the 13th. Since that, I have received your letter of August the 13th,
enclosing a correspondence between the Marquis de la Fayette and
Monsieur de Calonne, and another of the same date, enclosing the papers
in Fortin’s case. I immediately wrote to M. Limozin, at Havre, desiring
he would send me a state of the case, and inform me what were the
difficulties which suspended its decision. He has promised me, by
letter, to do this as soon as possible, and I shall not fail in
attention to it.
The Emperor and Dutch have signed preliminaries, which are now made
public. You will see them in the papers which accompany this. They still
leave a good deal to discussion. However, it is probable they will end
in peace. The party in Holland, possessed actually of the sovereignty,
wish for peace, that they may push their designs on the Stadtholderate.
This country wishes for peace, because her finances need arrangement.
The Bavarian exchange has produced to public view that jealousy and.
rancor between the courts of Vienna and Berlin, which existed before,
though it was smothered. This will appear by the declarations of the two
courts. The demarcation between the Emperor and Turk does not advance.
Still, however, I suppose neither of those two germs of war likely to
open soon. I consider the conduct of France as the best evidence of
this. If she had apprehended a war from either of those quarters, she
would not have been so anxious to leave the Emperor one enemy the less,
by placing him at peace with the Dutch. While she is exerting all
her powers to preserve peace by land, and making no preparation which
indicates a fear of its being disturbed in that quarter, she is pushing
her naval preparations, with a spirit unexampled in time of peace.
By the opening of the next spring, she will have eighty ships, of
seventy-four guns and upwards, ready for sea at a moment’s warning; and
the further constructions proposed, will probably, within two years,
raise the number to an hundred. New regulations have been made, too,
for perfecting the classification of her seamen; an institution, which,
dividing all the seamen of the nation into classes, subjects them to
tours of duty by rotation and enables government, at all times, to man
their ships. Their works for rendering Cherbourg a harbor for their
vessels of war, and Dunkirk, for frigates and privateers, leave now
little doubt of success. It is impossible that these preparations can
have in view any other nation than the English. Of course, they show a
greater diffidence of their peace with them, than with any other power.
I mentioned to you, in my letter of August the 14th, that I had desired
Captain John Paul Jones to inquire into the circumstances of Peyrouse’s
expedition. I have now the honor of enclosing you copies of my letter to
him, and of his answer. He refuses to accept of any indemnification for
his expenses, which is an additional proof of his disinterested spirit,
and of his devotion to the service of America. The circumstances are
obvious, which indicate an intention to settle factories, and not
colonies, at least, for the present. However, nothing shows for what
place they are destined. The conjectures are divided between New
Holland, and the northwest coast of America.
According to what I mentioned in my letter of August the 30th, I have
appointed Mr. Short my secretary here. I enclose to you copies of my
letters to him and Mr. Grand, which will show to Congress that he stands
altogether at their pleasure. I mention this circumstance, that if what
I have done meets with their disapprobation, they may have the goodness
to signify it immediately, as I should otherwise conclude that they do
not disapprove it. I shall be ready to conform myself to what would be
most agreeable to them.
This will be accompanied by the gazettes of France and Ley-den, to the
present date.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and
respect, Sir,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXII.--TO ELBRIDGE GERRY, October 11, 1785
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
Paris, October 11, 1785.
Dear Sir,
I received, last night, the letter signed by yourself and the other
gentlemen, delegates of Massachusetts and Virginia, recommending Mr.
Sayre for the Barbary negotiations. As that was the first moment of its
suggestion to me, you will perceive by my letter of this day, to Mr Jay,
that the business was already established in other hands, as your letter
came at the same time with the papers actually signed by Mr. Adams, for
Messrs. Barclay and Lambe, according to arrangements previously taken
between us. I should, with great satisfaction, have acceded to the
recommendation in the letter: not indeed as to Morocco, because, no
better man than Mr. Barclay could have been substituted; but as to
Algiers, Mr. Lambe being less known to me. However, I hope well of him,
and rely considerably on the aid he will receive from his secretary, Mr.
Randall, who bears a very good character. I suppose Mr. Adams entitled
to the same just apology, as matters were settled otherwise, before he
probably received your letter. I pray you to communicate this to the
other gentlemen of your and our delegation as my justification.
The peace made between the Emperor and Dutch, leaves Europe quiet for
this campaign. As yet, we do not know where the storm, dissipated for
the moment, will gather again. Probably over Bavaria or Turkey. But this
will be for another year.
When our instructions were made out, they were conceived on a general
scale, and supposed that all the European nations would be disposed to
form commercial connections with us. It is evident, however, that a very
different degree of importance was annexed to these different states.
