Insurgent Rule in the Visayas and Elsewhere
Referring to the conditions alleged to have been found by Sargent
and Wilcox in the Cagayan valley, Blount says:--
"Had another Sargent and another Wilcox made a similar trip
through the provinces of southern Luzón about this same time,
under similar friendly auspices, before we turned friendship
to hate and fear and misery, in the name of Benevolent
Assimilation, they would, we now know, have found similar
conditions." [299]
So far as concerns the provinces of Mindoro and Palawan, and the great
island of Mindanao, he dodges the issue, alleging the unimportance
of Mindoro and Palawan, and claiming that "Mohammedan Mindanao"
presents a problem by itself. Under such generalities he hides the
truth as to what happened in these regions.
I agree with him that there was essential identity between actual
conditions in the Cagayan valley and those which prevailed under
Insurgent rule elsewhere in Luzón and in the Visayas. I will go
further and say that conditions in the Cagayan valley did not differ
essentially from those which prevailed throughout all portions of
the archipelago which fell under Insurgent control, except that in
several provinces captured friars and other Spaniards were quickly
murdered whereas in the Cagayan valley no friar was quite killed
outright by torture. Those who ultimately died of their injuries
lived for some time.
Let us now consider some of the actual occurrences in these other
provinces, continuing to follow the route of our tourists until it
brings us back to Manila.
_South Ilocos_
The first province visited by Messrs. Wilcox and Sargent after
leaving Aparri was South Ilocos. The conditions which had prevailed
at Vigan, the capital of the province, shortly before their arrival,
are described in a letter signed "Mariano" and addressed under date
of September 25, 1898, to Señor Don Mena Crisólogo, from which I
quote extracts:--
"_Dear Mena_: I read with a happy heart your letter of the
3rd instant, and in answer I have to say:--
"On the 22nd of August a mass meeting was held for the election
of the local presidente of this town, and I was elected to
the office; and on the 1st instant the Colonel appointed me
Provisional Provincial President of this province, so that
you can imagine the position I am in and the responsibilities
which weigh on me.
"Your house is occupied by the Colonel, in view of the fact
that it is not rented.
"I have here eleven friar prisoners and the damned priests
who escaped from here have not as yet been returned, but it
is known that they are prisoners in Cagayan, and as soon as
they arrive here I will treat them as they deserve.
"It is with great regret that I have to relate the events
and misfortunes which we have been suffering here since the
arrival of the troops, as all the detachments are supported
by the towns, and here in the capital where the commissary
is established, our resources are exhausted, owing to the
unreasonable demands of the commissary, because he never asks
what is only just and necessary, but if he needs provisions for
200 men, he always asks enough for 1000. And notwithstanding
this, the most lamentable and sad occurrences are taking
place almost daily in the different barrios, and often in
the town itself; the soldiers are guilty of many abuses and
disorderly acts, such as rapes and murders, which usually
remain unpunished by reason of the real authors thereof not
being found, and when they are found and reported to their
commanders, the latter do nothing. One night the house and
estate of Sario Tinon in Anannam was sacked by six armed men,
who threatened him and took his money, his wife's jewels and
the best horses he had. Thank God that his family was at the
time in the capital, and it appears that now the authors of
this act are being discovered.
"I am at the present time working with Father Aglipay to have
the forces stationed here replaced by our volunteers which I
am recruiting, in order to prevent in so far as possible the
frequent acts of barbarity which the former are committing
in the province.
"When the friars from Lepanto arrived here, they were made
to publish the following proclamation:--
"'_Proclamation_.--We, the friars, declare that all the acts
committed by us against the honest Filipinos when we discharged
our respective offices, were false and in contravention of the
rights of the Holy Church, because we only wished to deceive
and prejudice the honest inhabitants of the Philippines; for
which reason we now suffer what we are suffering, as you see,
according to the old adage that "he who owes must pay." And
now we inform all you honest Filipinos that we repent for
the acts above referred to, which are in contravention of
the laws and good customs, and ask your pardon.--_Vigan_,
September 13, 1898.'
"All of which I communicate to you in order that you may
form an idea of what is taking place here, and take such
steps as may be proper for the common good, and especially
for the good of this town, hoping that with the aid of your
valuable protection the abuses and disorders suffered by the
residents will be stopped." [300]
The province of Abra, now a subprovince of South Ilocos, was evidently
no exception to the general rule, for there is on file a letter to
Aguinaldo with twenty-six signatures, protesting bitterly against the
oppression of the poor, in the effort to compel them to contribute war
taxes, complaining against the misuse of supplies gathered ostensibly
for the soldiers, and stating that the petitioners will be obliged to
take refuge with the Igorots and Negritos, if not granted relief. [301]
Apparently the trouble grew, for on December 27, 1898, the "Director
of Diplomacy" telegraphed to Aguinaldo concerning it, saying:--
"Most urgent. The discontent in the provinces of Pangasinán,
Tarlac and Yloco (Ilocos) is increasing. The town of Bangbang
rose in revolt the 25th and 26th of this month, and killed
all of the civil officials. It is impossible to describe
the abuses committed by the military and civil authorities
of the said provinces. I urge you to send a force of 100 men
and a diplomatic officer to reëstablish order. The matter is
urgent." [302]
I find nothing important in the Insurgent records concerning conditions
in La Union at this time. Pangasinán, Tarlac, Pampanga and Bulacan,
which were now revisited by our tourists, have already been discussed.
_The Province of Manila_
Conditions in Manila Province, as distinguished from Manila City,
left much to be desired.
Admiral Dewey made a statement applicable to the territory adjacent
to the city and bay of Manila in a cablegram to Washington dated
October 14, 1898, which reads as follows:--
"It is important that the disposition of the Philippine
Islands should be decided as soon as possible. . . . General
anarchy prevails without the limits of the city and bay of
Manila. Natives appear unable to govern." [303]
Of it Blount says:--
"In this cablegram the Admiral most unfortunately repeated
as true some wild rumours then currently accepted by the
Europeans and Americans at Manila which, of course, were
impossible of verification. I say 'unfortunately' with some
earnestness, because it does not appear on the face of his
message that they were mere rumours. And, that they were wholly
erroneous, in point of fact, has already been cleared up in
previous chapters, wherein the real state of peace, order,
and tranquillity which prevailed throughout Luzón at that
time has been, it is believed, put beyond all doubt." [304]
Blount seems here to have overlooked the fact that the admiral
himself was in Manila Bay and in Manila City at the time he sent
this cablegram. The statements in question were not rumours, they
were deliberate expressions of opinion on the part of a man who had
first-hand information and knew what he was saying.
