Did We Destroy a Republic?
The claim has frequently been made that the United States government
destroyed a republic in the Philippine Islands, [350] but some of
the critics seem to entertain peculiar ideas as to what a republic
is. Blount states [351] that Aguinaldo declined to hear our declaration
of independence read "because we would not recognize his right to
assert the same truths," and then apparently forgetting the Insurgent
chief's alleged adherence to the principles of this document, he
lets the cat out of the bag by saying that "the war satisfied us all
that Aguinaldo would have been a small edition of Porfirio Diaz,"
and would himself have been "The Republic." [352]
He would doubtless have set up just this sort of a government, if
not assassinated too soon, but it would hardly have accorded with the
principles of the declaration of independence, nor would it have been
exactly "a government of the people, by the people, for the people."
Blount truly says [353] that the educated Filipinos, admittedly
very few in number, absolutely control the masses. He adds [354]
that _presidentes_ of pueblos are as absolute bosses as is Murphy
in Tammany Hall, and that the towns taken collectively constitute
the provinces. The first statement is true, and the second, which
is tantamount to a declaration that the _presidentes_ control every
square foot of the provinces and every man in them, is not so far
from the truth as it might be. I have been old-fashioned enough to
retain the idea that a republic is "a state in which the sovereign
power resides in the whole body of the people, and is exercised by
representatives elected by them."
Blount labored under no delusion as to the fitness of the common
people to govern. [355]
Not only did the Filipinos themselves understand perfectly well that
they had no republic, but there were many of them who were fully
aware of the fact that they could establish none. Fernando Acevedo,
in writing to General Pío del Pilar on August 8, 1898, said: [356]--
"There could be no republic here, even though the Americans
should consent, because, according to the treaties, the
Filipinos are not in condition for a republic. Besides this,
all Europe will oppose it, and if it should be that they divide
our country as though it were a round cake, what would become
of us and what would belong to us?"
I will now trace the evolution of the government which Aguinaldo did
set up. In doing so I follow Taylor's argument very closely, drawing
on his unpublished Ms., not only for ideas, but in some instances for
the words in which they are clothed. I change his words in many cases,
and do not mean to unload on him any responsibility for my statements,
but do wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to him and at the same
time to avoid the necessity for the continual use of quotation marks.
Aguinaldo's methods in establishing his republic are shown by his order
[357] that "any person who fights for his country has absolute power
to kill any one not friendly to our cause" and the further order
[358] prescribing that twelve lashes should be given to a soldier
who lost even a single cartridge, while if he continued to waste
ammunition he should be severely punished. In March, 1899, workmen
who had abandoned their work in the arsenal at Malolos were arrested,
returned, given twenty-five lashes each and then ordered to work. [359]
The news that an American expedition was about to sail for the
Philippines made him realize that he had not much more than a month
in which to place himself in a position in which he would have to be
consulted and assisted, and this he tried to do. The arms he received
from Hongkong on May 23 enabled him to begin an insurrection, not
as an ally of the United States, but on his own account. From May 21
to May 24 he issued orders for the uprising against Spain. On May 24
he declared himself Dictator of the Philippines in a proclamation in
which he promised to resign his power into the hands of a president
and cabinet, to be appointed when a constitutional assembly was
convened, which would be as soon as the islands had passed into
his control. He further announced that the North American nation
had given its disinterested protection in order that the liberty of
the Philippines should be gained. [360] On May 25, 1898, the first
American troops sailed from San Francisco for the Philippines.
Aguinaldo still had a month in which to seize enough Spanish territory
to erect thereon what would appear to the Americans on their arrival to
be a government of Luzón, of which he was the head. The Hongkong junta
and Aguinaldo himself intended to ask for the recognition of their
government, but they had first to create it. To obtain recognition
it was necessary that the American commander on land should be able
to report that wherever he or his troops had gone the country was
ruled by Aguinaldo according to laws which showed that the people
were capable of governing themselves.
As the United States is a republic it was natural that the directing
group of insurgent leaders should decide upon a republican form of
government. That form would appeal to the people of the United States;
the first "Christian Asiatic Republic" was a description which would
inevitably awaken sympathy in that mother of republics. The idea was a
wise and subtle one; but Aguinaldo's republic was merely an elaborate
stage-setting, arranged for the contemplation of the people of the
United States.