Spain, Portugal, England, and France, were most important. Holland,
Sweden, Denmark, in a middling degree. The others, still less so. Spain
treats in another line. Portugal is disposed to do the same. England
will not treat at all; nor will France, probably, add to her former
treaty. Failing in the execution of these our capital objects, it has
appeared to me, that the pushing the treaties with the lesser powers,
might do us more harm than good, by hampering the measures the States
may find it necessary to take, for securing those commercial interests,
by separate measures, which is refused to be done here, in concert. I
have understood through various channels, that the members of Congress
wished a change in our instructions. I have, in my letter to Mr. Jay, of
this date, mentioned the present situation and aspect of these treaties,
for their information.
My letter of the 6th instant to Mr. Jay, having communicated what little
there is new here, I have only to add assurances of the sincere esteem,
with which I have the honor to be, Dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXIII.--TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES, October 11, 1785
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, October 11, 1785.
Sir,
I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency, a report of the voyage
of an American ship, the first which has gone to China. The circumstance
which induces Congress to direct this communication, is the very
friendly conduct of the consul of his Majesty at Macao, and of the
commanders and other officers of the French vessels in those seas. It
has been with singular satisfaction, that Congress have seen these added
to the many other proofs of the cordiality of this nation towards our
citizens. It is the more pleasing, when it appears in the officers of
government, because it is then viewed as an emanation of the spirit of
the government. It would be an additional gratification to Congress, in
this particular instance, should any occasion arise of notifying
those officers, that their conduct has been justly represented to
your Excellency, on the part of the United States, and has met
your approbation. Nothing will be wanting, on our part, to foster
corresponding dispositions in our citizens, and we hope that proofs
of their actual existence have appeared, and will appear, whenever,
occasion shall offer. A sincere affection between the two people, is the
broadest basis on which their peace can be built.
It will always be among the most pleasing functions of my office, to
be made the channel of communicating the friendly sentiments of the two
governments. It is additionally so, as it gives me an opportunity of
assuring your Excellency of the high respect and esteem, with which I
have the honor to be,
your Excellency’s most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXIV.--TO JOHN JAY, October 11,1785
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, October 11,1785.
Sir,
In my letter of August the 14th, I had the honor of expressing to you
the uneasiness I felt at the delay of the instructions on the subject
of the Barbary treaties, of which Mr.. Lambe was the bearer, and of
informing you that I had proposed to Mr. Adams, that if he did not
arrive either in the French or English packets, then expected, we should
send some person to negotiate these treaties. As he did not arrive in
those packets, and I found Mr. Barclay was willing to undertake the
negotiations, I wrote to Mr. Adams (who had concurred in the proposition
made him), informing him that Mr. Barclay would go, and proposing papers
for our immediate signature. The day before the return of the courier,
Mr. Lambe arrived with our instructions, the letters of credence, he
enclosed in yours of March the 11th, 1785. Just about the same time,
came to hand the letter No. 1, informing me, that two American vessels
were actually taken and carried into Algiers, and leaving no further
doubt that that power was exercising hostilities against us in the
Atlantic. The conduct of the Emperor of Morocco had been such, as
forbade us to postpone his treaty to that with Algiers. But the
commencement of hostilities by the latter, and their known activity,
pressed the necessity of immediate propositions to them. It was
therefore thought best, while Mr. Barclay should be proceeding with the
Emperor of Morocco, that some other agent should go to Algiers. We had
few subjects to choose out of. Mr. Lambe’s knowledge of the country,
of its inhabitants, of their manner of transacting business, the
recommendations from his State to Congress, of his fitness for this
employment, and other information founding a presumption that he would
be approved, occasioned our concluding to send him to Algiers. The
giving him proper authorities, and new ones to Mr. Barclay conformable
to our own new powers, was the subject of a new courier between Mr.
Adams and myself. He returned last night, and I have the honor of
enclosing you copies of all the papers we furnish those gentlemen with;
which will possess Congress fully of our proceedings herein. They are
numbered from two to ten inclusive. The supplementary instruction to Mr.
Lambe, No. 5, must rest for justification on the emergency of the case.
The motives which led to it, must be found in the feelings of the human
heart, in a partiality for those sufferers who are of our own country,
and in the obligations of every government to yield protection to their
citizens, as the consideration for their obedience. It will be a comfort
to know, that Congress does not disapprove this step.
