in endeavors to have you discharged: but these have been ineffectual. If
our information be right, you are mistaken in supposing you are already
condemned. The Farmers General tell us, you are to be tried at Brest,
and this trial may perhaps be a month hence. From that court you
may appeal to the Parliament of Rennes, and from that to the King in
Council. They say, that from the depositions sent to them, there can be
no doubt you came to smuggle, and that in that case, the judgment of the
law is a forfeiture of the vessel and cargo, a fine of a thousand
livres on each of you, and six years’ condemnation to the galleys. These
several appeals will be attended with considerable expense. They offer
to discharge your persons and vessel (but not the cargo) on your paying
two thousand livres, and the costs already incurred; which are three or
four hundred more. You will therefore choose, whether to go through the
trial, or to compromise, and you are the best judge, what may be the
evidence for or against you. In either case, I shall render you all the
service I can. I will add, that if you are disposed to have the matter
tried, I am of opinion, that, if found against you, there will be no
danger of their sending you to the galleys; so that you may decide what
course you will take, without any bias from that fear. If you choose to
compromise, I will endeavor to have it done for you, on the best terms
we can. I fear they will abate little from the two thousand livres,
because Captain Deville, whom you sent here, fixed the matter by
offering that sum, and has done you more harm than good. I shall be glad
if you will desire your lawyer to make out a state of your case, (which
he may do in French,) and send it to me. Write me also yourself a plain
and full narration of your voyage, and the circumstances which have
brought so small a vessel, with so small a cargo, from America into
France. As far as we yet know them, they are not in your favor. Inform
me who you are, and what papers you have on board. But do not state to
me a single fact which is not true: for if I am led by your information
to advance any thing which they shall prove to be untrue, I will abandon
your case from that moment: whereas, sending me a true statement, I will
make the best of it I can. Mr. Barclay, the American consul, will be
here some few days yet. He will be, as he has already been, of much
service to you, if the information I ask both from yourself and your
lawyer, can come before his departure. I repeat my assurances of doing
whatever I can for you, and am, Sir,
your very humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CVIII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, September 19, 1785
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, September 19, 1785.
Dear Sir,
Lambe has arrived. He brings new full powers to us from Congress, to
appoint persons to negotiate with the Barbary States; but we are to sign
the treaties. Lambe has not even a recommendation from them to us, but
it seems clear that he would be approved by them. I told him of Mr.
Barclay’s appointment to Morocco, and proposed Algiers to him. He
agrees. A small alteration in the form of our despatches will be
necessary, and, of course, another courier shall be despatched to you on
the return of Colonel Franks, for your pleasure herein.
I am, with great esteem,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.*
[* The original of the above was in cipher; though, as in
the case of most of the Author’s letters in cipher, he
prepared and preserved a literal copy of it.]
LETTER CIX.--TO JAMES MADISON, September 20, 1785
TO JAMES MADISON.
Paris, September 20, 1785.
Dear Sir,
By Mr. Fitzhugh, you will receive my letter of the first instant. He
is still here, and gives me an opportunity of again addressing you much
sooner than I should have done, but for the discovery of a great piece
of inattention. In that letter I send you a detail of the cost of your
books, and desire you to keep the amount in your hands, as if I had
forgot that a part of it was in fact your own, as being a balance of
what I had remained in your debt. I really did not attend to it in the
moment of writing, and when it occurred to me, I revised my memorandum
book from the time of our being in Philadelphia together, and stated our
account from the beginning, lest I should forget or mistake any part of
it. I enclose you this statement. You will always be so good as to let
me know, from time to time, your advances for me. Correct with freedom
all my proceedings for you, as, in what I do, I have no other desire
than that of doing exactly what will be most pleasing to you.