By June 5, 1898, the success of the insurgent arms had been such that
Aguinaldo felt that he could throw down the mask. He would still
be glad of American assistance, but he felt himself strong enough
to do without it. He saw that "there can now be proclaimed before
the Filipino people and the civilized nations its only aspiration,
namely, the independence of this country, which proclamation should
not be delayed for any ulterior object of this government" [361] and
ordered that the independence of the Philippines should be proclaimed
at his birthplace, Cavite Viejo, on June 12, 1898. On that date he
formally proclaimed it. The provinces of Cavite, Bataan, Pampanga,
Batangas, Bulacan, Laguna and Morong were about to fall into his hands,
the Spanish troops in them being besieged, and about to surrender.
From the same place on June 18, 1898, Aguinaldo promulgated his decree
for the creation and administration of municipalities. [362] In brief,
this provided that as soon as the territory of the archipelago, or any
portion thereof, had passed from the possession of Spanish forces, the
people in the towns who were most conspicuous for their intelligence,
social position and upright conduct were to meet and elect a town
government. The heads of the towns in every province were to elect
a head for the province and his three counsellors. The provincial
council, composed of these four officials, with the presidente of the
capital of the province, were to see to the execution in that province
of the decrees of the central government and to advise and suggest.
This provincial council was to elect representatives for the
revolutionary congress, which was to be charged with submitting
suggestions to the central government upon interior and exterior
affairs, and was to be heard by the government upon serious matters
which admitted of delay and discussion.
Before any person elected to office was permitted to discharge
his functions, his election was to be approved by the central
government. The military commanders, except in time of war, were
to have no jurisdiction over the civil authorities. They could,
however, demand such supplies as they might need, and these could
not be refused. The government was to appoint commissioners to carry
these regulations into effect.
On June 20 Aguinaldo issued his regulations for the government of
provinces and municipalities [363] as supplemental to the decree
of two days before. It went into the details of government, under
the following heads: police, justice, taxation and registration
of property.
On June 23 he proclaimed the establishment of a revolutionary
government, with himself as "president." In this capacity he had all
the powers of the Spanish governor-general, unhampered by any orders
from Spain. It is true that the scheme provided for the eventual
formation of a republic, but it is doubtful if the people who drew it
up really knew what that word meant. What was provided for in practice
was a strong and highly centralized military dictatorship, in which,
under the form of election, provision was made for the filling of
all offices by men devoted to the group which had seized control.
According to this decree the dictatorial government was in future to
be entitled the revolutionary government. Its duty was to struggle
for the independence of the Philippines in order to establish a
true republic. The dictator was to be known as the president of the
revolutionary government. There were to be four secretaries--one of
foreign affairs, commerce and marine; one of war and public works;
one of police and interior order, justice, education and hygiene;
one of the treasury, agriculture and manufactures. The government
could increase the number of secretaries if necessary. They were to
assist the president in the despatch of business coming under their
departments.
In addition to the president and his secretaries, there was to be a
revolutionary congress composed of representatives from the provinces
of the Philippine Archipelago, elected as provided by the decree of
June 18. In case a province was not able to elect representatives,
the government would appoint them for such province. The congress
was to discuss and advise, to approve treaties and loans, and to
examine and approve the accounts of the secretary of the treasury. If
important matters admitted of delay, the congress would be heard
concerning them; but if they did not admit of delay, the president of
the government was to act at once. Projects of law could be presented
by any representative, and by the secretaries of the government.
A permanent committee of congress presided over by the vice-president
was to be chosen by that body. This was to serve as a court of appeal
in criminal cases and as a court of final jurisdiction in cases
arising between the secretaries of the government and provincial
officials. The acts of congress were not to go into effect until the
president of the government ordered their execution. He was also to
have the right of veto.
This was a well-devised plan to secure control for the central
group about Aguinaldo. His commissioners, under a form of election
in which the electors were carefully selected men, established
municipal governments devoted to the cause of the revolution. These
were to choose provincial officials and members of the congress. All
elections were subject to Aguinaldo's approval, and every province
was under the command of a military representative of his, who could
and did call upon the civil authorities for such supplies as he deemed
fit. All real power was vested in the central group, and the central
group was composed of Emilio Aguinaldo and his public and private
advisers. By this time he had gathered about him men who were trained
in the law, some of whom had served the Spanish government in various
capacities. They were accustomed to the methods that had previously
prevailed under the Spanish régime, and were now ready to draw up
constitutions and regulations for the new government. Mabini wrote
the three organic decrees. Copies of them were sent to the foreign
consuls in Manila, and on July 15, 1898 to Admiral Dewey.