Considering the treaty with Portugal among the most interesting to the
United States, I some time ago, took occasion at Versailles, to ask
of the Portuguese ambassador, if he had yet received from his court an
answer to our letter. He told me he had not, but that he would make
it the subject of another letter. Two days ago, his _secrétaire
d’ambassade_ called on me, with a letter from his minister to the
ambassador, in which was the following paragraph, as he translated it to
me; and I committed it to writing from his mouth. ‘Your Excellency has
communicated to us the substance of your conversation with the American
minister. That power ought to have been already persuaded, by the manner
in which its vessels have been received here; and consequently that his
Majesty would have much satisfaction in maintaining perfect harmony and
good understanding with the same United States. But it would be proper
to begin with the reciprocal nomination, on both sides, of persons, who,
at least with the character of agents, might reciprocally inform their
constituents, of what might conduce to a knowledge of the interests of
the two nations, without prejudice to either. This first step appears
necessary to lead to the proposed object.’
By this, it would seem, that this power is more disposed to pursue a
track of negotiation, similar to that which Spain has done. I consider
this answer as definitive of all further measures, under our commission
to Portugal. That to Spain was superseded by proceedings in another
line. That to Prussia is concluded by actual treaty; to Tuscany will
probably be so; and perhaps to Denmark: and these, I believe, will
be the sum of the effects of our commissions for making treaties of
alliance. England shows no disposition to treat. France, should her
ministers be able to keep the ground of the _Arrêt_ of August, 1784,
against the clamors of her merchants, and should they be disposed,
hereafter, to give us more, very probably will not bind herself to it by
treaty, but keep her regulations dependent on her own will. Sweden will
establish a free port at St. Bartholomew’s, which, perhaps, will render
any new engagement, on our part, unnecessary. Holland is so immovable
in her system of colony administration, that, as propositions to her, on
that subject, would be desperate, they had better not be made. You will
perceive by the letter No. 11, from the Marquis de la Fayette, that
there is a possibility of an overture from the Emperor. A hint from
the _charge des affaires of Naples_, lately, has induced me to suppose
something of the same kind from thence. But the advanced period of our
commissions now offers good cause for avoiding to begin, what probably
cannot be terminated during their continuance; and with respect to these
two, and all other powers not before mentioned, I doubt whether the
advantages to be derived from treaties with them, will countervail the
additional embarrassments they may impose on the States, when they shall
proceed to make those commercial arrangements necessary to counteract
the designs of the British cabinet. I repeat it, therefore, that the
conclusion of the treaty with Prussia, and the probability of others
with Denmark, Tuscany and the Barbary States, may be expected to wind
up the proceedings of the general commissions. I think that, in possible
events, it may be advantageous to us, by treaties with Prussia, Denmark,
and Tuscany, to have secured ports in the Northern and Mediterranean
seas. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and
esteem,
Sir, your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXV.--TO MESSRS. VAN STAPHORST, October 12, 1785
TO MESSRS. VAN STAPHORST.
Paris, October 12, 1785.
Gentlemen,
The receipt of your favor, of September the 19th, should not have been
so long unacknowledged, but that I have been peculiarly and very closely
engaged ever since it came to hand.
With respect to the expediency of the arrangement you propose to make
with Mr. Parker, I must observe to you, that it would be altogether out
of my province to give an official opinion, for your direction. These
transactions appertain altogether to the commissioners of the treasury,
to whom you have very properly written on the occasion. I shall always
be willing, however, to apprize you of any facts I may be acquainted
with, and which might enable you to proceed with more certainty; and
even to give my private opinion, where I am acquainted with the subject,
leaving you the most perfect liberty to give it what weight you may
think proper. In the present case, I cannot give even a private opinion,
because I am not told what are precisely the securities offered by Mr.
Parker. So various are the securities of the United States, that unless
they are precisely described by their dates, consideration, and other
material circumstances, no man on earth can say what they are worth.
One fact, however, is certain, that all debts of any considerable amount
contracted by the United States, while their paper money existed, are
subject to a deduction, and not payable at any fixed period. I think I
may venture to say, also, that there are no debts of the United States,
‘on the same footing with the money loaned by Holland,’ except those due
to the Kings of France and Spain. However, I hope you will soon receive
the answer of the commissioners, which alone can decide authoritatively
what can be done.
Congress have thought proper to entrust to Mr. Adams and myself a
certain business, which may eventually call for great advances of money:
perhaps four hundred thousand livres or upwards. They have authorized
us to draw for this on their funds in Holland. The separate situation of
Mr. Adams and myself rendering joint drafts inconvenient, we have agreed
that they shall be made by him alone. You will be pleased, therefore, to
give the same credit to these bills, drawn by him, as if they were also
subscribed by me.
