182. The three -ī perfects developed in Provençal as follows:--

(1) _Facĕre_ > faire (✱_fare_ > far) has:

_fēcī_ > fis, fezí _fēĭmus_ ✱_fēcĭ́mu’_ > fezẹm

_fēcĭ́stī_ > fezíst fezís _fēcĭstis_ > fezẹtz fezẹs

_fēcit_ > fẹtz fẹs _fēcĕrunt_ > fẹiron fẹiro

1. We do not find, in the 1st pers. sg., as we should expect

(§ 65, C´), _fitz_ beside _fis_; doubtless the form came early

under the influence of _mis_, _pris_, _quis_, etc. For _fezí_,

see § 177, (1). There is also a form _fi_, due, perhaps, to the

analogy of _vi_ < _vīdī_; corresponding to _fi_ are 3d pers.

sg. _fe_, and pl. _fem_, _fes_, _feron_. A rare _figuí_ is

evidently made on the model of _aiguí_, etc. In the 3d pers.

sg. we find also _fei_, which seems to be patterned after

_feiron_ or after the present _fai_.

(2) _Esse_ (> ✱_ĕssĕre_ > ęsser ęstre) had originally a long _u_ in

the perfect. In literary Latin the _u_ was shortened, but the popular

speech seems to have kept _ū_ beside _ŭ_. The Provençal 1st and 2d

pers. sg. apparently come from _fūī_, ✱_fūstī_ = _fuĭstī_ (although Pr.

füi might be taken from _fŭī_), while the other forms presuppose _ŭ_:

_fūī_ > füi _fŭĭmus_ ✱_fŭmu’_ > fọm

_fūĭstī_ ✱_fūstī_ > füst füs _fŭĭstis_ ✱_fŭstis_ > fọtz fọs

_fŭit_ ✱_fŭt_ > fọ, fọn, fọnc _fŭĕrunt_ ✱_fŭrunt_ > fọron fọro,

fọren

1. A rare _fo_ in the 1st pers. sg. seems to be simply borrowed

from the 3d. In the 3d pers. sg., _fon_ beside _fo_ is due

to the analogy of _-on_ _-o_ in the 3d pers. pl., and, in

general, of such double forms as _bon_ _bo_, _mon_ _mo_, _son_

_so_, _ton_ _to_: cf. § 63, (5). _Fonc_ shows the influence of

_tenc_, _venc_.

(3) _Vidēre_ > vezẹr has:

_vīdī_ >✱viði ✱við vi, vic _vīdĭmus_ ✱_vīdĭmu’_ >✱viðmu ✱viim vim

_vīdĭstī_ >vist vis _vīdĭstis_ >vitz vis

_vīdit_ >✱við vi, vit, vic _vīdĕrunt_ >✱viðrun viron viro

1. The 1st pers. sg. _vic_ is patterned upon _aic_ < _habuī_,

_cric_ < _crēvi_, etc. The 2d pers. forms are irregular, as

we should expect ✱_vezist_, ✱_vezetz_: evidently the 2d pers.

followed the analogy of the 1st and 3d. In the 3d pers. sg.,

_vit_ and _vic_ follow the model of _partit_, _partic_, etc.:

see § 173, (3), and § 176.

183. In the -sī perfect the 3d pers. pl. presented difficulties. If the

-e- of the penult fell, an s or z and an r were brought together. Most

dialects apparently preserved the -e-, and shifted the accent to it

(aucizęron, condüissęron, dissęron, prezęron, remazęron, traissęron),

or else borrowed outright the weak ending (respondęron): cf. § 49,

(2), and § 177, (3). Dialects which lost the -e- too early to follow

this method, generally suppressed the sibilant (aucíron, diron, mẹron

from mẹtre, remáron), or omitted the -r- and formed the 3d pers. pl.

directly from the 3d pers. sg. (aucízon, pláisson, prẹzon, remázon: §

180), or else imitated a preterit of another class (mairon from manẹr,

prẹiron from prenre, doubtless patterned after fẹiron < _fēcĕrunt_);

some borderland dialects kept the sibilant and the r, and developed a

dental between them (düystrent < _dūxĕrunt_, mẹsdren < _mīsĕrunt_ +

✱_mĭssĕrunt_: § 70, Sr, Zr).