Although the title of "president" was assumed by Aguinaldo, as
more likely to be favourably considered in the United States than
"dictator," the tendency of his followers who had not been educated
in Europe was to speak of and to regard him not as a president,
but as an overlord holding all power in his hands. The people did
not feel themselves citizens of a republic, copartners in an estate;
they considered themselves subject to a ruler who sometimes called
himself president, and sometimes dictator. Indeed, there is much to
show that if Aguinaldo and his followers had succeeded in their plans,
even the name "republic" would not have been long continued as the
title of his government. [364]
Aguinaldo's claim as to the effectiveness of his government on August
6, 1898, was as follows: [365] "The government of the revolution
actually rules in the provinces of Cavite, Batangas, Mindoro,
Tayabas, Laguna, Morong, Bulacan, Bataan, Pampanga, Infanta and
besieges the capital, Manila. The most perfect order and tranquillity
reign in these provinces, governed by authorities elected by the
inhabitants in conformity with the organic decrees dated June 18 and
23 last. Moreover, the revolution has about nine thousand prisoners of
war who are treated humanely and according to the rules of civilized
warfare. We can muster more than thirty thousand men organized as a
regular army."
It may have been that in the majority of these provinces municipal
governments, formed in accordance with the provisions of the decree of
June 18, had been established; but provincial governments had not been
established in all of them, and tranquillity did not reign in any of
them, as they were the scene of operations against the Spaniards. There
could not well have been nine thousand prisoners in his hands at this
time, as that was claimed later when a large additional number of
Spaniards had surrendered. As for the thirty thousand men organized as
a regular army, there may be a certain difference of opinion as to what
constitutes a regular army; the men who saw Aguinaldo's force then,
and who have read the papers of its leaders, must be of the opinion
that that force was not a regular army. Probably only Manila Province
had a provincial government on August 6. Its local presidentes met at
Cavite Viejo on August 3 and elected three members of congress from
the province, and also the members of the provincial government. The
election took place under the supervision of Colonel Teodoro Gonzales,
whom Aguinaldo had appointed governor of Manila Province on August
1. He remained governor after the election was held. Not until August
17 did the local presidentes of Bulacan assemble under the presidency
of the secretary of the interior and proceed to elect two members to
congress and the members of the provincial government. Not until August
20 was there an election for the members of the provincial government
of Cavite Province. This was held in the town of Cavite. Isaac Fernando
Rios, who was afterwards a member of the Filipino junta in Madrid,
was chosen a representative of the province; but as he wrote that he
was in favour of coming to some agreement with Spain which would permit
the development of the Philippines, without abandoning the sovereignty
of that country, Aguinaldo promptly disapproved his election [366]
and ordered a new one held for the office thus left vacant. On October
2, 1899, Aguinaldo approved the result of a new election held there
because four of the five high officials of the province had absented
themselves, while one of them had died. Of the men who had so absented
themselves one had gone abroad, while the other three had remained
in Manila or Cavite under the government of the United States. [367]
The people of the provinces obeyed the men who had arms in their
hands. It is not probable that many of them had any conviction
concerning the form of government which would be best for the
Philippines. There were no signs of a spontaneous desire for a
republic. Orders came from the group about Aguinaldo, and the people
accepted a dictator and a republic as they accepted a president and
a republic, without knowing, and probably without caring very much,
what it all meant, except that they hoped that taxes would cease with
the departure of the friars. A determined and well-organized minority
had succeeded in imposing its will upon an unorganized, heterogeneous,
and leaderless majority.
As soon as a province was occupied by the Insurgents it was divided
into territorial zones within which command was exerted by military
officers. On July 20, 1898, Cavite had been divided into four zones,
and next day Brigadier-General Artemio Ricarte was placed in command
of the province and the first zone.
By July 7 Bulacan Province had been divided into six zones, and Nueva
Ecija into four zones, with a separate commander for each zone. These
men established the government prescribed by Aguinaldo's decrees of
the middle of June. Probably by the end of July Aguinaldo's municipal
governments had been established in the greater part of the towns
of Luzón. These governments were not established by the mass of the
people. The mass of the people were not consulted, but they were not
in the habit of being consulted in such matters and probably saw no
necessity for it in this case. As an evidence of this we have the fact
that from the beginning the acts of election were almost always drawn
up in Spanish, although by far the greater portion of the people of
the archipelago spoke only the native dialects.