They were not the Admiral's only allegations on this subject. When
testifying before the Senate committee he said:--
"_Admiral Dewey_. I knew that there was no government in the
whole of the Philippines. Our fleet had destroyed the only
government there was, and there was no other government; there
was a reign of terror throughout the Philippines, looting,
robbing, murdering; a reign of terror throughout the islands."
_La Laguna_
Having brought our tourist friends safely back to Manila, we must
now leave them there and strike out by ourselves if we are to see
other provinces.
La Laguna lies just east of Manila. Of it we learn that:
"Laguna Province was so overrun by bands of robbers that
the head of the pueblo of San Pablo ordered the people to
concentrate in the town to avoid their attacks." [305]
_Bataan_
The province of Bataan lies just across the bay from Manila.
"On January 10, 1899, the secretary of the interior directed
the governor of Bataan Province to ascertain the whereabouts of
a number of men who had just deserted with their rifles from
the commands there. He was to appeal to their patriotism and
tell them that if they would but return to their companies
their complaints would be attended to and they would be
pardoned." [306]
_Zambales_
Zambales joins Bataan on the west and north. On November 13, 1898,
Wenceslao Vinvegra wrote to Aguinaldo describing the state of affairs
in this province. From his letter we learn that two brothers named
Teodoro and Doroteo Pansacula, claiming to be governor and brigadier
general respectively, who are charged with abandonment of their
posts in the field, disobedience and attempts against the union
of the Insurgents, had been committing all manner of abuses. They
had organized a band of cut-throats, armed with rifles and bolos,
and were terrorizing the towns, committing robberies and murders and
ordering that money be furnished for themselves and food for their men.
They were also encouraging the people to disobey the local authorities
and refuse to pay taxes, and were promulgating a theory, popular with
the masses, that the time had come for the rich to be poor and the
poor rich.
They had furthermore induced regular Insurgent troops to rise up in
arms. [307]
From this communication it would appear that the Insurgent government
had not been entirely effective in Zambales up to November 13th, 1898.
From other communications we learn that the soldiers at Alaminos were
about to desert on November 30th, 1898; [308] that it was deemed
necessary to restrict travel between Tarlac, Pampanga, Bataan and
Zambales in order to prevent robberies; [309] and that on January 9,
1899, the governor of the province found it impossible to continue
the inspection of a number of towns, as many of their officials had
fled to escape the abuses of the military. [310] Conditions were
obviously very serious in Zambales at this time.
_Cavite_
Cavite province lies immediately south of Manila province as the
latter was then constituted. On August 24, 1898, the secretary of
war wired Aguinaldo that two drunken Americans had been killed by
Insurgent soldiers. [311] On the same day General Anderson advised
the governor of Cavite that one American soldier had been killed and
three wounded by his people, and demanded his immediate withdrawal,
with his guard, from the town. [312] The governor asked Aguinaldo for
instructions. Aguinaldo replied instructing the governor to deny that
the American had been killed by Insurgent soldiers and to claim that
he had met death at the hands of his own companions. The governor was
further directed to give up his life before leaving the place. [313]
In view of the definite statement from one of his own officers that
the soldier in question was killed by Filipino soldiers, Aguinaldo's
instructions to say that he was killed by Americans are interesting
as showing his methods.
Not only were the Insurgents obviously unable to control their own
soldiers in Cavite town sufficiently to prevent them from committing
murder, but conditions in the province of the same name left much to
be desired. On December 29, 1898, the governor wired Aguinaldo that
the town of Marigondong had risen in arms. [314]
It is a well-known fact that land records were destroyed in Cavite. Of
this matter Taylor says:--
"In Cavite, in Cavite Province, and probably in most of the
other provinces, one of the first acts of the insurgents
who gathered about Aguinaldo was to destroy all the land
titles which had been recorded and filed in the Spanish
administrative bureaus. In case the independence of the
Philippines was won, the land of the friars, the land of the
Spaniards and of those who still stood by Spain, would be in
the gift of Aguinaldo or of any strong man who could impose
his will upon the people. And the men who joined this leader
would be rich in the chief riches of the country, and those
who refused to do so would be ruined men." [315]
_Sorsogón_
"The native civil officials who took charge of the government
of Sorsogón Province when the Spaniards abandoned it did
not think it worth while to hoist the insurgent flag until a
force of four companies arrived there to take station early in
November, 1898. The officer in command promptly ordered the
Chinamen in the town of Sorsogón, who are prosperous people,
to contribute to the support of his troops. They at once gave
him cloth for uniforms, provisions, and 10,000 pesos. This
was not sufficient, for on November 8 Gen. Ignacio Paua,
who seems to have been the insurgent agent in dealing with
the Chinese, complained that the troops in Sorsogón were
pillaging the Chinamen there. They had killed 13, wounded 19,
and ruined a number of others." [316]
In January, 1899, a correspondent wrote Aguinaldo that it was very
difficult to collect taxes as every one was taking what he could lay
his hands on. [317]
_Ambos Camarines_
On September 18, 1898, Elias Angeles, a corporal of the _guardia
civil_, headed an uprising against the Spaniards. The Spanish officer
in command, and all of his family, were killed by shooting up through
the floor of the room which they occupied. Angeles then assumed the
title of Politico-Military-Governor.
When the Tagálog Vicente Lucban arrived on his way to Samar, he ordered
Angeles to meet him at Magarao, with all his troops and arms, disarmed
the troops, giving their rifles to his own followers, marched into
Nueva Caceres and took possession of the entire government. Aguinaldo
subsequently made Lucban a general, and sent him on his way to Samar.
Lucban was succeeded by another Tagálog, "General" Guevara, a very
ignorant man, who displayed special ability in making collections,
and is reported to have kept a large part of the funds which came
into his possession.
Colonel Peña, who called himself "General," was one of the worst of
the Tagálog invaders, for they were practically that. He threatened
all who opposed him with death, and summarily shot at least one man
in Tigaon. That town subsequently rose against him, and he was badly
cut up by the Bicols. [318] On getting out of the hospital he was
sent away.
