article of our instructions of May 7th, 1784, was under debate in
Congress, it was proposed that neither party should make the other
pay, in their ports, greater duties, than they paid in the ports of the
other. One objection to this was, its impracticability; another, that it
would put it out of our power to lay such duties on alien importation as
might encourage importation by natives. Some members, much attached
to English policy, thought such a distinction should actually be
established. Some thought the power to do it should be reserved, in case
any peculiar circumstances should call for it, though under the present,
or perhaps, any probable circumstances, they did not think it would be
good policy ever to exercise it. The footing _gentis amicissimæ_ was
therefore adopted, as you see in the instruction. As far as my inquiries
enable me to judge, France and Holland make no distinction of duties
between aliens and natives. I also rather believe that the other states
of Europe make none, England excepted, to whom this policy, as that
of her navigation act, seems peculiar. The question then is, should
we disarm ourselves of the power to make this distinction against all
nations, in order to purchase an exemption from the alien duties in
England only; for if we put her importations on the footing of native,
all other nations with whom we treat will have a right to claim the
same. I think we should, because against other nations, who make no
distinction in their ports between us and their own subjects, we ought
not to make a distinction in ours. And if the English will agree, in
like manner, to make none, we should, with equal reason, abandon the
right as against them. I think all the world would gain, by setting
commerce at perfect liberty. I remember that when we were digesting
the general form of our treaty, this proposition to put foreigners and
natives on the same footing, was considered: and we were all three, Dr.
Franklin as well as you and myself, in favor of it. We finally, however,
did not admit it, partly from the objection you mention, but more still
on account of our instructions. But though the English proclamation had
appeared in America at the time of framing these instructions, I think
its effect, as to alien duties, had not yet been experienced, and
therefore was not attended to. If it had been noted in the debate, I am
sure that the annihilation of our whole trade would have been thought
too great a price to pay for the reservation of a barren power, which
a majority of the members did not propose ever to exercise, though they
were willing to retain it. Stipulating for equal rights to foreigners
and natives, we obtain more in foreign ports than our instructions
required, and we only part with, in our own ports, a power, of which
sound policy would probably for ever forbid the exercise. Add to this,
that our treaty will be for a very short term, and if any evil be
experienced under it, a reformation will soon be in our power. I am,
therefore, for putting this among our original propositions to the court
of London.
If it should prove an insuperable obstacle with them, or if it should
stand in the way of a greater advantage, we can but abandon it in the
course of the negotiation.
In my copy of the cipher, on the alphabetical side, numbers are wanting
from ‘Denmark’ to ‘disc’ inclusive, and from ‘gone’ to ‘governor’
inclusive. I suppose them to have been omitted in copying; will you be
so good as to send them to me from yours, by the first safe conveyance.
With compliments to the ladies and to Colonel Smith,
I am, dear Sir,
your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.*
[* The original of this letter was in cipher. But annexed to the copy in
cipher, is the above literal copy by the author.]
LETTER LXXXIII.--TO M. DE CASTRIES, August 3,1785
TO M. DE CASTRIES.
Paris, August 3,1785.
Sir,
The enclosed copy of a letter from Captain John Paul Jones, on the
subject on which your Excellency did me the honor to write me, on
the day of July, will inform you that there is still occasion to be
troublesome to you. A Mr. Puchilburg, a merchant of L’Orient, who seems
to have kept himself unknown till money was to be received, now presents
powers to receive it, signed by the American officers and crews:
and this produces a hesitation in the person to whom your order was
directed. Congress, however, having substituted Captain Jones, as agent,
to solicit and receive this money, he having given them security to
forward it, when received, to their treasury, to be thence distributed
to the claimants, and having at a considerable expense of time, trouble,
and money, attended it to a conclusion, are circumstances of weight,
against which Mr. Puchilburg seems to have nothing to oppose, but a
nomination by individuals of the crew, under which he has declined
to act, and permitted the business to be done by another without
contradiction from him. Against him, too, it is urged that he fomented
the sedition which took place among them, that he obtained this
nomination from them while their minds were under ferment; and that he
has given no security for the faithful payment of the money to those
entitled to it.