The method of establishing these municipal governments employed in
Cavite in June, 1898, was continued to the end of Aguinaldo's rule. It
was the same in different places and at different times. Data obtained
from reports and documents written in towns far removed from each
other follow. They must be considered together in order to obtain an
idea of what this method really was.
When the Insurgent movement had progressed sufficiently far, the
leaders collected their adherents and obtained recognition as the
heads of their provinces or districts. For example, representatives
of the towns of Pampanga assembled at San Fernando on June 26,
1898, and under the presidency of General Maximo Hizon agreed to
yield him "complete obedience as military governor of the province
and representative of the illustrious dictator of these Philippine
Islands." [368] The town of Macabebe refused to send any delegates
to this gathering. Commissioners, in almost every case officers of
Aguinaldo's army, were empowered by him to establish the so-called
republican government. They appointed delegates who proceeded to
the smaller towns and held elections; but whenever possible the
commissioner of Aguinaldo presided. In many cases these delegates were
lieutenants of the army. The commissioners selected the electors,
for they had all to be "marked out by their good conduct, their
wealth, and their social position," and they had all to be in favour
of independence. They then presided at the elections, which were
_viva voce_. They apparently selected the people to be elected, and
forwarded a record of the proceedings to the central government. The
election had to be approved by the dictator or president before the
successful candidates could assume the duties of their offices. Later
on, the military commanders remote from the seat of government were
authorized to approve elections and install the successful candidates,
but the records of election had even then to be forwarded to the
capital for approval, the action of the commissioner not being final.
The commissioners do not seem to have been able to find many men
who had the necessary requisites for electors. In the town of Lipa,
Batangas Province, with a population of forty thousand seven hundred
forty-three, at the election held July 3, 1898, a presidente was chosen
for whom twenty-five votes were cast. On November 23, 1898, an election
was held at Vigan, Ilocos Sur, for a presidente to succeed one who had
been elected representative in congress. One hundred and sixteen votes
were cast. The population of Vigan is nineteen thousand. On October 5,
1898, at Echague, Isabela Province, a presidente was elected for whom
fifty-four votes were cast. The population of Echague is fifty-four
thousand. On October 2, 1898, at Cabagan Nuevo, Isabela, one hundred
and eleven men voted out of a population of sixty-two hundred and
forty. On January 29, 1899, the town of Hernani, in Samar, elected its
municipal officials under the supervision of V. Lukban. Fifty-four men
voted. The town has a population of twenty-five hundred and fifty-five.
The elections, so-called, were not always held without protest. For
example, the town of San José, Batangas, protested unavailingly
to Aguinaldo against the result of an election held at 10 P.M.,
in a storm of rain. Men who had been on friendly terms with the
Spaniards were usually excluded from all participation. If in spite
of the precautions taken men were elected who were disliked by the
commissioner or his supporters, the election could be set aside on the
ground that the person elected was not an adherent of the revolution.
The elections were often held in a singular manner, as in the following
case: [369]--
"On August 20, 1898, four men of Tondo appeared
before Aguinaldo on Bacoor and announced that they were
representatives of the people of the district, who loved
liberty. Then in accordance with the directions of the
president of the republic under the supervision of the
secretary of the interior, they drew lots from a hat to
decide how the offices of the head of the district, delegate
of police, delegate of the treasury and delegate of justice
were to be distributed. The decision having been made in this
simple fashion, Aguinaldo gravely approved the election as
expressing the will of the people. Perhaps it did, for they
seem to have continued, at least for a time, to obey them. On
November 14, 1898, Aguinaldo again approved an election for
local officials in Tondo which since August 13 had been within
the American lines."
On August 23 San Carlos, in Pangasinán Province, a town of twenty-three
thousand people, elected its officials under the new form of
government. The presidente chosen was a well-known member of the
Katipúnan, and before the election was held announced his intention
of killing any one who was chosen for the position for which he was a
candidate. [370] He was accordingly elected. In spite of this grave
informality, an informality which formed one ground for a protest
on the part of some of the people of the town, Aguinaldo approved
the election.