The daughters of prominent families suffered at the hands of these
villains. Peña abducted one, a son of Guevara another. Her brother
followed young Guevara and killed him. If girls of the best families
were so treated, how must those of the common people have fared?
Braganza ordered the killing of all Spaniards and Chinese at
Minalabag. Some forty-eight Spaniards were murdered.
Many Chinese were killed at Pasacao; about thirty at Libmanan by
order of Vicente Ursua a Tagálog; more than twenty at Calabanga.
Conditions became so unbearable that Faustino Santa Ana gathered
around him all Bicols who were willing to fight the Tag£logs, but
the troubles were finally patched up.
American troops had little difficulty in occupying Ambos Camarines
and other Bicol provinces, owing to the hatred in which the Tagálogs
were held.
_Mindoro_
Conditions in the important island of Mindoro may be inferred from
the fact that it became necessary for its governor to issue a decree
on November 10, 1898, which contained the following provisions among
others:--
"2nd. The local presidentes of the pueblos will not permit any
one belonging to their jurisdiction to pass from one pueblo
to another nor to another province without the corresponding
pass, with a certificate upon its back that the taxes of its
holder have been paid.
"3rd. That from this date no one will be allowed to absent
himself from his pueblo without previously informing its head
who will give him an authorization on which will be noted
the approval of the presidente of the pueblo....
"5th. Persons arriving from a neighboring town or province in
any pueblo of this province will immediately present themselves
before the presidente of said pueblo with their passes. He
will without charge, stamp them with his official seal." [319]
These are peculiar regulations for a province which is at peace,
and as Major Taylor has truly remarked:--
"The form of liberty contemplated by the founders of the
Philippine Republic was not considered incompatible with a
very considerable absence of personal freedom." [320]
Later, when travelling through Mindoro, I was told how an unfortunate
legless Spaniard, who had been running a small shop in one of the towns
and who was on good terms with his Filipino neighbors, was carried
out into the plaza, seated in a chair, and then cut to pieces with
bolos in the presence of his wife and children who were compelled to
witness the horrible spectacle!
On this same trip Captain R.G. Offley, then the American Governor
of Mindoro, told me while I was at Pinamalayan that the people there
were greatly alarmed because a murderer, liberated under the amnesty,
had returned and was prowling about in that vicinity. This man had a
rather unique record. He had captured one of his enemies, and after
stripping him completely had caused the top of an immense ant-hill to
be dug off. The unfortunate victim was then tied, laid on it, and the
earth and ants which had been removed were shovelled back over his
body until only his head projected. The ants did the rest! Another
rather unusual achievement of this interesting individual was to tie
the feet of one of his enemies to a tree, fasten a rope around his
neck, hitch a carabao to the rope, and start up the carabao, thus
pulling off the head of his victim. Yet this man and others like
him were set at liberty under the amnesty proclamation, in spite of
the vigorous protests of the Philippine Commission, who thought that
murderers of this type ought to be hanged.
And now I wish to discuss briefly an interesting and highly
characteristic statement of Judge Blount. In referring to conditions
in the Visayan Islands, he says:--
"Of course the Southern Islands were a little slower. But as
Luzón goes, so go the rest. The rest of the archipelago is
but the tail to the Luzón kite. Luzón contains 4,000,000 of
the 8,000,000 people out there, and Manila is to the Filipino
people what Paris is to the French and to France. Luzón is
about the size of Ohio, and the other six islands that really
matter, are in size mere little Connecticuts and Rhode Islands,
and in population mere Arizonas or New Mexicos." [321]
This paragraph is no exception to the general rule that the statements
of this author will not bear analysis. One of the other six islands
that he says really matters is Samar. Its area is 5031 square
miles. The area of Rhode Island is 1250 square miles. The smallest of
the six islands named is Bohol, with an area of 1411 square miles. It
cannot be called a little Rhode Island.
As regards population, Arizona has 122,931. It is hardly proper to
call either Panay with a population of 743,646, Cebu with 592,247,
Negros with 460,776, Leyte with 357,641, Bohol with 243,148 or even
Samar with only 222,690, a mere Arizona, and New Mexico with 195,310
is also a bit behind.
Luzón really has an area of 40,969 square miles and a population
of 3,798,507. [322] What Blount is pleased to call "the tail to the
Luzón kite," is made up as follows:--
Island Area (Square Miles) Population
Samar 5,031 222,690
Negros 4,881 460,776
Panay 4,611 743,646
Leyte 2,722 357,641
Cebu 1,762 592,247
Bohol 1,411 243,148
Totals 20,419 2,620,148
Even so, the tail is a trifle long and heavy for the kite, but if we
are going to compare Luzón with "the Southern Islands," by which Blount
can presumably only mean the rest of the archipelago, why not really do
it? The process involves nothing more complicated than the subtraction
of its area and population from those of the archipelago as a whole.
Area (Square Miles) Population
Philippines 115,026 7,635,426
Luzón 40,969 3,798,507
Difference 74,057 3,836,919
Performing this operation, we discover that the tail would fly away
with the kite, as Luzón has less than half of the total population
and only a little more than a third of the total area.
To compare the area or the population of one large island with those of
individual small ones, in determining the relative importance of the
former in the country of which it makes up a part, is like comparing
the area and population of a great state with those of the individual
counties going to make up other states.
Blount resorts to a similar questionable procedure in trying to show
the insignificance of Mindoro and Palawan. There are an island of
Mindoro and a province of Mindoro; an island of Palawan and a province
of Palawan. In each case the province, which includes numerous small
islands, as well as the large one from which it takes its name, is
much larger and more populous than is the main island, and obviously
it is the province with which we are concerned.
Even if Blount wished to limit discussion to the Christian natives
commonly called Filipinos, his procedure is still wholly unfair. Of
these there are 3,575,001 in Luzón and 3,412,685 in the other
islands. In other words, the Filipino population is almost equally
divided between the two regions.