I received this summer a letter from Messrs. Buchanan and Hay, as
Directors of the public buildings desiring I would have drawn for them
plans of sundry buildings, and, in the first place, of a capital. They
fixed; for their receiving this plan, a day which Was within about
six weeks of that on which their letter came to my hand. I engaged
an architect of capital abilities in this business. Much time was
requisite, after the external form was agreed on, to make the internal
distribution convenient for the three branches of government. This time
was much lengthened by my avocations to other objects, which I had no
right to neglect. The plan however Was settled. The gentlemen had
sent me one which they had thought of. The one agreed on here is more
convenient, more beautiful, gives more room, and will not cost more than
two thirds of what that would. We took for our model what is called the
_Maison Quarrée_ (Nismes), one of the most beautiful, if not the most
beautiful and precious morsel of architecture left us by antiquity. It
was built by Caius and Lucius Cæsar, and repaired by Louis XIV., and
has the suffrage of all the judges of architecture who have seen it, as
yielding to no one of the beautiful monuments of Greece, Rome, Palmyra,
and Balbec, which late travellers have communicated to us. It is very
simple, but it is noble beyond expression, and would have done honor
to our country, as presenting to travellers a specimen of taste in our
infancy, promising much for our maturer age. I have been much mortified
with information, which I received two days ago from Virginia, that the
first brick of the Capitol would be laid within a few days. But surely,
the delay of this piece of a summer would have been repaired by
the savings in the plan preparing here, were we to value its other
superiorities as nothing. But how is a taste in this beautiful art to
be formed in our countrymen, unless we avail ourselves of every occasion
when public buildings are to be erected, of presenting to them models
for their study and imitation? Pray try if you can effect the slopping
of this work. I have written also to E. R. on the subject. The loss will
be only of the laying the bricks already laid, or a part of them. The
bricks themselves will do again for the interior walls, and one side
wall and one end wall may remain, as they will answer equally well for
our plan. This loss is not to be weighed against the saving of money
which will arise, against the comfort of laying out the public money for
something honorable, the satisfaction of seeing an object and proof
of national good taste, and the regret and mortification of erecting a
monument of our barbarism, which will be loaded with execrations as long
as it shall endure. The plans are in good forwardness, and I hope will
be ready within three or four weeks. They could not be stopped now,
but on paying their whole price, which will be considerable. If the
undertakers are afraid to undo what they have done, encourage them to it
by a recommendation from the Assembly. You see I am an enthusiast on the
subject of the arts. But it is an enthusiasm of which I am not ashamed,
as its object is to improve the taste of my countrymen, to increase
their reputation, to reconcile to them the respect of the world, and
procure them its praise.
I shall send off your books, in two trunks, to Havre, within two or
three days, to the care of Mr. Limozin, American agent there. I will
advise you, as soon as I know by what vessel he forwards them. Adieu.
Yours affectionately,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CX.--TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, September 20,1785
TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
Paris, September 20,1785.
Dear Sir,
Being in your debt for ten volumes of Buffon, I have endeavored to
find something that would be agreeable to you to receive, in return. I
therefore send you, by way of Havre, a dictionary of law, natural and
municipal, in thirteen volumes 4to, called _Le Code de l’Humanité_. It
is published by Felice, but written by him and several other authors of
established reputation. It is an excellent work. I do not mean to say,
that it answers fully to its title. That would have required fifty times
the volume. It wants many articles which the title would induce us to
seek in it. But the articles which it contains are well written. It is
better than the voluminous _Dictionnaire Diplomatique_, and better also
than the same branch of the _Encyclopédie Méthodigue_. There has been
nothing published here, since I came, of extraordinary merit. The
_Encyclopédie Méthodique_, which is coming out from time to time, must
be excepted from this. It is to be had at two guineas less than the
subscription price. I shall be happy to send you any thing in this way
which you may desire. French books are to be bought here for two thirds
of what they can in England. English and Greek and Latin authors cost
from twenty-five to fifty per cent, more here than in England.