On October 21, 1898, an election was held under the supervision of
the military commander in Camarines for the municipal officials of the
town of Yriga. [371] The voting was oral, and a secretary wrote down
the votes for the two candidates under direction of the commissioner,
who finally announced that the candidate whose friend he was had been
elected, but without stating how many votes he had received. This
newly elected head of the town had the town crier on the following
night publish through the streets an address to the people, in which
he thanked those who had voted for him and warned those who had not
that it would be well for them to beware. The Spanish law known as
the Maura Law, which regulated the elections in the municipalities
under the Spanish government, provided for a limited electoral body,
composed largely of ex-officials of the municipalities. The choosing of
an electoral body by the military commander of a district probably did
not seem strange to the people. The provincial and municipal officials
were established in office by armed men, and they were obeyed because
they had been installed by armed men; but it was a form of election
to which people, as a rule, saw no reason to object. There were,
however, in many cases bitter complaints of the abuses committed by
the officers thus "elected."
This form of government spread with the advance of Aguinaldo's
arms. Municipal elections were held in Tarlac in July, in Ilocos
Norte and Tayabas in August, in Benguet and the Batanes Islands in
September, 1898, in Panay in December, 1898, and in Leyte and Samar
in January, 1899.
On December 27 Antonio Luna wrote that all the provinces of Luzón,
Mindoro, Marinduque, Masbate, and Ticao, Romblón, part of Panay,
the Batanes, and Babuyanes Islands were under the jurisdiction of
the insurgent government. [372]
By October 7, 1898, 14 of the 36 provinces and districts into
which Luzón had been divided by the Spanish government had civil
governors. [373] These 14 were Tagálog provinces or provinces which
the Tagálogs controlled. The other provinces were still under military
rule, and, indeed, even the provinces under civilians were dominated
by their military commanders. With the manner of holding elections
which prevailed, the governors must have been men who were in favour
of the military party in force, for otherwise they would not have
been elected. [374]
It is not probable that the number of provinces under civil
governors much increased. If in Pangasinán Province, where there
are many Tagálogs, organizations opposed to the rule of Aguinaldo
could cause serious disorders, as was the case, it must have been
considered expedient for the success of the attempt of the Tagálogs,
who form only a fifth of the population, to dominate the archipelago,
that all provinces in which an effective majority of the people were
not of that tribe, should be kept under military rule. The municipal
governments which had been established in Luzón were in the hands of
Aguinaldo's adherents, or of men who it was hoped would prove loyal
to him. They were men of the Spanish-speaking group, which has always
dominated the people of the islands. They were probably not as a rule
men of means. Many of them, perhaps most of them, had been clerks
and employees under the Spanish government, and they saw no reason
for changing the methods of town administration which had then been
followed. The municipal taxes, the estimates for expenditures, and
the regulations for town government, were but little modified from
those they found in force. In many ways such changes as were made
were for the worse.
Once installed in power, Aguinaldo's officials were required to
exercise over the mass of the people about the same control that
had always been exercised over them. The governing group considered
that they were perfectly capable of providing for the welfare of
the islands, and that it was the duty of the people to obey them
without question.
