General Washington’s equestrian statue for Congress. Nothing but the
expectation of this, could have engaged him to have undertaken this
voyage; as the pedestrian statue for Virginia will not make it worth
the business he loses by absenting himself. I was therefore obliged to
assure him of my recommendations for this greater work. Having acted in
this for the State, you will, I hope, think yourselves in some measure
bound to patronize and urge his being employed by Congress. I would not
have done this myself, nor asked you to do it, did I not see that it
would be better for Congress to put this business into his hands, than
into those of any other person living, for these reasons: 1. He is,
without rivalship, the first statuary of this age; as a proof of which,
he receives orders from every other country for things intended to
be capital. 2. He will have seen General Washington, have taken his
measures in every part, and, of course, whatever he does of him will
have the merit of being original, from which other workmen can only
furnish copies. 3. He is in possession of the house, the furnaces, and
all the apparatus provided for making the statue of Louis XV. If any
other workman be employed, this will all have to be provided anew, and
of course, to be added to the price of the statue; for no man can ever
expect to make two equestrian statues. The addition which this would be
to the price, will much exceed the expectation of any person who has
not seen that apparatus. In truth it is immense. As to the price of the
work, it will be much greater than Congress is probably aware of. I have
inquired somewhat into this circumstance, and find the prices of those
made for two centuries past, have been from one hundred and twenty
thousand guineas, down to sixteen thousand guineas, according to
the size. And as far as I have seen, the smaller they are, the more
agreeable. The smallest yet made, is infinitely above the size of
life, and they all appear outrees and monstrous. That of Louis XV., is
probably the best in the world, and it is the smallest here. Yet it
is impossible to find a point of view, from which it does not appear
a monster, unless you go so far as to lose sight of the features, and
finer lineaments of the face and body. A statue is not made like a
mountain, to be seen at a great distance. To perceive those minuter
circumstances which constitute its beauty, you must be near it, and,
in that case, it should be so little above the size of the life, as to
appear actually of that size, from your point of view. I should not,
therefore, fear to propose, that the one intended by Congress should be
considerably smaller than any of those to be seen here; as I think it
will be more beautiful, and also cheaper. I have troubled you with these
observations, as they have been suggested to me from an actual sight of
works of this kind, and I supposed they might assist you in making up
your minds on this subject. In making a contract with Monsieur Houdon it
would not be proper to advance money, but as his disbursements and labor
advance. As it is a work of many years, this will render the expense
insensible. The pedestrian statue of marble, is to take three years; the
equestrian, of course, would take much more. Therefore the sooner it is
begun, the better.
I am, with sentiments of the highest respect, Gentlemen,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXV.--TO JOHN JAY, July 12,1785
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, July 12,1785.
Sir,
My last letter to you was dated the 17th of June. The present serves to
cover some papers put into my hands by Captain Paul Jones. They respect
an ancient matter, which is shortly this.
While Captain Jones was hovering on the coast of England, in the
year 1779, a British pilot, John Jackson by name, came on board him,
supposing him to be British. Captain Jones found it convenient to detain
him as a pilot, and, in the action with the Serapis, which ensued, this
man lost his arm. It is thought that this gives him a just claim to the
same allowance with others, who have met with the like misfortune in
the service of the United States. Congress alone being competent to this
application, it is my duty to present the case to their consideration;
which I beg leave to do through you.
Dr. Franklin will be able to give you so perfect a state of all
transactions relative to his particular office in France, as well as to
the subjects included in our general commission, that it is unnecessary
for me to enter on them. His departure, with the separate situation of
Mr. Adams and myself, will render it difficult to communicate to you
the future proceedings of the commission, as regularly as they have
been heretofore. We shall do it, however, with all the punctuality
practicable, either separately or jointly, as circumstances may require
and admit.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, Sir,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXVI.--TO MONSIEUR BRIET, July 13, 1785
TO MONSIEUR BRIET.
Paris, July 13, 1785.