I will add to these, one more circumstance which appears to render it
impossible that he should execute this trust. It is now several years
since the right to this money arose. The persons in whom it originally
vested, were probably from different States in America. Many of them
must be now dead; and their rights passed on to their representatives.
But who are their representatives? The laws of some States prefer one
degree of relations, those of others prefer another, there being no
uniformity among the States on this point. Mr. Puchilberg, therefore,
should know which of the parties are dead; in what order the laws of
their respective States call their relations to the succession; and,
in every case, which of those orders are actually in existence, and
entitled to the share of the deceased. With the Atlantic ocean between
the principals and their substitute, your Excellency will perceive what
an inexhaustible source of difficulties, of chicanery, and delay, this
might furnish to a person who should find an interest in keeping this
money, as long as possible, in his own hands. Whereas, if it be lodged
in the treasury of Congress, they, by an easy reference to the tribunals
of the different States, can have every one’s portion immediately
rendered to himself, if living; and if dead, to such of his relations as
the laws of his particular State prefer, and as shall be found actually
living. I the rather urge this course, as I foresee that it will
relieve your Excellency from numberless appeals which these people will
continually be making from the decisions of Mr. Puchilberg; appeals
likely to perpetuate that trouble of which you have already had
too much, and to which I am sorry to be obliged to add, by asking a
peremptory order for the execution of what you were before pleased to
decide, on this subject.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect,
your Excellency’s most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXIV.--TO CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES, August 3,1785
TO CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES.
Paris, August 3,1785.
Sir,
I received yesterday your favor of the 29th, and have written on the
subject of it to the Maréchal de Castries this morning. You shall have
an answer as soon as I receive one. Will you be so good as to make an
inquiry into all the circumstances relative to Peyrouse’s expedition,
which seem to ascertain his destination. Particularly what number
of men, and of what conditions and vocations, had he on board? What
animals, their species and number? What trees, plants, or seeds? What
utensils? What merchandise or other necessaries? This inquiry should be
made with as little appearance of interest in it as possible. Should you
not be able to get satisfactory information without going to Brest, and
it be inconvenient for you to go there, I will have the expenses, this
shall occasion you, paid. Commit all the circumstances to writing, and
bring them when you come yourself, or send them by a safe hand.
I am, with much respect, Sir,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXV.--TO JOHN ADAMS, August 6, 1785
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, August 6, 1785.
Dear Sir,
I now enclose you a draught of a treaty for the Barbary States, together
with the notes Dr. Franklin left me. I have retained a press copy of
this draught, so that by referring to any article, line, and word, in
it, you can propose amendments and send them by the post, without any
body’s being able to make much of the main subject. I shall be glad to
receive any alterations you may think necessary, as soon as convenient,
that this matter may be in readiness. I enclose also a letter containing
intelligence from Algiers. I know not how far it is to be relied on. My
anxiety is extreme indeed, as to these treaties. We know that Congress
have decided ultimately to treat. We know how far they will go. But
unfortunately we know also, that a particular person has been charged
with instructions for us, these five months, who neither comes nor
writes to us. What are we to do? It is my opinion that if Mr. Lambe does
not come in either of the packets (English or French) now expected, we
ought to proceed. I therefore propose to you this term, as the end of
our expectations of him, and that if he does not come, we send some
other person. Dr. Bancroft or Captain Jones occurs to me as the fittest.
If we consider the present object only, I think the former would be the
most proper: but if we look forward to the very probable event of war
with those pirates, an important object would be obtained by Captain
Jones’s becoming acquainted with their ports, force, tactics, &c. Let
me know your opinion on this. I have never mentioned it to either, but I
suppose either might be induced to go. Present me affectionately to the
ladies and Colonel Smith, and be assured of the sincerity with which I
am,
Dear Sir, your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXVI.--TO DR. PRICE, August 7,1785
TO DR. PRICE.
Paris, August 7,1785.