When the insurgent force was increased in preparation for war with
the Americans a large number of municipal officials resigned, or
attempted to do so. It was not easy for a municipal official under
Aguinaldo's government to resign. A resignation, to be accepted, had
to be accompanied by the certificate of a physician that the person
concerned was unfit to perform the duties of his office. Judging by
the record, [375] an epidemic seems to have attacked the municipal
officials in January, 1899. It is probable that they saw that war
was inevitable and that they did not wish to remain in charge of
the towns and be responsible for providing for the necessities of
"the liberating army." In Pangasinán in that month men could not
leave their barrios without obtaining the permission of the headman,
and in one town men who had attempted to sell their property for the
purpose of going to Manila were, on January 17, ordered to be arrested
and their conduct investigated. [376]
Aguinaldo, having established himself at Malolos, ordered the congress
provided for in his decree of June 23, 1898, to assemble at the
capital on September 15,1898, and appointed a number of provisional
representatives for provinces and islands not under his control. [377]
It has often been claimed that Aguinaldo's government controlled at
this time the whole archipelago, except the bay and city of Manila
and the town of Cavite. [378]
Blount quotes the following statement from the report of the First
Philippine Commission:--
"While the Spanish troops now remained quietly in Manila,
the Filipino forces made themselves masters of the entire
island except that city." [379]
I signed that statement, and signed it in good faith; nevertheless,
it is untrue. The Filipino forces never controlled the territory
now known as Ifugao, Bontoc, Kalinga or Apayao, much less that
occupied by the Negritos on the east coast of Luzón, but this is
not all. There exists among the Insurgent records a very important
document, prepared by Mabini, showing that when the call for the
first session of the Filipino congress was issued, there were no less
than sixty-one provinces and _commandancias_, which the Insurgents,
when talking among themselves, did not even claim to control, and
twenty-one of these were in or immediately adjacent to Luzón. [380]
The men who composed this congress were among the ablest natives of
the archipelago; but representative institutions mean nothing unless
they represent the people; if they do not, they are a conscious lie
devised either to deceive the people of the country or foreign nations,
and it is not possible for any system founded upon a lie to endure. A
real republic must be founded not upon a few brilliant men to compose
the governing group but upon a people trained in self-restraint and
accustomed to govern by compromise and concession, not by force. To
endure it must be based upon a solid foundation of self-control, of
self-respect and of respect for the rights of others upon the part of
the great majority of the common people. If it is not, the government
which follows a period of tumult, confusion and civil war will be a
government of the sword. The record the Philippine republic has left
behind it contains nothing to confirm the belief that it would have
endured, even in name, if the destinies of the islands had been left
in the hands of the men who set it up.
The national assembly met on the appointed day in the parish church
of Barasoain, Malolos, which had been set aside for the meetings
of congress. This body probably had then more elected members than
at its subsequent meetings, but even so it contained a large number
of men who were appointed by Aguinaldo after consultation with his
council to represent provinces which they had never even seen.
From a "list of representatives of the provinces and districts,
selected by election and appointment by the government up to July
7, 1899, with incomplete list of October 6, 1899" [381] I find
that there were 193 members, of whom forty-two were elected and one
hundred fifty-one were appointed. This congress was therefore not an
elective body. Was it in any sense representative? The following table,
showing the distribution of delegates between the several peoples,
will enable us to answer this question.
In considering this table it must be remembered that the relationship
given between the number of delegates assigned to a given people
and the number of individuals composing it is only approximate, as
no one of these peoples is strictly limited to the provinces where
it predominates.
I have classified the provinces as Tagálog, Visayan, etc., according
to census returns showing the people who form a majority of their
inhabitants in each case. [382]
People Number Elected Delegates Appointed Delegates
Visayans 3,219,030 0 68
Tagálogs 1,460,695 18 19
Ilocanos 803,942 7 11
Bicols 566,365 4 7
Pangasináns 343,686 2 2
Pampangans 280,984 2 2
Cagayans 159,648 4 6
Zambalans 48,823 1 2
Non-Christians 647,740 4 34
42 151
It will be noted that the Tagálog provinces had eighteen out of a
total of forty-two elected delegates. The Visayans, by far the most
numerous people in the islands, did not have one. The non-Christian
provinces had a very disproportionately large total of delegates, of
whom four are put down as elected, but on examination we find that one
of these is from Lepanto, the capital of which was an Ilocano town; one
is from Nueva Vizcaya, where there is a considerable Cagayan-Ilocano
population; one is from Benguet, the capital of which was an Ilocano
town, and one from Tiagan, which was an Iloeano settlement. These
delegates should therefore really be credited to the Ilocanos.
If the individual relationships of the several members are considered,
the result is even more striking. Of the thirty-eight delegates
assigned to the non-Christian provinces, one only, good old Lino
Abaya of Tiagan, was a non-Christian. Many of the non-Christian
_comandancias_ were given a number of delegates wholly disproportionate
to their population, and in this way the congress was stuffed full
of Tagálogs.
Think of Filipe Buencamino, of Aguinaldo's cabinet, representing the
Moros of Zamboanga; of the mild, scholarly botanist Leon Guerrero
representing the Moros, Bagobos, Mandayas and Manobos of Davao; of
José M. Lerma, the unscrupulous politician of the province of Bataan,
just across the bay from Manila, representing the wild Moros of
Cotabato; of Juan Tuason, a timid Chinese _mestizo_ Manila business
man, representing the Yacan and Samal Moros of Basilan; of my good
friend Benito Legarda, since a member of the Philippine Commission,
and a resident delegate from the Philippines to the congress of the
United States, representing the bloody Moros of Jolo! Yet they appear
as representatives of these several regions.