Sir,
I am glad to hear that the Council have ordered restitution of the
merchandise seized at L’Orient, contrary to the freedom of the place.
When a court of justice has taken cognizance of a complaint, and has
given restitution of the principal subject, if it refuses some of
the accessories, we are to presume that some circumstance of evidence
appeared to them, unknown to us, and which rendered its refusal just and
proper. So, in the present case, if any circumstances in the conduct of
the owner, or relative to the merchandise itself, gave probable grounds
of suspicion that they were not entitled to the freedom of the port,
damages for the detention might be properly denied. Respect for the
integrity of courts of justice, and especially of so high a one as that
of the King’s Council, obliges us to presume that circumstances arose
which justified this part of their order. It is only in cases where
justice is palpably denied, that one nation, or its ministers, are
authorized to complain of the courts of another. I hope you will see,
therefore, that an application from me as to the damages for detention,
would be improper.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXVII.--TO MESSRS. FRENCH AND NEPHEW, July 13,1785
TO MESSRS. FRENCH AND NEPHEW.
Paris, July 13,1785.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of receiving your letter of June the 21st, enclosing one
from Mr. Alexander of June the 17th, and a copy of his application to
Monsieur de Calonne. I am very sensible that no trade can be on a more
desperate footing than that of tobacco, in this country; and that our
merchants must abandon the French markets, if they are not permitted to
sell the productions they bring, on such terms as will enable them to
purchase reasonable returns in the manufactures of France. I know but
one remedy to the evil; that of allowing a free vent: and I should be
very happy in being instrumental to the obtaining this. But while the
purchase of tobacco is monopolized by a company, and they pay for that
monopoly a heavy price to the government, they doubtless are at liberty
to fix such places and terms of purchase, as may enable them to make
good their engagements with government. I see no more reason for
obliging them to give a greater price for tobacco than they think they
can afford, than to do the same between two individuals treating for
a horse, a house, or any thing else. Could this be effected by
applications to the minister, it would only be a palliative which would
retard the ultimate cure, so much to be wished for and aimed at by every
friend to this country, as well as to America.
I have the honor to be, Gentlemen,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson
LETTER LXXVIII.--TO DR. STILES, July 17,1785
TO DR. STILES.
Sir,
Paris, July 17,1785.
I have long deferred doing myself the honor of writing to you,
wishing for an opportunity to accompany my letter with a copy of the
_Bibliothèque Physico-oeconomique_, a book published here lately in
four small volumes, and which gives an account of all the improvements
in the arts which have been made for some years past. I flatter myself
you will find in it many things agreeable and useful. I accompany it
with the volumes of the _Connoissance des Terns_ for the years 1781,
1784, 1785, 1786, 1787. But why, you will ask, do I send you old
almanacs, which are proverbially useless? Because, in these publications
have appeared, from time to time, some of the most precious things in
astronomy. I have searched out those particular volumes which might be
valuable to you on this account. That of 1781 contains De la Caillie’s
catalogue of fixed stars reduced to the commencement of that year, and
a table of the aberrations and nutations of the principal stars. 1784
contains the same catalogue with the _nébuleuses_ of Messier. 1785
contains the famous catalogue of Flamsteed, with the positions of the
stars reduced to the beginning of the year 1784, and which supersedes
the use of that immense book. 1786 gives you Euler’s lunar tables
corrected; and 1787, the tables for the planet Herschel. The two last
needed not an apology, as not being within the description of old
almanacs. It is fixed on grounds which scarcely admit a doubt, that the
planet Herschel was seen by Mayer in the year 1756, and was considered
by him as one of the zodiacal stars, and, as such, arranged in his
catalogue, being the 964th which he describes. This 964th of Mayer has
been since missing, and the calculations for the planet Herschel show
that, it should have been, at the time of Mayer’s observation, where he
places his 964th star. The volume of 1787 gives you Mayer’s catalogue of
the zodiacal stars. The researches of the natural philosophers of Europe
seem mostly in the field of chemistry, and here, principally, on the
subjects of air and fire. The analysis of these two subjects presents
to us very new ideas. When speaking of the _Bibliothèque
Physico-oeconomique_, T should have observed, that since its
publication, a man in this city has invented a method of moving a vessel
on the water, by a machine worked within the vessel. I went to see it.