Sir,
Your favor of July the 2nd came duly to hand. The concern you therein
express as to the effect of your pamphlet in America, induces me to
trouble you with some observations on that subject. From my acquaintance
with that country, I think I am able to judge, with some degree of
certainty, of the manner in which it will have been received. Southward
of the Chesapeake it will find but few readers concurring with it in
sentiment, on the subject of slavery. From the mouth to the head of the
Chesapeake, the bulk of the people will approve it in theory, and
it will find a respectable minority ready to adopt it in practice;
a minority, which, for weight and worth of character, preponderates
against the greater number, who have not the courage to divest their
families of a property, which, however, keeps their consciences unquiet.
Northward of the Chesapeake, you may find here and there an opponent to
your doctrine, as you may find here and there a robber and murderer;
but in no greater number. In that part of America, there being but few
slaves, they can easily disencumber themselves of them; and emancipation
is put into such a train, that in a few years there will be no slaves
northward of Maryland. In Maryland, I do not find such a disposition
to begin the redress of this enormity, as in Virginia. This is the next
State to which we may turn our eyes for the interesting spectacle of
justice, in conflict with avarice and oppression: a conflict wherein the
sacred side is gaining daily recruits, from the influx into office of
young men grown and growing up. These have sucked in the principles of
liberty, as it were, with their mothers’ milk; and it is to them I
look with anxiety to turn the fate of this question. Be not therefore
discouraged. What you have written will do a great deal of good: and
could you still trouble yourself with our welfare, no man is more able
to give aid to the laboring side. The College of William and Mary in
Williamsburg, since the re-modelling of its plan, is the place where are
collected together all the young men of Virginia, under preparation for
public life. They are there under the direction (most of them) of a Mr.
Wythe, one of the most virtuous of characters, and whose sentiments on
the subject of slavery are unequivocal. I am satisfied, if you could
resolve to address an exhortation to those young men, with all that
eloquence of which you are master, that its influence on the future
decision of this important question would be great, perhaps decisive.
Thus you see, that, so far from thinking you have cause to repent of
what you have done, I wish you to do more, and wish it on an assurance
of its effect. The information I have received from America, of the
reception of your pamphlet in the different States, agrees with the
expectations I had formed.
Our country is getting into a ferment against yours, or rather has
caught it from yours. God knows how this will end; but assuredly in
one extreme or the other. There can be no medium between those who have
loved so much. I think the decision is in your power as yet, but will
not be so long.
I pray you to be assured of the sincerity of the esteem and respect,
with which I have the honor to be, Sir,
your most obedient,
humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXVII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, August 10,1785
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, August 10,1785.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 4th instant came to hand yesterday. I now enclose you
the two _Arrêts_ against the importation of foreign manufactures into
this kingdom. The cause of the balance against this country in favor of
England, as well as its amount, is not agreed on. No doubt, the rage
for English manufactures must be a principal cause. The speculators in
exchange say, also, that those of the circumjacent countries, who have
a balance in their favor against France, remit that balance to England
from France. If so, it is possible that the English may count this
balance twice: that is, in summing their exports to one of these States,
and their imports from it, they count the difference once in their
favor; then a second time, when they sum the remittances of cash they
receive from France. There has been no _Arrêt_ relative to our commerce,
since that of August, 1784. And all the late advices from the French
West Indies are, that they have now in their ports always three times
as many vessels as there ever were before, and that the increase
is principally from our States. I have now no further fears of that
_Arrêts_ standing its ground. When it shall become firm, I do not think
its extension desperate. But whether the placing it on the firm basis
of treaty be practicable, is a very different question. As far as it is
possible to judge from appearances, I conjecture that Crawford will do
nothing. I infer this from some things in his conversation, and from
an expression of the Count de Vergennes, in a conversation with me
yesterday. I pressed upon him the importance of opening their
ports freely to us, in the moment of the oppressions of the English
regulations against us, and perhaps of the suspension of their commerce.