As he would not have found it convenient to discuss the conditions
which arose in Mindanao under Insurgent rule, he attempts to show
that no political importance attaches to them. In the passage above
quoted he does not so much as mention either Mindoro or Palawan
(Paragua). Elsewhere, however, he attempts to justify his action by
making the following statements:--
"The political or governmental problem being now reduced
from 3141 islands to eleven, the last three [323] of the nine
contained in the above table may also be eliminated as follows:
[324]--
"Mindoro, the large island just south of the main bulk of
Luzón, pierced by the 121st meridian of longitude east of
Greenwich, is thick with densely wooded mountains and jungle
over a large part of its area, has a reputation of being
very unhealthy (malarious), is also very sparsely settled,
and does not now, nor has it ever, cut any figure politically
as a disturbing factor." [325]
Apart from the fact that the political problem involved in the
government of the important islands which Blount would thus leave
out of consideration, is not solved by ignoring it, certain of his
further statements cannot be allowed to go uncorrected.
The allegation that the island has never "cut any figure politically
as a disturbing factor" is absurd. In the Spanish days its forests
furnished a safe refuge for evildoers who were from time to time
driven out of Cavite and Batangas. A large proportion of its
Filipino inhabitants were criminals who not infrequently organized
regular piratical expeditions and raided towns in Masbate, Romblon
and Palawan. The people of the Cuyos and Calamianes groups lived
in constant terror of the Mindoro pirates, and _tulisanes_, [326]
who paid them frequent visits. I myself have been at Calapan, the
capital of the province, when the Spanish officials did not dare to
go without armed escort as far as the outskirts of the town for fear
of being captured and held for ransom. During considerable periods
they did not really pretend to exercise control over the criminal
Filipinos inhabiting the west coast of the island. Conditions as
to public order were worse in Mindoro than anywhere else in the
archipelago north of Mindanao and Joló.
No less absurd are Blount's suggestions as to the general
worthlessness of the island. There are high mountains in its
interior, and there are great stretches of the most fertile land in
the world along its coast. Its northern and eastern portions have
a very heavy and evenly distributed rainfall, and are admirably
suited to the growing of cocoanuts, hemp, cacao, rubber and similar
tropical products. In this region rice flourishes wonderfully without
irrigation. There was a time in the past when Mindoro was known as
"the granary of the Philippines." Later its population was decimated
by constant Moro attacks, and cattle disease destroyed its draft
animals, with the result that the cultivated lands were abandoned
to a considerable extent and again grew up to jungle, from which,
however, it is easy to redeem them. The west coast has strongly marked
wet and dry seasons similar to those at Manila. There is abundant
water available for irrigation, furnished by streams which never run
dry. Much of the soil is rich, and will grow the best of sugar in
large quantity. The forests, which now cover extensive areas, abound
in fine woods, and produce rubber and other valuable gums. There are
outcroppings of lignite at numerous points on the island, and in the
vicinity of Mt. Halcon is found the finest marble yet discovered in
this part of the world. Gold is also present in some quantity at
various places. In short, Mindoro is naturally one of the richest
islands in the Archipelago. If its tillable lands were under high
cultivation, it would support half the population of the Philippines.
_Palawan_
In endeavouring to show that Palawan is without political importance
Blount has followed precisely the procedure which he adopted in the
case of Mindoro. First, he gives the area and the population of the
island, when he should concern himself with the province. The area of
the island is 4027 square miles; that of the province, 5238 square
miles. According to the 1903 census, the population of the island
was 10,918, while that of the province, which contains such thickly
settled and fertile islands as Cuyo and Agutaya, was 39,582. Of course,
if one wishes to emphasize the unimportance of Palawan, it is more
convenient to take the figures for the island.
Blount says:--
"Paragua, [327] the long narrow island seen at the
extreme lower left of any map of the archipelago, extending
northeast-southwest at an angle of about 45°, is practically
worthless, being fit for nothing much except a penal colony,
for which purpose it is in fact now used." [328]
I must deny the truthfulness of his statements, even if we limit
our consideration to the island of Palawan. Only 159 of its 4027
square miles are utilized for a penal colony. Its natural wealth
is simply enormous. It is covered throughout the greater part of
its extent with virgin forest containing magnificent stands of the
best timber. Damar, a very valuable varnish gum, is abundant in its
mountains. Much of the so-called "Singapore cane," so highly prized by
makers of rattan and wicker furniture, comes from its west coast. It
is a well-watered island, and its level plains, which receive the
wash from its heavily forested mountains, have a soil of unsurpassed
fertility in which cocoanuts come to bearing in five years or even
less. Incidentally, the greater part of the island lies south of
the typhoon belt. Malampaya Sound, situated near its northwestern
extremity, is one of the world's great harbors. But should we wish to
rid ourselves of this wonderful island, I may say, without violating
any official confidences, that there was a time when Germany would
have been more than pleased to take it off our hands; and indeed our
British friends, who were sufficiently interested in it to survey it
some decades ago, might possibly be prevailed upon to accept it!
There are good reasons why Blount thought it convenient to make it
appear that Palawan was politically unimportant. Shortly after the
outbreak of hostilities with Spain the Filipino garrison at Puerto
Princesa mutinied, and the things which they did were not nice. Among
others, they liberated the convicts, Puerto Princesa being at the time
a penal colony, and the latter, together with some of the soldiers,
started up the east coast of the island, leaving a trail of devastation
in their wake. The prosperous town of Tinitian was abandoned as they
approached it, and was so thoroughly cleaned out by them that it has
never since been reoccupied except by a few stragglers. Other towns,
including Tay-Tay, were raided.
On November 27, 1899, Aguinaldo's representative in this province wrote
him that the inhabitants were preparing to kill all the Tagálogs and
revolt against Insurgent rule. [329] Later when some of the latter
were anxious to get the people of one of the northern settlements to
take them on a short boat journey, these Visayans consented to give
them a lift only on condition that they first allow themselves to be
bound, and then took them out to sea and threw them overboard.
Another thing which Blount would have found it inconvenient to discuss
is the conduct of the people of Cuyo, at one time the capital of
the province. On this island, which contains but twenty-one square
miles, there were in 1903 no less than 7545 inhabitants. They hated
and feared the people of Mindoro and sent messengers to Iloilo,
after the Americans had occupied that place, to beg for a garrison of
American troops, and to say that if furnished with an American flag
they themselves would defend it. For some reason they were not given
the flag, and the sending of a garrison was long delayed. Having grown
weary of waiting, they made an American flag of their own, hoisted
it, and when the Insurgents from Mindoro came intrenched themselves
and defended it. They were actually being besieged when the American
garrison finally arrived. Here is one more fact inconsistent with
the theory that the Filipino people were a unit at Aguinaldo's back,
and of course the easiest way to get around such an occurrence is to
forget to mention it!