As examples of the _-sī_ perfect we may take the preterit of dire <

_dīcĕre_ and penre prenre < _pr(eh)ĕndĕre_:--

(1) _dīxī_ > dis, dissí _dīxĭmus_ ✱_dīxĭ́mu’_ > dissẹm

_dīxĭstī_ > dissíst _dīxĭstis_ > dissẹtz dissẹs

_dīxit_ > dis _dīxĕrunt_ > dissęron, diron

diro

(2) ✱_prē(n)sī_ > pris, prẹs, presí ✱_prē(n)sĭmus_ ✱_prēsĭ́mu’_

> presẹm

✱_prē(n)sĭstī_ > presíst ✱_prē(n)sĭstis_

> presẹtz presẹs

✱_prē(n)sit_ > prẹs ✱_prē(n)sĕrunt_

> presęron, prẹson, prẹiron

(3) Escriure < _scrībĕre_ has, beside escris < _scrīpsī_, a preterit

escrius (cf. p. p. escriut escrit escrich), in which the u is probably

due to the influence of the infinitive.

(4) For dissí, presí, quesí, respozí, see § 177, (1). For pris prẹs,

etc., see § 173, (1).

184. In the -uī perfect the development depends somewhat upon the

consonant preceding the _u_. The treatment of the various cons. + w

groups, which was discussed in § 72, may be illustrated by _ha_bu_it_

> ac[133], _crēvit_ ✱_crē_vu_it_ > crẹc[134]; _nŏ_cu_it_ > nǫc[135];

_sēdit_ ✱_sĕ_du_it_ > sęc, _pŏ_tu_it_ > pǫc; _va_lu_it_ > valc[136],

_tĕnuit_ ✱_tē_nu_it_ > tẹnc[137], _mĕ_ru_it_ > męrc; _sa_pu_it_ >

saup[138]: the noteworthy features are the change of _u_ to -c (through

w, gw, g), the absorption of the preceding consonant unless it be a

liquid, a nasal, or a _p_, the preservation of the liquid or nasal, and

the metathesis of the _p_.

Avẹr < _habēre_, podẹr < ✱_pŏtēre_ _pŏsse_, volẹr < ✱_vŏlēre_

_vĕlle_, sabẹr < ✱_sapēre_ _sapĕre_ will serve as examples (for the

accentuation of the 3d pers. pl., see § 16, 2):--

(1) _habuī_ >ac, aguí, aic, aiguí _habuĭmus_ ✱_aβwĭ́mu’_ > aguẹm

_habuĭstī_ >aguíst _habuĭstis_ >aguẹtz aguẹs

_habuit_ >ac _habuĕrunt_ >ágron ágro, aguęron

1. For _aguí_ (_beguí_, _conoguí_), see § 177, (1). For _aic_,

_aiguí_, (_cric_), see § 181, (1). For _aguęron_ (_visquęron_),

see § 177, (3).

(2) _pŏtuī_ > pǫc puǫc puęc _potuĭmus_ ✱_potwĭ́mu’_ > poguẹm

_potuĭstī_ > poguíst _potuĭstis_ > poguẹtz poguẹs

_pŏtuit_ > pǫc, pǫt _potuĕrunt_ > pǫgron pǫgro

1. For _puoc_, see § 181, (1). _Pot_ is apparently due to the

combined influence of weak preterits and the parts of _poder_

in which the dental is preserved.

(3) _vŏluī_ > vǫlc, vuęlc, volguí _voluĭmus_ ✱_volwĭ́mu’_ > volguẹm

_voluĭstī_ > volguíst _voluĭstis_ > volguẹtz volguẹs

_vŏluit_ > vǫlc _voluĕrunt_ > vǫlgron vǫlgro

1. For _vuelc_ (_tinc_, _vinc_), see § 181, (1); for _volguí_

(_venguí_), § 177, (1).

(4) _sapuī_ > saup, saubí _sapuĭmus_ ✱_sapwĭ́mu’_ > saubẹm

_sapuĭstī_ > saubíst _sapuĭstis_ > saubẹtz saubẹs

_sapuit_ > saup _sapuĕrunt_ > sáubron sáubro, sáupron

1. For _saubí_, see § 177, (1). For _sáupron_ (_sáupra_,

_saupés_, _saupút_), see § 65, P, 3; cf. § 148, (2).

An Outline of the Phonology and Morphology of Old Provençal · 第 133 / 139 题