I received, some time ago, a letter from Messrs. Hay and Buchanan, as
Directors of the public buildings, desiring I would have plans drawn for
our public buildings, and in the first place for the capitol. I did not
receive their letter till within about six weeks of the time they
had fixed on for receiving the drawings. Nevertheless, I engaged an
excellent architect to comply with their desire. It has taken much
time to accommodate the external adopted, to the internal arrangement
necessary for the three branches of government. However, it is effected
on a plan, which, with a great deal of beauty and convenience within,
unites an external form on the most perfect model of antiquity now
existing. This is the _Maison Quarrée_ of Nismes, built by Caius and
Lucius Cæsar, and repaired by Louis XIV., which, in the opinion of all
who have seen it, yields, in beauty, to no piece of architecture on
earth. The gentlemen enclosed me a plan of which they had thought. The
one preparing here will be more convenient, give more room, and cost but
two thirds of that: and as a piece of architecture, doing honor to our
country, will leave nothing to be desired. The plans will be ready soon.
But, two days ago, I received a letter from Virginia, informing me
the first brick of the capitol would be laid within a few days. This
mortifies my extremely. The delay of this summer would have been amply
repaid by the superiority and economy of the plan preparing here. Is it
impossible to stop the work where it is? You will gain money by losing
what is done, and general approbation, instead of occasioning a regret,
which will endure as long as your building does. How is a taste for a
chaste and good style of building to be formed in our countrymen, unless
we seize all occasions which the erection of public buildings offers,
of presenting to them models for their imitation? Do, my dear Sir, exert
your influence to stay the further progress of the work, till you can
receive these plans. You will only lose the price of laying what bricks
are already laid, and of taking part of them asunder. They will do again
for the inner walls. A plan for a prison will be sent at the same time.
Mazzei is here, and in pressing distress for money. I have helped him as
far as I have been able, but particular circumstances put it out of my
power to do more. He is looking with anxiety to the arrival of every
vessel, in hopes of relief through your means. If he does not receive it
soon, it is difficult to foresee his fate.
The quiet which Europe enjoys at present, leaves nothing to communicate
to you in the political way. The Emperor and Dutch still differ about
the quantum of money to be paid by the latter; they know not for what.
Perhaps their internal convulsions will hasten them to a decision.
France is improving her navy, as if she were already in a naval war: yet
I see no immediate prospect of her having occasion for it. England is
not likely to offer war to any nation, unless, perhaps, to ours. This
would cost us our whole shipping: but in every other respect, we might
flatter ourselves with success. But the most successful war seldom pays
for its losses. I shall be glad to hear from you when convenient, and
am, with much esteem, Dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXI.--TO JOHN ADAMS, September 24, 1785
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, September 24, 1785.
Dear Sir,
I have received your favor of the 18th, enclosing your compliments on
your presentation. The sentiments you therein expressed, were such as
were entertained in America till the commercial proclamation, and such
as would again return, were a rational conduct to be adopted by Great
Britain. I think, therefore, you by no means compromitted yourself
or our country, nor expressed more than it would be our interest to
encourage, if they were disposed to meet us. I am pleased, however,
to see the answer of the King. It bears the marks of suddenness and
surprise, and as he seems not to have had time for reflection, we may
suppose he was obliged to find his answer in the real sentiments of his
heart if that heart has any sentiment. I have no doubt however that it
contains the real creed of an Englishman, and that the word which he
has let escape is the true word of the enigma. ‘The moment I see such
sentiments as yours prevail, and a disposition to give this country
the preference, I will,’ &c. All this I steadfastly believe. But the
condition is impossible. Our interest calls for a perfect equality in
our conduct towards these two nations; but no preferences any where.
If, however, circumstances should ever oblige us to show a preference,
a respect for our character, if we had no better motive, would decide to
which it should be given.
My letters from members of Congress render it doubtful, whether
they would not rather that full time should be given for the present
disposition of America to mature itself, and to produce a permanent
improvement in the federal constitution, rather than, by removing the
incentive, to prevent the improvement. It is certain that our commerce
is in agonies at present, and that these would be relieved by opening
the British ports in the West Indies. It remains to consider, whether a
temporary continuance under these sufferings would be paid for, by the
amendment it is likely to produce. However, I believe there is no fear
that Great Britain will puzzle us, by leaving it in our choice to hasten
or delay a treaty.
Is insurance made on Houdon’s life? I am uneasy about it, lest we should
hear of any accident. As yet there is no reason to doubt their safe
passage. If the insurance is not made, I will pray you to have it done
immediately.