He admitted it; but said we had free ingress with our productions. I
enumerated them to him, and showed him on what footing they were, and
how they might be improved. We are to have further conversations on the
subject. I am afraid the voyage to Fontainebleau will interrupt them.
From the inquiries I have made, I find I cannot get a very small and
indifferent house there, for the season, (that is, for a month) for less
than one hundred or one hundred and fifty guineas. This is nearly the
whole salary for the time, and would leave nothing to eat. I therefore
cannot accompany the court thither, but I will endeavor to go there
occasionally from Paris.
They tell me it is the most favorable scene for business with the Count
de Vergennes, because he is then more abstracted from the domestic
applications. Count d’Aranda is not yet returned from the waters of
Vichy. As soon as he returns, I will apply to him in the case of Mr.
Watson. I will pray you to insure Houdon’s life from the 27th of last
month till his return to Paris. As he was to stay in America a month
or two, he will probably be about six months absent; but the three per
cent, for the voyage being once paid, I suppose they will insure his
life by the month, whether his absence be longer or shorter. The sum to
be insured is fifteen thousand livres tournois. If it be not necessary
to pay the money immediately, there is a prospect of exchange becoming
more favorable. But whenever it is necessary, be so good as to procure
it by selling a draft on Mr. Grand, which I will take care shall be
honored. With compliments to the ladies,
I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXVIII.--TO MRS. SPROWLE, August 10, 1785
TO MRS. SPROWLE.
Paris, August 10, 1785.
Madam,
In your letter of June the 21st, you asked my opinion whether yourself
or your son might venture to go to Virginia, to claim your possessions
there? I had the honor of writing you, on the 5th of July, that you
might safely go there; that your person would be sacredly safe, and free
from insult. I expressed my hopes, too, that the Assembly of Virginia
would, in the end, adopt the just and useful measure of restoring
property unsold, and the price of that actually sold. In yours of July
the 30th, you entreat my influence with the Assembly for retribution,
and that, if I think your personal presence in Virginia would facilitate
that end, you were willing and ready to go. This seems to propose to me
to take on myself the solicitation of your cause, and that you will go,
if I think your personal presence will be auxiliary to my applications.
I feel myself obliged to inform you frankly, that it is improper for me
to solicit your case with the Assembly of Virginia. The application can
only go with propriety from yourself, or the minister of your court
to America, whenever there shall be one. If you think the sentiments
expressed in my former letter will serve you, you are free to exhibit it
to members individually; but I wish the letter not to be offered to the
Assembly as a body, or referred to in any petition or memorial to them.
I am, with much respect, Madam,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXIX.--TO CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES, August 13, 1785
TO CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES.
Paris, August 13, 1785.
Sir,
Supposing you may be anxious to hear from hence, though there should
be nothing interesting to communicate, I write by Mr. Cairnes merely to
inform you, that I have, as yet, received no answer from the Marechal
de Castries. I am in daily expectation of one. Should it not be received
soon, I shall urge it again, which I wish to avoid however, if possible;
because I think it better to await with patience a favorable decision,
than by becoming importunate, to produce unfavorable dispositions,
and, perhaps, a final determination of the same complexion. Should my
occupations prevent my writing awhile, be assured that it will only be
as long as I have nothing to communicate, and that as soon as I receive
any answer, it shall be forwarded to you.
I am, with much esteem, Sir,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XC.--TO MESSRS. BUCHANAN AND HAY, August 13, 1785
TO MESSRS. BUCHANAN AND HAY.
Paris, August 13, 1785.