He did not know himself the principle of his own invention. It is a
screw with a very broad, thin worm, or rather it is a thin plate with
its edge applied spirally round an axis. This being turned, operates on
the air, as a screw does, and may be literally said to screw the vessel
along: the thinness of the medium, and its want of resistance,
occasion a loss of much of the force. The screw, I think, would be more
effectual, if placed below the surface of the water. I very much suspect
that a countrymen of ours, Mr. Bushnel of Connecticut, is entitled to
the merit of a prior discovery of this use of the screw. I remember to
have heard of his submarine navigation during the war, and, from what
Colonel Humphreys now tells me, I conjecture that the screw was the
power he used. He joined to this a machine for exploding under water
at a given moment. If it were not too great a liberty for a stranger to
take, I would ask from him a narration of his actual experiments, with
or without a communication of his principle, as he should choose. If he
thought proper to communicate it, I would engage never to disclose it,
unless I could find an opportunity of doing it for his benefit. I thank
you for your information as to the greatest bones found on the Hudson
river. I suspect that they must have been of the same animal with those
found on the Ohio: and if so, they could not have belonged to any human
figure, because they are accompanied with tusks of the size, form, and
substance of those of the elephant. I have seen a part of the ivory,
which was very good. The animal itself must have been much larger
than an elephant. Mrs. Adams gives me an account of a flower found in
Connecticut, which vegetates when suspended in the air. She brought one
to Europe. What can be this flower? It would be a curious present to
this continent.
The accommodation likely to take place between the Dutch and the
Emperor, leaves us without that unfortunate resource for news, which
wars give us. The Emperor has certainly had in view the Bavarian
exchange of which you have heard; but so formidable an opposition
presented itself, that he has thought proper to disavow it. The Turks
show a disposition to go to war with him; but if this country can
prevail on them to remain in peace, they will do so. It has been thought
that the two Imperial courts have a plan of expelling the Turks from
Europe. It is really a pity, so charming a country should remain in the
hands of a people, whose religion forbids the admission of science and
the arts among them. We should wish success to the object of the two
empires, if they meant to leave the country in possession of the Greek
inhabitants. We might then expect, once more, to see the language of
Homer and Demosthenes a living language. For I am persuaded the modern
Greek would easily get back to its classical models. But this is not
intended. They only propose to put the Greeks under other masters; to
substitute one set of barbarians for another.
Colonel Humphreys having satisfied you that all attempts would be
fruitless here, to obtain money or other advantages for your college, I
need add nothing on that head. It is a method of supporting colleges
of which they have no idea, though they practise it for the support of
their lazy monkish institutions.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXIX.--TO JOHN ADAMS, July 28, 1785
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, July 28, 1785.
Dear Sir,
Your favors of Jury the 16th and 18th came to hand the same day on which
I had received Baron Thulemeyer’s, enclosing the ultimate draught for
the treaty. As this draught, which was in French, was to be copied into
the two instruments which Dr. Franklin had signed, it is finished this
day only. Mr. Short sets out immediately. I have put into his hands
a letter of instructions how to conduct himself, which I have signed,
leaving a space above for your signature. The two treaties I have signed
at the left hand, Dr. Franklin having informed me that the signatures
are read backwards. Besides the instructions to Mr. Short, I signed
also a letter to. Mr. Dumas, associating him with Mr. Short. These
two letters I made out as nearly conformably as I could, to your ideas
expressed in your letter of the 18th. If any thing more be necessary, be
so good as to make a separate instruction for them, signed by yourself,
to which I will accede. I have not directed Mr. Dumas’s letter. I
have heretofore directed to him as ‘Agent for the United States at the
Hague,’ that being the description under which the journals of Congress
speak of him. In his last letter to me, is a paragraph, from which I
conclude that the address I have used is not agreeable, and perhaps may
be wrong. Will you be so good as to address the letter to him, and to
inform me how to address him hereafter. Mr. Short carries also the other
papers necessary. His equipment for his journey requiring expenses which
cannot come into the account of ordinary expenses, such as clothes, &,c.
