41. Usually, in the literary language, Latin a ＞ Pr. a; Latin æ, œ, and
e, i (without regard to quantity) ＞ Pr. e; Latin o, u (long or short)
＞ Pr. o; Lat. au ＞ Pr. au, unless the next syllable contained an ú, in
which case the au was reduced (in the Vulgar Latin time) to a. Ex.:
_amīcum_ ＞ amic, _caballus_ ＞ cavals; _æquālem_ ＞ egal, ✱_pœnĭtĕre_
＞ penẹdre, _dēbēre_ ＞ devẹr, _mĕliōrem_ ＞ melhọr, _dīlĕctum_ ＞
delęit, _dīvīnum_ ＞ devin, _dīvīdĕre_ ＞ devire, _fīnīre_ ＞ fenir,
_mĭnōrem_ ＞ menọr; _plōrāre_ ＞ plorar, _sōlātium_ ＞ solatz, _cŏlōrem_
＞ colọr, ✱_vŏlēre_ ＞ volẹr, _mūstēla_ ＞ mostẹla, _sŭbĭnde_ ＞ sovẹn;
_aucĕllum_ ＞ auzęl, _audīre_ ＞ auzir, _augŭstum_ ＞ aọst, ✱_augūrium_ ＞
aür.
1. An initial vowel is occasionally lost, either through
elision with the article (✱_eclĕsia_ ＞ ✱eglęisa, la eglęisa ＞
la glęisa) or through the dropping of a prefix (_ingĕnium_ ＞
engẹnh gẹnh): _epĭscŏpus_ ＞ _bisbes_, _alauda_ ＞ _lauzeta_,
_occasiōnem_ ＞ _ocaiso_ _caiso_.
2. In a few words the vowel of the initial syllable
disappeared, for some unknown reason, before r in Vulgar
Latin: ✱_cŏrrŏtŭlāre_ ＞ ✱_crŏtŭlāre_ ＞ _crollar_, _dīrēctus_ ＞
_drēctus_[26] ＞ _dreitz_, _quĭrītāre_ ＞ ✱_crītāre_ ＞ _cridar_.
3. _Domne_, used familiarly as a proclitic (§ 19), lost its
first syllable, and, before a vowel, was reduced to _n_. The
combinations _de n_, _que n_ (followed by a proper name) were
understood as _d’en_, _qu’en_; hence the title _en_, ‘Sir.’
See Schultz-Gora in _Zs._, XXVI, 588; Elise Richter in _Zs._,
XXVII, 193; V. Cescini, _Manualetto provenzale_, 2d ed., 1905,
168 ff.
4. The proclitic ọ probably comes from a V. L. _ot_, not from
_aut_.
42. The vowel of the initial syllable, especially in verbs, was
extremely subject to the influence of analogy: cülhir (ǫ) through
cülh (ǫ) ＜ _cŏllĭgit_, dizẹn ＜ _dīcĕntem_ through dire ＜ _dīcĕre_,
dürar through dür ＜ _dūrum_ and düra ＜ _dūrat_, finir through fin ＜
_fīnem_, fivęla through fibla ＜ _fībula_, puęiar (ǫ) through puęia (ǫ)
＜ ✱_pŏdiat_.
1. Avangęli (e) is perhaps influenced by _avan_; blisọ (e) ＜
_blas_ may possibly have been influenced by _tiso_; gazardọ
＜ _wiðarlôn_ shows the influence of _gazanhar_; in piucęla
(pülcęla) ＜ ✱_pūellicĕlla_ (_Zs._, XXV, 343) the püu of the
first syllable was changed to piu just as _pūlĭcem_ became
_piuze_ (see § 38, 3); in _vas_ = _ves_ ＜ _ve(r)sus_ the a
is due to the analogy of _az_ ＜ _ad_; _vais_ is unexplained,
_vaus_ follows _daus_ (§ 44, 6). If dessẹ is from _de exín_,
the first syllable is irregular. Beside _maniar_ ＜ _manducare_
are unexplained forms _meniar miniar_. In _duptar_ (_o_),
_suritz_ (_o_) the _u_ doubtless represents ụ or ọ, not ü.
_Girofle_ ＜ Καρυόφυλλον and _olifan orifan_ ＜ _elephantem_ are
French.
43. Sometimes the initial syllable was altered by a change of prefix
or a false idea of etymology: aucire ＜ _occīdĕre_ (cf. the Italian and
Rumanian forms), diman (e) ＜ _de máne_ (cf. di ＜ _dīem_), dementre
＜ _dum ĭntĕrim_ (cf. de ＜ _de_), engǫissa ＜ ✱_angŭstia_ (cf. en ＜
_in_), envanezir ＜ _evanēscĕre_, escür ＜ _obscūrum_ (cf. es- ＜ _ex_-),
preọn prefọn (o) ＜ _profŭndum_, redọn ＜ _rotŭndum_ (_re-_ in V.
L.: Schuchardt, _Vokalismus des Vulgärlateins_, II, 213), trabalh ＜
_trepalium_ (cf. tra- ＜ _tra-_ = _trans-_). _Dimenge_ (also _ditmenge_)
is from _dīe domĭnĭco_.
1. On the same principle are doubtless to be explained such
double forms as _evori_ (_a_), _saboros_ (_e_), _socors_ (_e_),
_somondre_ (_e_), _soror_ (_e_). _Serori_ occurs in a Latin
inscription.
2. The prefix _eccu-_, under the influence of _ac_ and _atque_,
became ✱_accu-_ in southern Gaul and elsewhere: _aco_ ＜
✱_accu’hoc_, _aquel_ ＜ ✱_accu’ĭllum_, _aquest_ ＜ ✱_accu’ĭstum_,
_aqui_ ＜ ✱_accu’hīc_. _Eissi_ ＜ _ecce hīc_ sometimes becomes
_aissi_ through the analogy of _aissi_ ＜ _ac sīc_.