_Mindanao_
And now we come to the great island of Mindanao, which all but equals
Luzón in size, having an area of 36,292 square miles as against the
40,969 of Luzón. Blount's first mention of it is peculiar.
In connection with the words "the other six islands that really
matter," in the passage above cited on page 116 of his book, he has
inserted a foot-note reading as follows:--
"The six main Visayan Islands. Mohammedan Mindanao is
always dealt with in this book as a separate and distinct
problem." [330]
But it was hardly possible for him to dismiss this great island, which
is a little continent by itself, quite so cavalierly and I will quote
the more important of his further and later statements regarding it:--
"While the great Mohammedan island of Mindanao, near Borneo,
with its 36,000 square miles of area, requires that the
Philippine archipelago be described as stretching over more
than one thousand miles from north to south, still, inasmuch
as Mindanao only contains about 500,000 people all told, half
of them semi-civilized, the governmental problem it presents
has no more to do with the main problem of whether, if ever,
we are to grant independence to the 7,000,000 Christians of
the other islands, than the questions that have to be passed
on by our Commissioner of Indian Affairs have to do with the
tariff. Mindanao's 36,000 square miles constitute nearly
a third of the total area of the Philippine archipelago,
and more than that fraction of the 97,500 square miles of
territory to a consideration of which our attention is reduced
by the process of elimination above indicated. Turning over
Mindanao to those crudely Mohammedan semi-civilized Moros
would indeed be 'like granting self-government to an Apache
reservation under some local chief,' as Mr. Roosevelt, in
the campaign of 1900, ignorantly declared it would be to
grant self-government to Luzón under Aguinaldo. Furthermore,
the Moros, so far as they can think, would prefer to owe
allegiance to, and be entitled to recognition as subjects
of, some great nation. Again, because the Filipinos have no
moral right to control the Moros, and could not if they would,
the latter being fierce fighters and bitterly opposed to the
thought of possible ultimate domination by the Filipinos, the
most uncompromising advocate of the consent of the governed
principles has not a leg to stand on with regard to Mohammedan
Mindanao. Hence I affirm that as to it, we have a distinct
separate problem, which cannot be solved in the lifetime
of anybody now living. But it is a problem which need not
in the least delay the advent of independence for the other
fourteen fifteenths of the inhabitants of the archipelago--all
Christians living on islands north of Mindanao. It is true that
there are some Christian Filipinos on Mindanao, but in policing
the Moros, our government would of course protect them from
the Moros. If they did not like our government, they could
move to such parts of the islands as we might permit to be
incorporated in an ultimate Philippine republic. Inasmuch as
the 300,000 or so Moros of the Mohammedan island of Mindanao
and the adjacent islets called Jolo (the 'Sulu archipelago,'
so called, 'reigned over' by the sultan of comic opera fame)
originally presented, as they will always present, a distinct
and separate problem, and never did have anything more to
do with the Philippine insurrection against us than their
cousins and co-religionists over in near-by Borneo, the task
which confronted Mr. Root in the fall of 1899, to wit, the
suppression of the Philippine insurrection, meant practically
the subjugation of one big island, Luzón, containing half the
population and one third of the total area of the archipelago,
and six neighbouring small ones, the Visayan Islands." [331]
Now as a matter of fact Mindanao is by no means Mohammedan. The
Mohammedan Malays, called Moros, are found here and there along the
western coast of the Zamboanga peninsula and along the southern coast
of the island as far as Davao. They also extend far up the Cotabato
River and occupy the Lake Lanao region, but that is all. The interior
of the island is for the most part occupied by the members of a
number of non-Christian, non-Mohammedan tribes, while its northern
and eastern coasts are inhabited by Visayan Filipinos, of whom there
are many in Zamboanga itself.
While, as Blount says, the Moros took no part in the insurrection
against the United States, the Visayans of Mindanao did, and we had
some lively tussles with them in Misamis and in Surigao.
It is indeed unthinkable that we should turn Mindanao over to the
Moros. Abandonment of it by us would in the end result in this,
as they would take possession of the entire island in the course of
time. Neither the other wild tribes nor the Filipinos could stand
against them. I heartily agree with the conclusion that we must retain
this island for many years before we can settle the problems which it
presents. It is further true that we might retain it and still grant
independence to the remainder of the Philippine Archipelago, but if
we are to eliminate Mindanao from consideration because the Filipinos
have no right to control the Moros, of whom there are in reality
only about a hundred and fifty-four thousand [332] on the island,
and could not if they would, what about Luzón, where there are in
reality no less than four hundred and sixty thousand non-Christians,
[333] many of whom, like the Ifugaos, Bontoc Igorots, Kalingas and
wild Tingians, are fierce fighters and practically all of whom are
bitterly opposed to the thought of possible ultimate domination by
Filipinos, while most of them welcome American rule?
Have the Filipinos any more moral right to control them than they
have to control the Moros? Could they control them if they would? And
has the most uncompromising advocate of the consent of the governed
principle "a leg to stand on" in the one case if he lacks it in
the other?
The Filipino politicians are not ready to admit that Filipinos could
not satisfactorily govern Moros and have even alleged that they did
so govern them during the period now under discussion. Let us examine
the facts.
Aguinaldo attempted to enter into negotiations with the Sultan of Joló,
addressing him as his "great and powerful brother," [334] but this
brother does not seem to have received his advances with enthusiasm,
and the other brothers proceeded to do things to the Filipinos at
the first opportunity.
José Roa in writing Aguinaldo on January 26, 1899, of conditions in
the province of Misamis says: [335]--
"Hardly had said evacuation of Iligan taken place on the 28th
of last month, when the Moros or Mohammedans of the interior,
our mortal enemies since times immemorial on account of their
religious fanaticism which they carry to extremes, as do their
co-religionists in Europe and Asia, and on account of their
objection to leading a civilized life, began to harry the
town of Iligan which is the nearest town to the lake around
which is the densest Moro population. Due to the prestige
of the local president of that town, Señor Carloto Sariol,
and the energy that he showed, after some days of constant
firing against groups who descended upon the suburbs of the
town, he was successful in having them abandon their hostile
attitude and promise to live in peace and harmony with said
towns, this verbal agreement being participated in by the
Dattos of some settlements who did not wish to treat with
the Spanish Government.