I have the honor to be, with high respect, Gentlemen,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXVI.--TO MONSIEUR DESBORDES, October 12,1785
TO MONSIEUR DESBORDES.
Paris, October 12,1785.
Sir,
There are, in the prison of St. Pol de Léon, six or seven citizens of
the United States of America, charged with having attempted a contraband
of tobacco, but, as they say themselves, forced into that port by
stress of weather. I believe that they are innocent. Their situation
is described to me to be as deplorable, as should be that of men found
guilty of the worst of crimes. They are in close jail, allowed three
sous a day only, and unable to speak a word of the language of the
country. I hope their distress, which it is my duty to relieve, and the
recommendation of Mr. Barclay to address myself to you, will apologize
for the liberty I take, of asking you to advise them what to do for
their defence, to engage some good lawyer for them, and to pass to them
the pecuniary reliefs necessary. I write to Mr. Lister Asquith, the
owner of the vessel, that he may draw bills on me, from time to
time, for a livre a day for every person of them, and for what may be
necessary to engage a lawyer for him. I will pray the favor of you to
furnish him money for his bills drawn on me for these purposes, which I
will pay on sight. You will judge if he should go beyond this allowance,
and be so good as to reject the surplus. I must desire his lawyer to
send me immediately a state of their case, and let me know in what
court their process is, and when it is likely to be decided. I hope the
circumstances of the case will excuse the freedom I take; and I have the
honor to be, with great respect, Sir,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXXVII.--TO HOGENDORP, October 13,1785
TO HOGENDORP.
Paris, October 13,1785.
Dear Sir,
Having been much engaged lately, I have been unable sooner to
acknowledge the receipt of your favor of September the 8th. What you are
pleased to say on the subject of my Notes, is more than they deserve.
The condition in which you first saw them, would prove to you how
hastily they had been originally written; as you may remember the
numerous insertions I had made in them, from time to time, when I could
find a moment for turning to them from other occupations. I have never
yet seen Monsieur de Buffon. He has been in the country all the summer.
I sent him a copy of the book, and have only heard his sentiments on one
particular of it, that of the identity of the mammoth and elephant.
As to this, he retains his opinion that they are the same. If you had
formed any considerable expectations from our revised code of laws, you
will be much disappointed. It contains not more than three or four laws
which could strike the attention of a foreigner. Had it been a digest of
all our laws, it would not have been comprehensible or instructive, but
to a native. But it is still less so, as it digests only the British
statutes and our own acts of Assembly, which are but a supplementary
part of our law. The great basis of it is anterior to the date of the
Magna Charta, which is the oldest statute extant. The only merit of this
work is, that it may remove from our book-shelves about twenty folio
volumes of statutes, retaining all the parts of them, which either their
own merit or the established system of laws required.
You ask me what are those operations of the British nation, which
are likely to befriend us, and how they will produce this effect? The
British government, as you may naturally suppose, have it much at heart
to reconcile their nation to the loss of America. This is essential to
the repose, perhaps even to the safety of the King and his ministers.
The most effectual engines for this purpose are the public papers. You
know well, that that government always kept a kind of standing army of
news-writers, who, without any regard to truth, or to what should be
like truth, invented, and put into the papers, whatever might serve the
ministers. This suffices with the mass of the people, who have no means
of distinguishing the false from the true paragraphs of a newspaper.
When forced to acknowledge our independence, they were forced to
redouble their efforts to keep the nation quiet. Instead of a few of
the papers, formerly engaged, they now engaged every one. No paper,
therefore, comes out without a dose of paragraphs against America. These
are calculated for a secondary purpose also, that of preventing the
emigrations of their people to America. They dwell very much on American
bankruptcies. To explain these, would require a long detail; but would
show you that nine tenths of these bankruptcies are truly English
bankruptcies, in no wise chargeable on America. However, they have
produced effects the most desirable of all others for us. They have
destroyed our credit, and thus checked our disposition to luxury; and,
forcing our merchants to buy no more than they have ready money to pay
for, they force them to go to those markets where that ready money will
buy most. Thus you see, they check our luxury, they force us to connect
ourselves with all the world, and they prevent foreign emigrations to
our country, all of which I consider as advantageous to us. They are
doing us another good turn. They attempt, without disguise, to possess
themselves of the carriage of our produce, and to prohibit our own
vessels from participating of it. This has raised a general indignation
in America. The States see, however, that their constitutions have
provided no means of counteracting it. They are therefore beginning to
vest Congress with the absolute power of regulating their commerce,
only reserving all revenue arising from it, to the State in which it is
levied. This will consolidate our federal building very much, and for
this we shall be indebted to the British.