could mention in several of the islands, I

knew one in Montserrat[R] whose slaves looked remarkably well, and

never needed any fresh supplies of negroes; and there are many other

estates, especially in Barbadoes, which, from such judicious

treatment, need no fresh stock of negroes at any time. I have the

honour of knowing a most worthy and humane gentleman, who is a native

of Barbadoes, and has estates there[S]. This gentleman has written a

treatise on the usage of his own slaves. He allows them two hours for

refreshment at mid-day; and many other indulgencies and comforts,

particularly in their lying; and, besides this, he raises more

provisions on his estate than they can destroy; so that by these

attentions he saves the lives of his negroes, and keeps them healthy,

and as happy as the condition of slavery can admit. I myself, as shall

appear in the sequel, managed an estate, where, by those attentions,

the negroes were uncommonly cheerful and healthy, and did more work by

half than by the common mode of treatment they usually do. For want,

therefore, of such care and attention to the poor negroes, and

otherwise oppressed as they are, it is no wonder that the decrease

should require 20,000 new negroes annually to fill up the vacant

places of the dead.

Even in Barbadoes, notwithstanding those humane exceptions which I

have mentioned, and others I am acquainted with, which justly make it

quoted as a place where slaves meet with the best treatment, and need

fewest recruits of any in the West Indies, yet this island requires

1000 negroes annually to keep up the original stock, which is only

80,000. So that the whole term of a negro's life may be said to be

there but sixteen years![T] And yet the climate here is in every

respect the same as that from which they are taken, except in being

more wholesome. Do the British colonies decrease in this manner? And

yet what a prodigious difference is there between an English and West

India climate?

While I was in Montserrat I knew a negro man, named Emanuel Sankey,

who endeavoured to escape from his miserable bondage, by concealing

himself on board of a London ship: but fate did not favour the poor

oppressed man; for, being discovered when the vessel was under sail,

he was delivered up again to his master. This Christian master

immediately pinned the wretch down to the ground at each wrist and

ancle, and then took some sticks of sealing wax, and lighted them, and

droped it all over his back. There was another master who was noted

for cruelty; and I believe he had not a slave but what had been cut,

and had pieces fairly taken out of the flesh: and, after they had been

punished thus, he used to make them get into a long wooden box or case

he had for that purpose, in which he shut them up during pleasure. It

was just about the height and breadth of a man; and the poor wretches

had no room, when in the case, to move.

It was very common in several of the islands, particularly in St.

Kitt's, for the slaves to be branded with the initial letters of their

master's name; and a load of heavy iron hooks hung about their necks.

Indeed on the most trifling occasions they were loaded with chains;

and often instruments of torture were added. The iron muzzle,

thumb-screws, &c. are so well known, as not to need a description, and

were sometimes applied for the slightest faults. I have seen a negro

beaten till some of his bones were broken, for even letting a pot boil

over. Is it surprising that usage like this should drive the poor

creatures to despair, and make them seek a refuge in death from those

evils which render their lives intolerable--while,

"With shudd'ring horror pale, and eyes aghast,

They view their lamentable lot, and find

No rest!"

This they frequently do. A negro-man on board a vessel of my master,

while I belonged to her, having been put in irons for some trifling

misdemeanor, and kept in that state for some days, being weary of

life, took an opportunity of jumping overboard into the sea; however,

he was picked up without being drowned. Another, whose life was also a

burden to him, resolved to starve himself to death, and refused to eat

any victuals; this procured him a severe flogging: and he also, on the

first occasion which offered, jumped overboard at Charles Town, but

was saved.

Nor is there any greater regard shewn to the little property than

there is to the persons and lives of the negroes. I have already

related an instance or two of particular oppression out of many which

I have witnessed; but the following is frequent in all the islands.

The wretched field-slaves, after toiling all the day for an unfeeling

owner, who gives them but little victuals, steal sometimes a few

moments from rest or refreshment to gather some small portion of

grass, according as their time will admit. This they commonly tie up

in a parcel; (either a bit, worth six pence; or half a bit's-worth)

and bring it to town, or to the market, to sell. Nothing is more

common than for the white people on this occasion to take the grass

from them without paying for it; and not only so, but too often also,

to my knowledge, our clerks, and many others, at the same time have

committed acts of violence on the poor, wretched, and helpless

females; whom I have seen for hours stand crying to no purpose, and

get no redress or pay of any kind. Is not this one common and crying

sin enough to bring down God's judgment on the islands? He tells us

the oppressor and the oppressed are both in his hands; and if these

are not the poor, the broken-hearted, the blind, the captive, the

bruised, which our Saviour speaks of, who are they? One of these

depredators once, in St. Eustatia, came on board of our vessel, and

bought some fowls and pigs of me; and a whole day after his departure

with the things he returned again and wanted his money back: I refused

to give it; and, not seeing my captain on board, he began the common

pranks with me; and swore he would even break open my chest and take

my money. I therefore expected, as my captain was absent, that he

would be as good as his word: and he was just proceeding to strike me,

when fortunately a British seaman on board, whose heart had not been

debauched by a West India climate, interposed and prevented him. But

had the cruel man struck me I certainly should have defended myself at

the hazard of my life; for what is life to a man thus oppressed? He

went away, however, swearing; and threatened that whenever he caught

me on shore he would shoot me, and pay for me afterwards.