"Being acquainted nevertheless with these people, we know by
experience that the more friendly they appear, the more we
must watch against them, because as soon as they find a good
opportunity they do not fail to take advantage of it to enter
the towns for the purpose of sacking them and kidnapping as
many of their inhabitants as possible in order to reduce them
to slavery."
Immediately after the abandonment of Cotabato by the Spaniards the
Filipino residents set up a government there. A few days later the Moro
datos, Piang, Ali and Djimbangan, dropped in with their followers,
cut off the head of the Filipino _presidente_, served a few other
leading officials and citizens in the same manner, and proceeded to
set up a government of their own which was the only government that
the place had prior to the arrival of the American troops.
Dato Djimbangan promptly caused the Filipina women of the place to
be stripped and compelled to march before him on the public plaza in
a state of nudity.
At Zamboanga the Moros could have taken the town at any time after
the Spaniards left had they desired to do so. On the arrival of the
Americans Dato Mandi offered to take it and turn it over to them,
but his proposition was declined.
He subsequently swore to an affidavit relative to conditions under
Insurgent rule. It reads as follows:--
"We always had peace in Zamboanga District; except during the
revolution of the Filipinos in the year 1899, when for seven
or eight months there was in existence the so-called Filipino
Republic. During that time there was much robbing and killing;
the life of a man was worth no more than that of a chicken;
men killed one another for personal gain; enemies fought one
another with the bolo instead of settling their differences
before the law. It was a time of bloodshed and terror. There
was no justice. Because of this the Moros were opposed to
the Filipinos. There was conflict between the better class
of Filipinos and the revolutionists, who had gained control
of the local government." [336]
Elsewhere throughout the Moro territory those Filipinos who did
not promptly make their escape were murdered or enslaved. In short,
the lion and the lamb lay down together, with the lamb inside as usual.
Thus it will be seen that this first and last attempt of Filipinos
to govern Moros did not result in complete success.
Baldomero Aguinaldo made a subsequent attempt to open communication
with the Sultan of Joló, authorizing him to establish in all the
_rancherias_ of Mindanao and Joló a government in accordance with a
decree duly transmitted. The Sultan was requested to report the result
of his efforts and to give the number of his forces with their arms,
and was advised that, "if in this war, which I consider to be the last,
we secure our independence and with the opposition of our brothers
in that region, with yourself at their head, we are successful in
preventing the enemy from gaining a foothold, the grateful country will
always render a tribute of homage and gratitude to your memory." [337]
Curiously, the Sultan seems to have remained unmoved by the appeal.
_Masbate_
This tight little island of 1236 square miles had in 1903 a Visayan
population of 29,451. Its people are all Filipinos, and are on the
whole rather an unusually orderly and worthy set. There is no reason
why it should have been excluded in considering "the human problem
in its broader governmental aspect," whatever that may be, nor can I
understand why Blount should have desired to exclude it except that
he seems to have been endeavouring to exclude everything possible
outside of Luzón, in order to increase the apparent importance of
the Christian provinces of that island. Masbate should of course be
taken into account in connection with the Visayan Islands, of which
it is one.
The islands ordinarily included in the group known as "The Visayas"
from the ancient tribal name of the civilized Filipino people who
inhabit them, who are called Visayans, are Samar, Panay, Negros,
Leyte, Cebú, Bohol, Masbate, Tablas, Romblon, Ticao, Burias, Siquijor
and numerous smaller islands adjacent to those named. Although their
inhabitants are all rated as one people, they speak a number of more or
less distinct dialects. Only Panay, Negros, Samar, Tablas and Sibuyan
have non-Christian inhabitants, and in the three islands last named
their number is so small as to be negligible. In the mountains of Panay
and Negros, however, Negritos are to be found in considerable numbers,
as are the representatives of a tribe sometimes called _Monteses_ [338]
and sometimes Bukidnon. The latter tribal designation I have thought
it best to reserve for certain inhabitants of northern Mindanao.
In the Visayas, Palawan and Mindanao the government of Aguinaldo
was established at various places and different times, without
consulting or considering the will of the people. The men who went as
his delegates were supported by armed forces, hence their authority
was not at first questioned, but soon there arose murmurings which
might easily have grown into a war cry.
The attitude of the Visayan Filipinos is clearly foreshadowed in the
following extract from a letter dated January 14, 1899, in which Mabini
discussed the advisability of putting the constitution in force:--
"And even if this change is made, I fear that Negros and Iloílo
will form a federal Republic and not one in conformity with the
centralized Republic provided for by the Constitution." [339]
The action later taken by Negros shows that there was abundant reason
for this fear.
As late as February 26, 1899, the Insurgent government was still
ignorant as to the real conditions in Negros and Mindanao. [340]
From a letter written on March 18, 1899, to Apacible at Hongkong, we
learn that Aguinaldo and his followers were even then still uninformed
as to events in the Visayan Islands. [341] In view of these facts,
how ridiculous become the contentions of those who claim that the
Malolos government represented the archipelago as a whole. And what
shall we say of the following statement, remembering that the Treaty
of Paris was signed December 10, 1899?
"When the Treaty of Paris was signed, General Otis was in
possession of Cavite and Manila, with less than twenty thousand
men under his command, and Aguinaldo was in possession of
practically all of the rest of the archipelago with between
35,000 and 40,000 men under his command, armed with guns,
and the whole Filipino population were in sympathy with the
army of their country." [342]
Ultimately, by one means or another, and chiefly by the use of armed
emissaries, the Visayan Islands, with the exception of Negros, were
brought into the Insurgent fold.
Mabini's fear that Negros and Iloilo would form a federal republic
was not realized, but Negros set up its own government, applied to the
local commander of the United States forces for help, endeavoured with
almost complete success to keep out Tagálog invaders, and presently
settled down contentedly under American rule, facts of which Blount
makes no mention. On the contrary, without just cause, he includes
this great island, with its 4881 square miles of territory and its
560,776 inhabitants, in the area over which he claims that Aguinaldo
exercised complete control.
At Iloilo the American troops encountered opposition when they planned
to land. Negotiations had been entered into with the local Filipino
officers, but the latter, under the influence of representatives
whom Aguinaldo had sent from Luzón, announced themselves as adherents
of his government, and when the American troops finally disembarked
fired the town ahead of them. It has been claimed that in doing this
they were inspired by pure patriotism, but the facts shown by their
own records present a very different picture.