As I have not received any London newspapers as yet, I am obliged to
ask you what is done as to them, lest the delay should proceed from some
obstacle to be removed.
There is a Mr. Thompson at Dover, who has proposed to me a method of
getting them post-free: but I have declined resorting to it, till I
should know in what train the matter is at present.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem, Dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, September 24,1785
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, September 24,1785.
Dear Sir,
My letter of September the 19th, written the morning after Mr. Lambe’s
arrival here, will inform you of that circumstance. I transmit you
herewith, copies of the papers he brought to us on the subject of the
Barbary treaties. You will see by them, that Congress have adopted the
very plan which we were proposing to pursue. It will now go on with less
danger of objection from the other parties. The receipt of these new
papers, therefore, has rendered necessary no change, in matter of
substance, in the despatches we had prepared. But they render some
formal changes necessary. For instance, in our letter of credence for
Mr. Barclay to the Emperor of Morocco, it becomes improper to enter
into those explanations which seemed proper when that letter was drawn;
because Congress in their letter enter into those explanations. In the
letter to the Count de Vergennes, it became proper to mention the new
full powers received from Congress, and which, in some measure, accord
with the idea communicated by him to us, from the Marechal de Castries.
These and other formal alterations, which appeared necessary to me,
I have made, leaving so much of the original draughts, approved and
amended by you, as were not inconsistent with these alterations. I have
therefore had these prepared fair, to save you the trouble of copying;
yet, wherever you choose to make alterations, you will be so good as to
make them; taking, in that case, the trouble of having new fair copies
made out.
You will perceive by Mr. Jay’s letter, that Congress had not thought
proper to give Mr. Lambe any appointment. I imagine they apprehended it
might interfere with measures actually taken by us. Notwithstanding the
perfect freedom which they are pleased to leave to us, on this subject,
I cannot feel myself clear of that bias, which a presumption of their
pleasure gives, and ought to give. I presume that Mr. Lambe met their
approbation, because of the recommendations he carried from the Governor
and State of Connecticut, because of his actual knowledge of the country
and people of the States of Barbary, because of the detention of these
letters from March to July, which, considering their pressing-nature,
would otherwise have been sent by other Americans, who, in the mean
time, have come from New York to Paris; and because, too, of the
information we received by Mr. Jarvis. These reasons are not strong
enough to set aside our appointment of Mr. Barclay to Morocco: that I
think should go on, as no man could be sent who would enjoy more the
confidence of Congress. But they are strong enough to induce me to
propose to you the appointment of Lambe to Algiers. He has followed for
many years the Barbary trade, and seems intimately acquainted with those
States. I have not seen enough of him to judge of his abilities. He
seems not deficient, as far as I can see, and the footing on which he
comes, must furnish a presumption for what we do not see. We must
say the same as to his integrity; we must rely for this on the
recommendations he brings, as it is impossible for us to judge of this
for ourselves. Yet it will be our duty to use such reasonable cautions
as are in our power. Two occur to me. 1. To give him a clerk capable of
assisting and attending to his proceedings, and who, in case he thought
any thing was going amiss, might give us information. 2. Not to give him
a credit on Van Staphorst and Willinck, but let his drafts be made on
yourself, which, with the knowledge you will have of his proceedings,
will enable you to check them, if you are sensible of any abuse
intended. This will give you trouble; but as I have never found you
declining trouble, when it is necessary, I venture to propose it. I
hope it will not expose you to inconvenience, as by instructing Lambe to
insert in his drafts a proper usance, you can, in the mean time, raise
the money for them by drawing on Holland. I must inform you that Mr.
Barclay wishes to be put on the same footing with Mr. Lambe, as to
this article, and therefore I return you your letter of credit on Van
Staphorst &, Co. As to the first article, there is great difficulty.