Few, indeed, of the delegates from non-Christian territory had ever
set foot in the provinces or _comandancias_ from which they were
appointed, or would have been able to so much as name the wild tribe
or tribes inhabiting them.
I have been furnished a list, made up with all possible care by
competent persons, from which it appears that there were eighty-five
delegates actually present at the opening of congress, of whom
fifty-nine were Tagálogs, five Bicols, three Pampangans, two Visayans,
and one a Zambalan. For the others there are no data available. Yet
it has been claimed that this was a representative body! It was a
Tagálog body, without enough representatives of any other one of the
numerous Philippine peoples to be worth mentioning.
With a congress thus organized, Aguinaldo should have had no difficulty
in obtaining any legislation he desired.
The committee of congress appointed to draw up a constitution set
to work promptly, and by October 16,1898, had proceeded so far
with their work that Buencamino was able to write to Aguinaldo that
while he had been of the opinion that it would have been best for
him to continue as a dictator aided by a committee of able men,
yet it would now be a blow to the prestige of congress to suspend
its sessions. Aguinaldo noted upon this letter the fact that he did
not approve of a constitution. [383]
Apparently early in December the committee submitted their project. In
presenting it to congress they said [384] that--
"The work whose results the commission has the honour to
present for the consideration of congress has been largely a
matter of selection; in executing it not only has the French
constitution been used, but also those of Belgium, Mexico,
Brazil, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Guatemala, as we have
considered those nations as most resembling the Filipino
people."
The most important difference between this project and the actual
constitution adopted was that, although the project provided that
the Dominican, Recollect, Franciscan and Augustinian friars should
be expelled from the country and that their estates should become
the property of the state, yet it recognized the Catholic religion
as that of the state and forbade state contribution to the support
of any other, although it permitted the practice in private of any
religion not opposed to morality, which did not threaten the safety of
the country. The government was authorized to negotiate a concordat
with the Pope for the regulation of the relations between church and
state. A strong party was in favour of this recognition, but it finally
failed of adoption, and the constitution as promulgated provided
for the freedom and equality of religion and for free and compulsory
education which had not been provided for in the original project. The
constitution as approved forbade the granting of titles of nobility,
decorations or honorary titles by the state to any Filipino. This
paragraph did not exist in the original project, which merely forbade
any Filipino to accept them without the consent of the government.
Mabini, the ablest of all Aguinaldo's advisers, did not approve of the
constitution. He himself had drawn up a project for a constitution
during June, 1898, but it was not accepted by the committee, the
greater part of whom were Catholics and for that reason opposed to
Mabini, who was a bitter antagonist of that church. And yet when
separation of church and state was finally provided for it did not
please Mabini, who, although he was opposed to church control, wrote
to Aguinaldo [385] that the constitution as passed by congress was not
acceptable and should not be promulgated because the constitutional
guarantees of individual liberty could not be maintained, as the
army had to be in control for the time being, and furthermore it was
not expedient to separate church and state, as this separation would
alienate many of their adherents. Indeed, there was not much in the
constitution which he thought ought to take immediate effect, [386]
and he wrote that congress was ill-disposed toward him because he had
refused to agree to its promulgation. Existing conditions were such
that he believed that all powers should be vested in one person. He
warned Aguinaldo that if the constitution were put in force, he would
be at the mercy of his secretaries. On January 1, 1899, Aguinaldo,
probably at the suggestion of Mabini, proposed certain changes in
it. [387]
Evidently the provisions of the constitution did not worry Aguinaldo
much, as is shown by his reply to the request by some of his officers
for information as to what reward those who were first in the attack
on Manila should receive. He promised them such titles as marquis,
duke, etc. [388]
On January 2, 1899, Aguinaldo announced the formation of a new cabinet
made up as follows: Apolinario Mabini president and secretary of
foreign affairs; Teodoro Sandico, secretary of the interior; Mariano
Trias, secretary of the treasury; Baldomero Aguinaldo, secretary
of war and navy, and Gracio Gonzaga, secretary of _fomento_. [389]
On January 4 Mabini took the oath of office as the president of the
council of government. This body met twice a week at Malolos on set
days, and at the close of its deliberations forwarded to Aguinaldo
a statement of the subjects discussed and the conclusions reached
for his decision. The president of the republic did not preside at,
or take part in, its deliberations.