In writing to Aguinaldo on April 8, 1899, Mabini says:
"We have received a communication forwarded from Iloílo,
from General Martin Delgado and Francisco Soriano, your
commissioner. Soriano states that the troops of Diocno have
done nothing except commit excesses and steal money during
the attack by the Americans upon the town of Iloílo, even
going so far as to break their guns by using them as poles
to carry the stolen money which they took to Cápiz. It is
said that these forces, besides being unwilling to fight the
Americans, refuse to give their guns to those who do wish
to fight and do not want Cápiz to aid the people of Iloílo,
who are the ones who support the entire forces, including
the troops of Diocno who went there." [343]
This same letter contains the following brief reference to conditions
in Cebu and Leyte:--
"Also a native priest, Señor Pascual Reyes, has arrived
here from Cebú, and says that in Leyte General Lucban is
committing many abuses and that Colonel Mójica is only a
mere figurehead. In Cebú, he says, things are also in a
chaotic condition, because the military chief, Magsilum
[Maxilom,--TR.], and the people are not in harmony."
Further details as to conditions in Cebu are given in a letter to
Aguinaldo from the commissioner whom he put in charge of elections
in that island, who on February 19, 1899, writes: [344]--
"Having arrived in this province the 8th of last month, I
left on the 11th for the northern pueblos of this Island to
hold the elections for the offices ordered by the Superior
Decree of June 18, last.
* * * * *
"The news spread like an electric spark, as in all the pueblos
I visited later I found that almost all of the residents were
in their homes, so that when the elections were held in the
town hall, all the principal residents attended, requesting
me to inform you that they were disposed to sacrifice even
their dearest affections whenever necessary for our sacred
cause; they only asked me to inform those who hold the reins
of government at the present time in this province, that some
steps be taken to put a stop to the arbitrary acts which had
been and still are being committed by the so-called Captains,
Majors, Colonels, Generals and Captains General, who abusing
in the most barefaced manner the positions they claimed to
hold, were depriving them of their horses and their carabaos,
or cattle. I promised them that I would do this, as I do
now, by sending a communication at once to Sres. Flores and
Maxilom, who are at the head of the provincial government,
impressing upon them the fact that if they continue to grant
ranks and titles to persons of this character, as they have
done, it would end in the utter ruin of this wealthy province."
He adds that these men did not remedy the evils complained of. It
would be possible to cover in detail all of this and the remaining
Insurgent territory, and to show that Judge Blount was quite right in
stating that conditions similar to those encountered in Luzón arose
there, but the limitations of time and space forbid, and I must ask
my readers to accept on faith the statements of Blount and myself
that such was the case!
Taylor thus summarizes the conditions which ultimately arose:--
"The Insurgent soldiers lived in their own land as they would
have lived in a conquered country. They were quartered on the
towns and the towns had to feed them whether they would or not.
"Peace there was where Aguinaldo's soldiers had not penetrated,
but there does not seem to have been progress. Life went very
well in a long siesta in the shady villages under the palm
trees, but not only the structure of the State, its very
foundations were falling apart. When Aguinaldo's soldiers
came they brought cruelty and license with them. Proud of
their victories and confident in themselves they felt that the
labourers in the fields, the merchants in the towns, were for
the purpose of administering to their necessities and their
desires. Aguinaldo, having seen this force gather about him,
was forced to entreat it, to appeal to it; he was never strong
enough to enforce discipline, even if he cared to do it."
Aguinaldo himself finally became disheartened over his inability to
maintain a decent state of public order in the territory which he
claimed to govern, and in December, 1898, tendered his resignation,
giving among other reasons odious favouritism on the part of some of
the military chiefs, together with a desire to enrich themselves by
improper means, such as accepting bribes, making prisoners a source
of gain, and decreasing the allowance of the soldiers. He said that
many soldiers had received sums of money as their share of booty,
and intimated that officers must have done the same. He made charges
against civil as well as military officers and ended by saying that
he retained the evidence for presentation when called on. [345]
Aguinaldo was later persuaded to withdraw his resignation. No wonder
that he wished to tender it!
In referring to the report of Wilcox and Sargent, Blount has said:--
"This report was submitted by them to Admiral Dewey under
date of November 23, 1898, and by him forwarded to the Navy
Department for its information, with the comment that it 'in
my opinion contains the most complete and reliable information
obtainable in regard to the present state of the northern part
of Luzon Island.' The Admiral's indorsement was not sent to
the Senate along with the report." [346]
He thus gives it to be understood that the admiral believed that the
report truthfully set forth the conditions which actually existed in
these provinces, and that his indorsement was suppressed. Not only was
it true that this report when rendered contained the most complete
and reliable information then available in regard to the existing
state of the northern part of Luzon Island, but it contained the only
first-hand information available. The facts ultimately leaked out and
led the admiral radically to change his opinion as to the conditions
which arose under Insurgent rule. Of them he later said:--
"There was a sort of a reign of terror; there was no
government. These people had got power for the first time
in their lives and they were riding roughshod over the
community. The acts of cruelty which were brought to my notice
were hardly credible. I sent word to Aguinaldo that he must
treat his prisoners kindly, and he said he would."
I believe that I have fully demonstrated the truth of these
statements. Blount was thoroughly familiar with Dewey's testimony
before the Senate Committee, in which they occur, but he did not
mention them.
I cannot close this discussion of Insurgent rule without quoting
extracts from a remarkable document written by Isabelo Artacho
in October, [347] 1899. It was entitled "Declaration Letter and
Proclamation" and was addressed to the Filipino people. While it is
probable that Artacho was impelled to tell the truth by his hatred for
Aguinaldo, tell the truth he did, and his rank and standing entitle
his statements to consideration:--
"Study the work of the insurrection; see if it is, as is said,
the faithful interpretation of your wishes and desires.
"Go through your towns, fields, and mountains. Wherever you
see an insurgent gun or bolo you will find girls and faithful
wives violated, parents and brothers crying for the murder of
a son or of a brother; honest families robbed and in misery;
villages burned and plundered for the benefit of a chief or
a General; you will see fresh and living signs yet of those
horrible crimes perpetrated with the greatest cynicism by
those who call themselves your liberators! Liberators because
they wear red pants, or a red shirt, or carry on their hats
a piece of red cloth or a triangular figure!