Gentlemen,
Your favor of March the 20th came to hand the 14th of June, and the next
day I wrote to you, acknowledging the receipt, and apprizing you, that
between that date and the 1st of August, it would be impossible to
procure, and get to your hands, the drafts you desired. I did hope,
indeed, to have had them prepared before this, but it will yet be some
time before they will be in readiness. I flatter myself, however, they
will give you satisfaction when you receive them, and that you will
think the object will not have lost by the delay. It was a considerable
time before I could find an architect whose taste had been formed on
a study of the ancient models of his art: the style of architecture in
this capital being far from chaste. I at length heard of one, to whom
I immediately addressed myself, and who perfectly fulfils my wishes. He
has studied twenty years in Rome, and has given proofs of his skill
and taste, by a publication of some antiquities of this country. You
intimate that you should be willing to have a workman sent to you to
superintend the execution of this work. Were I to send one on this
errand from hence, he would consider himself as the superintendant of
the Directors themselves, and probably, of the government of the State
also. I will give you my ideas on this subject. The columns of the
building, and the external architraves of the doors and windows, should
be of stone. Whether these are made here or there, you will need one
good stone-cutter; and one will be enough; because, under his direction,
negroes, who never saw a tool, will be able to prepare the work for him
to finish. I will therefore send you such a one, in time to begin
work in the spring. All the internal cornices, and other ornaments
not exposed to the weather, will be much handsomer, cheaper, and more
durable in plaister, than in wood. I will therefore employ a good
workman in this way, and send him to you. But he will have no employment
till the house is covered; of course he need not be sent till next
summer. I will take him on wages so long before hand, as that he may
draw all the ornaments in detail, under the eye of the architect, which
he will have to execute when he comes to you. It will be the cheapest
way of getting them drawn, and the most certain of putting him in
possession of his precise duty. Plaister will not answer for your
external cornice, and stone will be too dear. You will probably find
yourselves obliged to be contented with wood. For this, therefore, and
for your window sashes, doors, frames, wainscoting, &c. you will need
a capital house-joiner; and a capital one he ought to be, capable of
directing all the circumstances in the construction of the walls, which
the execution of the plan will require. Such a workman cannot be got
here. Nothing can be worse done than the house-joinery of Paris. Besides
that his speaking the language perfectly would be essential, I think
this character must be got from England. There are no workmen in wood,
in Europe, comparable to those of England. I submit to you, therefore,
the following proposition: to wit, I will get a correspondent in England
to engage a workman of this kind. I will direct him to come here, which
will cost five guineas. We will make proof of his execution. He shall
also make, under the eye of the architect, all the drawings for the
building, which he is to execute himself: and if we find him sober and
capable, he shall be forwarded to you. I expect that in the article of
the drawings, and the cheapness of passage from France, you will save
the expense of his coming here. But as to this workman, I shall do
nothing unless I receive your commands. With respect to your stone work,
it may be got much cheaper here than in England. The stone of Paris is
very white and beautiful; but it always remains soft, and suffers from
the weather. The cliffs of the Seine, from hence to Havre, are all
of stone. I am not yet informed whether it is all liable to the same
objections. At Lyons, and all along the Rhone, is a stone as beautiful
as that of Paris, soft when it comes out of the quarry, but very soon
becoming hard in the open air, and very durable. I doubt, however,
whether the commerce between Virginia and Marseilles would afford
opportunities of conveyance sufficient. It remains to be inquired, what
addition to the original cost would be made by the short land carriage
from Lyons to the Loire, and the water transportation down that to
Bordeaux;, and also, whether a stone of the same quality may not be
found on the Loire. In this, and all other matters relative to your
charge, you may command my services freely.
Having heard high commendations of a plan of a prison, drawn by an
architect at Lyons, I sent there for it. The architect furnished me with
it. It is certainly the best plan I ever saw. It unites, in the most
perfect manner, the objects of security and health, and has, moreover,
the advantage, valuable to us, of being capable of being adjusted to
any number of prisoners, small or great, and admitting an execution from
time to time, as it may be convenient. The plan is under preparation as
for forty prisoners. Will you have any occasion for slate? It may be got
very good and ready prepared at Havre; and a workman or more might be
sent on easy terms. Perhaps the quarry at Tuckahoe would leave you no
other want than that of a workman.
I shall be glad to receive your sentiments on the several matters herein
mentioned, that I may know how far you approve of them, as I shall with
pleasure pursue strictly whatever you desire. I have the honor to be,
with great respect and esteem, Gentlemen,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER XCI.--TO JOHN JAY, August 14, 1785
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, August 14, 1785.
Sir,