On January 4, 1899, General Otis issued a proclamation in which
he announced that the United States had obtained possession of the
Philippines and that its government would be extended over the islands
of the archipelago. Aguinaldo replied next day with one which, if
not intended to be a declaration of war, was at least a warning that
hostilities were imminent. This proclamation was carried into Manila
by his emissaries and posted up over the one issued by the American
commander. It was a challenge to a trial of strength, and Aguinaldo
and his advisers hastened their preparations for the coming combat.
The secretary of the interior on the same day sent an order to the
heads of all provinces directing the organization of territorial
militia to resist the American invasion, and ordering the heads of the
towns to hold meetings of the people to protest against the aggression
of the United States. They were held in accordance with these orders,
and records of the proceedings were sent to Malolos and published in
the official organ of the government as evidence of the feeling of the
people. It was, however, not considered necessary in publishing them
to mention the fact that they had been held in compliance with orders.
On January 14, 1899, Mabini wrote to Aguinaldo [390] recommending
changes in the proposed constitution, which he still liked as little
as ever. He was afraid that Negros and Panay would refuse to accept
the form of government it prescribed. The worst thing about it was
that the Americans would be less disposed to recognize Aguinaldo's
government; for when they saw the constitution they would know, as it
made no mention of them, that the Filipinos wanted independence. Mabini
thought that it was possible that the wording of the constitution
might have been deliberately planned by members of the congress in
favour of annexation to the United States, so that that country would
be warned, would become more mistrustful, and would refuse to recognize
Aguinaldo's government. Whatever the president of the council may have
thought about the theoretical advisability of a congress to represent
the people, he found one much in the way when he had obtained it.
Buencamino advised that the constitution should be approved and
promulgated; one argument was that the congress had been consulted in
the matter of a national loan, and if it was dissolved, there could
be no loan. This was apparently the only matter upon which it had
been consulted. [391]
The constitution of the Philippine Republic was ratified at a session
of the congress on January 20, 1899.
On January 21, 1899, Aguinaldo sanctioned it and ordered that it should
be "kept, complied with and executed in all its parts because it is
the sovereign will of the Philippine people." [392] The constitution
provided for a government of three coördinate powers, executive,
legislative and judicial. Whether it provided for a form of government
which would have succeeded in the Philippines was not determined by
actual experience. It was never really put in force for war with the
United States began in two weeks and the constitution must stand as the
expression of the ideas of a certain group of educated natives rather
than as the working formula for the actual conduct of the political
life of a nation. One proof of this is the fact that not until June 8,
1899, were Aguinaldo's decrees upon the registration of marriages and
upon civil marriage, dated June 20,1898, revoked, and the provisions
of the constitution concerning marriage put in effect. [393]
Aguinaldo had approved the constitution; he had informed the foreign
consuls and General Otis that it had been promulgated and become the
law of the land. It was not promulgated. It had not become the law of
the land. It served one important purpose. It passed into the hands
of the Americans and showed them the ability and the aspirations of
certain individuals of the archipelago, but Mabini and his followers
did not believe in its form or in its provisions, and Mabini at least
was emphatic in his declarations that the time had not yet come for it
to be put into effect. On January 24, 1899, he wrote to Aguinaldo that
if it should be promulgated it would be absolutely necessary to give
the president the veto power, and replace the elected representatives
by others appointed by the government. If this were not done the
president would be at the mercy of congress, and the people, seeing
that disagreement between the executive government and the congress
was the cause of its misfortunes, would start another revolutionary
movement to destroy both of them. [394]
As long as Mabini remained in power the constitution was mere
paper. Its adoption was not indicative of the capacity of the people to
maintain self-government. It expressed only the academic aspirations
of the men who drafted it. There is not the slightest evidence from
any previous or subsequent experience of the people that it would have
worked in practice. It was enacted for the misleading of Americans
rather than for the benefit of the Filipinos.
While the government of Aguinaldo was called a republic, it was in
fact a Tagálog military oligarchy in which the great mass of the
people had no share. Their duty was only to give soldiers for the
army and labourers for the fields, and to obey without question the
orders they received from the military heads of their provinces.
There is no cause for vain regrets. We did not destroy a republic in
the Philippines. There never was anything there to destroy which even
remotely resembled a republic.