what allowance should be made him? I have supposed somewhere between a
guinea a day, and one thousand dollars a year, which I believe is
the salary of a private secretary. This I mean as over and above his
travelling expenses. Be so good as to say, and I will give him an order
on his return. The danger of robbery has induced me to furnish him with
only money enough to carry him to London. You will be so good as to
procure him enough to carry him to the Hague and back to Paris. The
confederation of the King of Prussia with some members of the Germanic
body, for the preservation of their constitution, is, I think, beyond
a doubt. The Emperor has certainly complained of it in formal
communications at several courts. By what can be collected from
diplomatic conversation here, I also conclude it tolerably certain, that
the Elector of Hanover has been invited to accede to the confederation,
and has done or is doing so. You will have better circumstances however,
on the spot, to form a just judgment. Our matters with the first of
these powers being now in conclusion, I wish it was so with the Elector
of Hanover. I conclude, from the general expressions in your letter,
that little may be expected. Mr. Short furnishing so safe a conveyance
that the trouble of the cipher may me dispensed with, I will thank you
for such details of what has passed, as may not be too troublesome to
you.
The difficulties of getting books into Paris, delayed for some time my
receipt of the _Corps Diplomatique_ left by Dr. Franklin. Since that, we
have been engaged with expediting Mr. Short. A huge packet also, brought
by Mr. Mazzei, has added to the causes which have as yet prevented me
from examining Dr. Franklin’s notes on the Barbary treaty. It shall be
one of my first occupations. Still the possibility is too obvious that
we may run counter to the instructions of Congress, of which Mr. Lambe
is said to be the bearer. There is a great impatience in America for
these treaties. I am much distressed between this impatience and the
known will of Congress, on the one hand, and the uncertainty of the
details committed to this tardy servant.
The Duke of Dorset sets out for London to-morrow. He says he shall be
absent two months. There is some whisper that he will not return, and
that, Lord Carmarthen wishes to come here. I am sorry to lose so
honest a man as the Duke. I take the liberty to ask an answer about the
insurance of Houdon’s life.
Congress is not likely to adjourn this summer. They have passed an
ordinance for selling their lands. I have not received it.
What would you think of the enclosed draught to be proposed to the
courts of London and Versailles? I would add Madrid and Lisbon, but that
they are still more desperate than the others. I know it goes beyond our
powers; and beyond the powers of Congress too; but it is so evidently
for the good of all the States, that I should not be afraid to risk
myself on it, if you are of the same opinion. Consider it, if you
please, and give me your thoughts on it by Mr. Short: but I do not
communicate it to him, nor any other mortal living but yourself.
Be pleased to present me in the most friendly terms to the ladies, and
believe me to be, with great esteem,
Dear Sir, your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXX.--TO HOGENDORP, July 29, 1785
TO HOGENDORP.
Paris, July 29, 1785.
Dear Sir,
By an American gentleman who went to the Hague, about a month ago, I
sent you a copy of my Notes on Virginia. Having since that received some
copies of the revisal of our laws, of which you had desired one, I now
send it to you. I congratulate you sincerely on the prospect of your
country’s being freed from the menace of war, which, however just, is
always expensive and calamitous, and sometimes unsuccessful.