The small account in which the life of a negro is held in the West

Indies is so universally known, that it might seem impertinent to

quote the following extract, if some people had not been hardy enough

of late to assert that negroes are on the same footing in that respect

as Europeans. By the 329th Act, page 125, of the Assembly of

Barbadoes, it is enacted 'That if any negro, or other slave, under

punishment by his master, or his order, for running away, or any other

crime or misdemeanor towards his said master, unfortunately shall

suffer in life or member, no person whatsoever shall be liable to a

fine; but if any man shall out of _wantonness, or only of

bloody-mindedness, or cruel intention, wilfully kill a negro, or other

slave, of his own, he shall pay into the public treasury fifteen

pounds sterling_.' And it is the same in most, if not all, of the West

India islands. Is not this one of the many acts of the islands which

call loudly for redress? And do not the assembly which enacted it

deserve the appellation of savages and brutes rather than of

Christians and men? It is an act at once unmerciful, unjust, and

unwise; which for cruelty would disgrace an assembly of those who are

called barbarians; and for its injustice and _insanity_ would shock

the morality and common sense of a Samaide or a Hottentot.

Shocking as this and many more acts of the bloody West India code at

first view appear, how is the iniquity of it heightened when we

consider to whom it may be extended! Mr. James Tobin, a zealous

labourer in the vineyard of slavery, gives an account of a French

planter of his acquaintance, in the island of Martinico, who shewed

him many mulattoes working in the fields like beasts of burden; and he

told Mr. Tobin these were all the produce of his own loins! And I

myself have known similar instances. Pray, reader, are these sons and

daughters of the French planter less his children by being begotten on

a black woman? And what must be the virtue of those legislators, and

the feelings of those fathers, who estimate the lives of their sons,

however begotten, at no more than fifteen pounds; though they should

be murdered, as the act says, _out of wantonness and bloody-mindedness_!

But is not the slave trade entirely a war with the heart of man? And

surely that which is begun by breaking down the barriers of virtue

involves in its continuance destruction to every principle, and buries

all sentiments in ruin!

I have often seen slaves, particularly those who were meagre, in

different islands, put into scales and weighed; and then sold from

three pence to six pence or nine pence a pound. My master, however,

whose humanity was shocked at this mode, used to sell such by the

lump. And at or after a sale it was not uncommon to see negroes taken

from their wives, wives taken from their husbands, and children from

their parents, and sent off to other islands, and wherever else their

merciless lords chose; and probably never more during life to see each

other! Oftentimes my heart has bled at these partings; when the

friends of the departed have been at the water side, and, with sighs

and tears, have kept their eyes fixed on the vessel till it went out

of sight.

A poor Creole negro I knew well, who, after having been often thus

transported from island to island, at last resided in Montserrat. This

man used to tell me many melancholy tales of himself. Generally, after

he had done working for his master, he used to employ his few leisure

moments to go a fishing. When he had caught any fish, his master would

frequently take them from him without paying him; and at other times

some other white people would serve him in the same manner. One day he

said to me, very movingly, 'Sometimes when a white man take away my

fish I go to my maser, and he get me my right; and when my maser by

strength take away my fishes, what me must do? I can't go to any body

to be righted; then' said the poor man, looking up above 'I must look

up to God Mighty in the top for right.' This artless tale moved me

much, and I could not help feeling the just cause Moses had in

redressing his brother against the Egyptian. I exhorted the man to

look up still to the God on the top, since there was no redress below.

Though I little thought then that I myself should more than once

experience such imposition, and read the same exhortation hereafter,

in my own transactions in the islands; and that even this poor man and

I should some time after suffer together in the same manner, as shall

be related hereafter.

