72. This class includes not only Latin gu̯, qu̯, but all combinations
of consonant + u̯, cf. § 40, (2). A w thus evolved seems to have
developed like Germanic w (cf. § 56, W): it became gw (assimilating the
preceding consonant, unless that consonant was a liquid or a nasal),
and then was reduced, before the literary period, to g, cf. § 62, (2).
Pw, however, had a quite different history, owing, on the one hand,
to the affinity of its two labial elements, and, on the other, to the
stability of the voiceless stop, which prevented the assimilation that
we find in βw ＞ ww.
1. G. Körting (_Zs._, XXII, 258) would explain through the
analogy of the perfects in _-cui_ all other perfect forms which
in Provençal have g and c corresponding to Latin _-ui_ etc.
ßw ＞ ww ＞ gw ＞ g: _habuĭssem_ ＞ aguẹs, _dēbuit_ ＞ dẹc (§ 63);
✱_co(g)nōvuit_ (cf. Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, II, p. 357) ＞ conọc,
✱_crevuĭstī_ ＞ creguist, ✱_movuĭsset_ ＞ mogues, ✱_plŏvuit_ ＞ plǫc. We
seem to have the same combination in Germanic _treuwa_ ＞ tręgua tręga
(_treva_ is probably French).
1. The diphthong of _aic_ = _habuī_ is probably not a phonetic
development. The first and third persons of the preterit, _aic_
and _ac_ (＜ _habuit_), have been differentiated after the
pattern of the present--_ai_ and _a_.
Dw ＞ gw ＞ g: ✱_sĕduit_ ＞ sęc.
1. _Vezoa_ ＜ _vĭdua_ must be an early learned word: _veuva_ is
perhaps from _veua_ ＜ _veuða_ ＜ _veðua_.
Kw ＞ gw ＞ g: _antīqua_ ＞ antiga, _ĕqua_ ＞ ęga, _æquālem_ ＞ egal
(_engal_ has received through a mistake in etymology the prefix _en-_
or _e-_ ＜ _in-_), _nŏcuit_ ＞ nǫc, _placuĭstī_ ＞ plaguist, ✱_sĕquĕre_ (=
_sĕqui_) ＞ sęgre, ✱_sequīre_ ＞ seguir, _tacuĭssem_ ＞ taguẹs.
1. Several words show a different development: cf. _Ltblt._,
XXIV, 335; _Zs._, XXVIII, 381. In _aqua_ (or _acqua_) and
_aquĭla_ (or ✱_acquĭla_) the first consonant became, for some
reason, a spirant, which later changed to i: aχwa ＞ aiwa ＞
aigua aiga, áχwila ＞ áiwila ＞ áigwila ＞ aigla. So _aiglentina_.
These same words show irregularities in other languages.
Perhaps the dialect form _eigal_ (Auvergne, Arles) for _egal_
is to be explained in the same way; but the _ei_ here may be
analogical.
2. In several words kw was reduced to c (or c´) in Vulgar
Latin: _coquĕre_ (+ _cŏcus_) ＞ _cŏcĕre_ ＞ cǫzer, _tŏrquēre_
✱_tŏrquĕre_ (+ ✱_tŏrco_ ✱_tŏrcunt_) ＞ ✱_tŏrcĕre_ ＞ tǫrser. Cf.
§ 55, W.
Lw ＞ lgw ＞ lg: _caluit_ ＞ calc, ✱_toluĭstī_ ＞ tolguist, _valuĭssem_ ＞
valguẹs, _vŏluĕrunt_ (§ 16, 2) ＞ vǫlgron.
Nw, ngw, nkw ＞ ngw ＞ ng: _tĕnuit_ ＞ tẹnc, ✱_venuĭsset_ ＞ venguẹs;
_sanguem_ ＞ sanc; _cīnque_ (= _quinque_) ＞ cinc.
1. Tęuns ＜ _tĕnuis_ is probably a learned word; the
transposition of u and n may have been due originally to
a misreading of the letters. _Ianuer_, _manual_, etc.
are learned. _Maneira_ is apparently from a Vulgar Latin
✱_man(u)aria_ from _manuarius_. For _enquerre_ ＜ _inquærĕre_,
see § 59.
2. _Exstĭnguĕre_ (+ ✱_exstĭngo_ ✱_exstĭngunt_) ＞ ✱_estĭngĕre_ ＞
estẹnher.
Pw ＞ upw ＞ up ＞ ub: _sapuĭsset_ ＞ saubẹs, _recĭpuit_ ＞ recẹup.
1. _Saupes_ apparently belongs to a dialect in which au
prevented voicing. Cf. § 65, P, 3.
Rw ＞ rgw ＞ rg: _mĕruit_ ＞ męrc.
Sw seems to have been reduced early to s in _consuetūdĭnem_ ✱_costūmen_
＞ costüm (costüma). _Cōnsŭo_ apparently became ✱_cōsio_, whence an
infinitive ✱_cōsĕre_ or ✱_cosīre_ (Pr. cǫzer, cosir).
Tw ＞ dw ＞ gw ＞ g: _pŏtuit_ ＞ pǫc.
1. _Ba(t)tuo_, _qua(t)tuor_ were reduced to _batto_, ✱_quattor_
in Vulgar Latin: Pr. _bat_, _quatre_.