There is nobody at Paris fit for the undertaking, who would be likely to
accept it. I mean there is no American, for I should be anxious to place
a native in the trust. Perhaps you can send us one from London. There
is a Mr. Randall there, from New York, whom Mr. Barclay thinks might be
relied on very firmly for integrity and capacity. He is there for his
health; perhaps you can persuade him to go to Algiers in pursuit of it.
If you cannot, I really know not what will be done. It is impossible
to propose to Bancroft to go in a secondary capacity. Mr. Barclay and
myself have thought of Cairnes, at L’Ori-ent, as a _dernier ressort_.
But it is uncertain, or rather improbable, that he will undertake it.
You will be pleased in the first place, to consider of my proposition
to send Lambe to Algiers; and in the next, all the circumstances before
detailed, as consequences of that.
The enclosed letter from Richard O’Bryan furnishes powerful motives
for commencing, by some means or other, the treaty with Algiers,
more immediately than would be done, if left on Mr. Barclay. You will
perceive by that, that two of our vessels, with their crews and cargoes,
have been carried captive into that port. What is to be done as to those
poor people? I am for hazarding the supplementary instruction to Lambe,
which accompanies these papers. Alter it, or reject it, as you please.
You ask what I think of claiming the Dutch interposition. I doubt the
fidelity of any interposition too much to desire it sincerely. Our
letters to this court, heretofore, seemed to oblige us to communicate
with them on the subject. If you think the Dutch would take amiss our
not applying to them, I will join you in the application. Otherwise, the
fewer who are apprized of our proceedings, the better. To communicate
them to the States of Holland, is to communicate them to the whole
world.
Mr. Short returned last night, and brought the Prussian treaty, duly
executed in English and French. We may send it to Congress by the Mr.
Fitzhughs going from hence. Will you draw and sign a short letter for
that purpose? I send you a copy of a letter received from the Marquis
Fayette. In the present unsettled state of American commerce, I had as
lieve avoid all further treaties, except with American powers. If Count
Merci, therefore, does not propose the subject to me, I shall not to
him, nor do more than decency requires, if he does propose it. I am,
with great esteem, Dear Sir,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXIII.--TO F. HOPKINSON, September 25, 1785
TO F. HOPKINSON.
Paris, September 25, 1785.
Dear Sir,
My last to you was of the 6th of July. Since that, I have received yours
of July the 23rd. I do not altogether despair of making something of
your method of quilling, though, as yet, the prospect is not favorable.
I applaud much your perseverance in improving this instrument, and
benefiting mankind almost in spite of their teeth. I mentioned to
Piccini the improvement with which I am entrusted. He plays on the
piano-forte, and therefore did not feel himself personally interested.
I hope some better opportunity will yet fall in my way of doing it
justice. I had almost decided, on his advice, to get a piano-forte for
my daughter; but your last letter may pause me, till I see its effect.
Arts and arms are alike asleep for the moment. Ballooning indeed goes
on. There are two artists in the neighborhood of Paris, who seem to be
advancing towards the _desideratum_ in this business. They are able
to rise and fall at will, without expending their gas, and to deflect
forty-five degrees from the course of the wind.
I desired you in my last to send the newspapers, notwithstanding the
expense. I had then no idea of it. Some late instances have made me
perfectly acquainted with it. I have therefore been obliged to adopt
the following plan. To have my newspapers, from the different States,
enclosed to the office for Foreign Affairs, and to desire Mr. Jay to
pack the whole in a box, and send it by the packet as merchandise,
directed to the American consul at L’Orient, who will forward it to
me by the periodical wagons. In this way they will only cost me livres
where they now cost me guineas, I must pray you, just before the
departure of every French packet, to send my papers on hand to Mr. Jay,
in this way. I do not know whether I am subject to American postage
or not, in general; but I think newspapers never are. I have sometimes
thought of sending a copy of my Notes to the Philosophical Society, as
a tribute due to them: but this would seem as if I considered them as
worth something, which I am conscious they are not. I will not ask you
for your advice on this occasion, because it is one of those on which no
man is authorized to ask a sincere opinion. I shall therefore refer it
to further thoughts.
I am, with very sincere esteem, Dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CXIV.--TO LISTER ASQUITH, September 26,1785