Congress, having made a very considerable purchase of land from the
Indians, have established a land office, and settled the mode of selling
the lands. Their plan is judicious. I apprehend some inconveniences in
some parts of it; but if such should be found to exist, they will amend
them. They receive in payment their own certificates, at par with actual
money. We have a proof the last year, that the failure of the States
to bring money into the treasury, has proceeded, not from any
unwillingness, but from the distresses of their situation. Heretofore,
Massachusetts and Pennsylvania had brought in the most money, and
Virginia was among the least. The last year, Virgjnia has paid in more
than all the rest together. The reason is, that she is at liberty to
avail herself of her natural resources and has free markets for them;
whereas the others which, while they were sure of a sale for their
commodities, brought more into the treasury; now, that that sale is, by
circumstances, rendered more precarious, they bring in but little.
The impost is not yet granted. Rhode Island and New York hold off.
Congress have it in contemplation to propose to the States, that
the direction of all their commerce shall be committed to Congress,
reserving to the States, respectively, the revenue which shall be laid
on it. The operations of our good friends, the English, are calculated
as precisely to bring the States into this measure as if we directed
them ourselves, and as they were, through the whole war, to produce
that union which was so necessary for us. I doubt whether Congress will
adjourn this summer.
Should you be at the Hague, I will beg leave to make known to you bearer
hereof, M, William Short. He of Virginia, has come to stay some time
with me at Paris being among my most particular friends. Though young,
his talents and merit are such as to have placed him in the Council of
State of Virginia; an office which he relinquished to make a visit to
Europe.
I have the honor to be, with very high esteem, Dear Sir,
your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXI.--TO MESSRS. N. AND J. VAN STAPHORST, July 30, 1785
TO MESSRS. N. AND J. VAN STAPHORST, Amsterdam.
Paris, July 30, 1785.
Gentlemen,
I received yesterday your favor of the 25th. Supposing that the funds,
which are the object of your inquiry, are those which constitute what
we call our domestic debt, it is my opinion that they are absolutely
secure: I have no doubt at all but that they will be paid, with their
interest at six per cent. But I cannot say that they are as secure and
solid as the funds which constitute our foreign debt: because no man
in America ever entertained a doubt that our foreign debt is to be paid
fully; but some people in America have seriously contended, that the
certificates and other evidences of our domestic debt, ought to be
redeemed only at what they have cost the holder; for I must observe
to you, that these certificates of domestic debt, having as yet no
provision for the payment of principal or interest, and the original
holders being mostly needy, have been sold at a very great discount.
When I left America (July, 1784,) they sold in different States at from
15s. to 2s. 6d. in the pound; and any amount of them might, then have
been purchased. Hence some thought that full justice would be done, if
the public paid the purchasers of them what they actually paid for them,
and interest on that. But this is very far from being a general opinion;
a very great majority being firmly decided that they shall be paid
fully. Were I the holder of any of them, I should not have the least
fear of their full payment. There is also a difference between different
species of certificates; some of them being receivable in taxes, others
having the benefit of particular assurances, &c. Again, some of these
certificates are for paper-money debts. A deception here must be guarded
against. Congress ordered all such to be re-settled by the depreciation
tables, and a new certificate to be given in exchange for them,
expressing their value in real money. But all have not yet been
re-settled. In short, this is a science in which few in America are
expert, and no person in a foreign country can be so. Foreigners should
therefore be sure that they are well advised, before they meddle with
them, or they may suffer. If you will reflect with what degree of
success persons actually in America could speculate in the European
funds, which rise and fall daily, you may judge how far those in Europe
may do it in the American funds, which are more variable from a variety
of causes.
I am not at all acquainted with Mr. Daniel Parker, farther than having
once seen him in Philadelphia. He is of Massachusetts, I believe, and
I am of Virginia. His circumstances are utterly unknown to me. I think
there are few men in America, if there is a single one, who could
command a hundred thousand pounds’ sterling worth of these notes, at
their real value. At their nominal amount, this might be done perhaps
with twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, if the market price of
them be as low as when I left America. I am with very great respect,
Gentlemen,
your most obedient, humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXXXII.--TO JOHN ADAMS, July 31, 1785
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, July 31, 1785.
Dear Sir,