Nor was such usage as this confined to particular places or

individuals; for, in all the different islands in which I have been

(and I have visited no less than fifteen) the treatment of the slaves

was nearly the same; so nearly indeed, that the history of an island,

or even a plantation, with a few such exceptions as I have mentioned,

might serve for a history of the whole. Such a tendency has the

slave-trade to debauch men's minds, and harden them to every feeling

of humanity! For I will not suppose that the dealers in slaves are

born worse than other men--No; it is the fatality of this mistaken

avarice, that it corrupts the milk of human kindness and turns it into

gall. And, had the pursuits of those men been different, they might

have been as generous, as tender-hearted and just, as they are

unfeeling, rapacious and cruel. Surely this traffic cannot be good,

which spreads like a pestilence, and taints what it touches! which

violates that first natural right of mankind, equality and

independency, and gives one man a dominion over his fellows which God

could never intend! For it raises the owner to a state as far above

man as it depresses the slave below it; and, with all the presumption

of human pride, sets a distinction between them, immeasurable in

extent, and endless in duration! Yet how mistaken is the avarice even

of the planters? Are slaves more useful by being thus humbled to the

condition of brutes, than they would be if suffered to enjoy the

privileges of men? The freedom which diffuses health and prosperity

throughout Britain answers you--No. When you make men slaves you

deprive them of half their virtue, you set them in your own conduct an

example of fraud, rapine, and cruelty, and compel them to live with

you in a state of war; and yet you complain that they are not honest

or faithful! You stupify them with stripes, and think it necessary to

keep them in a state of ignorance; and yet you assert that they are

incapable of learning; that their minds are such a barren soil or

moor, that culture would be lost on them; and that they come from a

climate, where nature, though prodigal of her bounties in a degree

unknown to yourselves, has left man alone scant and unfinished, and

incapable of enjoying the treasures she has poured out for him!--An

assertion at once impious and absurd. Why do you use those instruments

of torture? Are they fit to be applied by one rational being to

another? And are ye not struck with shame and mortification, to see

the partakers of your nature reduced so low? But, above all, are there

no dangers attending this mode of treatment? Are you not hourly in

dread of an insurrection? Nor would it be surprising: for when

"--No peace is given

To us enslav'd, but custody severe;

And stripes and arbitrary punishment

Inflicted--What peace can we return?

But to our power, hostility and hate;

Untam'd reluctance, and revenge, though slow,

Yet ever plotting how the conqueror least

May reap his conquest, and may least rejoice

In doing what we most in suffering feel."

But by changing your conduct, and treating your slaves as men, every

cause of fear would be banished. They would be faithful, honest,

intelligent and vigorous; and peace, prosperity, and happiness, would

attend you.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote O: Thus was I sacrificed to the envy and resentment of this

woman for knowing that the lady whom she had succeeded in my master's

good graces designed to take me into her service; which, had I once

got on shore, she would not have been able to prevent. She felt her

pride alarmed at the superiority of her rival in being attended by a

black servant: it was not less to prevent this than to be revenged on

me, that she caused the captain to treat me thus cruelly.]

[Footnote P: "The Dying Negro," a poem originally published in 1773.

Perhaps it may not be deemed impertinent here to add, that this

elegant and pathetic little poem was occasioned, as appears by the

advertisement prefixed to it, by the following incident. "A black,

who, a few days before had ran away from his master, and got himself

christened, with intent to marry a white woman his fellow-servant,

being taken and sent on board a ship in the Thames, took an

opportunity of shooting himself through the head."]

[Footnote Q: These pisterines are of the value of a shilling.]

[Footnote R: Mr. Dubury, and many others, Montserrat.]

[Footnote S: Sir Philip Gibbes, Baronet, Barbadoes.]

[Footnote T: Benezet's Account of Guinea, p. 16.]

CHAP. VI.

_Some account of Brimstone-Hill in Montserrat--Favourable

change in the author's situation--He commences merchant with

three pence--His various success in dealing in the different

islands, and America, and the impositions he meets with in

his transactions with Europeans--A curious imposition on

human nature--Danger of the surfs in the West

Indies--Remarkable instance of kidnapping a free

mulatto--The author is nearly murdered by Doctor Perkins in

Savannah._

In the preceding chapter I have set before the reader a few of those

many instances of oppression, extortion, and cruelty, which I have

been a witness to in the West Indies: but, were I to enumerate them

all, the catalogue would be tedious and disgusting. The punishments of

the slaves on every trifling occasion are so frequent, and so well

known, together with the different instruments with which they are

tortured, that it cannot any longer afford novelty to recite them; and

they are too shocking to yield delight either to the writer or the

reader. I shall therefore hereafter only mention such as incidentally

befel myself in the course of my adventures.

In the variety of departments in which I was employed by my master, I

had an opportunity of seeing many curious scenes in different islands;

but, above all, I was struck with a celebrated curiosity called

Brimstone-Hill, which is a high and steep mountain, some few miles

from the town of Plymouth in Montserrat. I had often heard of some

wonders that were to be seen on this hill, and I went once with some

white and black people to visit it. When we arrived at the top, I saw

under different cliffs great flakes of brimstone, occasioned by the

steams of various little ponds, which were then boiling naturally in

the earth. Some of these ponds were as white as milk, some quite blue,

and many others of different colours. I had taken some potatoes with

me, and I put them into different ponds, and in a few minutes they

were well boiled. I tasted some of them, but they were very

sulphurous; and the silver shoe buckles, and all the other things of

that metal we had among us, were, in a little time, turned as black

as lead.

The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, Or Gustavus Vassa, The African Written By Himself · 第 7 / 18 段