"Here, a president stabs a man, perhaps the most honest of
the village, simply for having implored mercy for a creature
arbitrarily inflicted with the _cepo_ [an oblong square
piece of heavy wood divided into two parts, with a lock at
each end and six or more holes in the middle to confine the
feet of prisoners]; there, a dying man, suspended by the feet
in a _cepo_, raised from the level of the ground, by another
president who has charged him with an unproved crime; there a
poor woman falsely charged and driven by petty officers with
their bayonets for having objected to their invasion into
her house, or shop, they being supposed to be, each, Justice
itself, '_Justicia_,' and to be obeyed as images of the Gods;
there, generals who murder without fear, for an insignificant
motive, creatures whose members are being mutilated, or
their flesh cut in slices and afterwards roasted and given
them to eat; there, officers braining a girl who has refused
to accede to their sensual wishes, the lifeless body of the
victim, pierced with shots, after having been made use of, is
thrown into the river. It is not unusual to witness officers
burying people alive in a tomb prepared by the victim, by order
of the murderer; it is not unusual to see a _Puisne_-Judge
pointing a revolver at a man who is about to give evidence,
and threatening to brain him for having dared to ask: 'Why and
to whom am I to declare?' And finally, on his tottering throne,
you will see the Magistrate of the Philippines, so called by
his worshippers, with his mephistophelian smile, disposing
and directing the execution of a murder, of a plunder, of
a robbery, or the execution of some other crimes against
those who are indifferent or do not care to worship him,
such indifference being considered a crime.
"Putting aside the many other murders, I may mention that
one recently committed on the person of the renowned and by
many called the worthy General, Antonio Luna, which took place
just at the entrance of the palace of the Republic Presidency,
and also the assassination at Kavite of the ever remembered
martyr, Andrés Bonifacio, the founder of the 'Katipúnan'
Society, and the one who initiated the Revolution of 1896;
against the memory of whom it has been committed, in the
proclamation of that falsely called Republic, the criminal
and unjust omission to render the smallest manifestation of
Filipinos' feelings towards him, to prevent that same might
dislike his murderers!
"Study the ordinances and constitution of this so-called
democratic Government of the Republic, that grand work of the
wise Filipinos; admire with me that beautiful monument erected
on a sheet of paper and consecrated to the conquest of reason
and labour, especially in connection with human rights and
property, the basis for the well-being of social life; but,
lament and deplore with me its palpable nullity when brought
to practice and you will again see that the laws were made
for the people and not the people for the laws!
"Under this republic called democratic it is a crime to
think, to wish, to say, anything which does not agree with
what the said Gods think, wish and say. Nobody and nothing
is attended to, whilst those who have your lives in their
hands must be respected.
"Under this Goverment there cannot be the slightest notice
taken of family, property, morality and justice, but confusion
and disorder appear everywhere like a dreadful shadow, produced
by the ignorance of the subordinate officers, and of the powers
that be in the villages and provinces, who are supported by
a special committee, or special commissioners empowered to
impoverish and to ruin all and with the right of disposing,
at their own accord, life, family and individual property
without responsibility whatsoever on their part.
* * * * *
"Let the peaceful annexation of the whole of the Southern
Islands of Joló, Mindanao, Iloílo, Negros, Cebú and others
where now the American flag is hoisted and under whose shadow
tranquillity and well-being are experienced, speak for itself.
"Let it speak for itself, the proceeding observed by the
whole people of Imus, who were asking protection when the
American troops took possession of the town of Bacoor, whilst
the insurgent troops there located were hostile.
"Let them speak for themselves, the protests against the
war made by the numerous persons of S. Francisco de Malabón,
Sta. Cruz de Malabón, Perez Dasmariñias and other towns, before
the Worthy Chief Mariano Trías, who ultimately refused, with
dignity, the high position of Secretary of War, for which rank
he was promoted for reasons which are not worth publishing
here. In fine, let it speak for itself, the non-resistance
shown by the people of Old Kavite [Kawit], Noveleta, and
Rozario of the heroic province of Kavite, notwithstanding the
many intrenchments and troops there located, as well as the
identical behaviour observed by other towns of Luzon provinces
who are ready to follow when the American troops are in them.
* * * * *
"In fact no one would believe it, and the Philippine people
are tired of waiting for the day when Haring Gavino will
shake a napkin to produce suddenly horses vomiting fire and
lightning and troops of dangerous insects; that day in which
they will witness the realization of that famous telegraphed
dream to the effect that two hours after the commencement
of the war the insurgents will take their breakfast in the
Palace of 'Malacañang,' their tiffin in the Senate House, and
their dinner on board the _Olympia_ or in Kavite; that day in
which the celebrated _Pequenines_ army, with their invisible
Chief-leader, will exterminate the American troops by means
of handfuls of dust and sand thrown at them, which process,
it is said, has caused the smallpox to the Americans; that day
in which the _Colorum_ army will capture the American fleet
with the cords their troops are provided with, in combination
with a grand intrenchment of Tayabas made of husks of paddy,
by a Nazarene, who will then, by merely touching, convert each
husk into a Bee with a deadly sting; that day in which the
insurgents, like their leaders, provided with hosts of flour,
or of paper, pieces of candles of the holy-week matins, holy
water, pieces of consecrated stones; of vestments belonging
to a miraculous Saint or with some other Anting-Anting or
talisman or _amuletos_, will make themselves invulnerable
to bullets; also have power to convert into any of the four
elements, like those personages of the Philippine legends and
comedies,--Ygmidio, Teñoso, Florante, Barnardo, Carpio, etc.
"Yes, the people of the Philippines are quite tired of waiting
for the predicted European conflict, which it is said would
give them their independence; if not, perhaps, divide the
Islands as they are now amongst cousins, brothers, nephews,
uncles and godfathers.
"In the near future, when we have acquired the necessary
political and social education and the habit of behaving justly
towards ourselves and towards our fellow-brothers; when free
from all superstition, healthy, strong and vigorous, we find
ourselves capable of governing ourselves, without there being
the possibility of the preponderance of our passions in the
consideration, direction, and administration of the interests
of our country, then, and only then, we will be free! we will
be independent! [348]
"_Hongkong_, 1st October, 1899."
Most of the men who perpetrated the outrages I have detailed are alive
to-day, and are powers in their respective communities. Simeon Villa
was recently elected a member of the municipal board from the south
district of Manila, but fortunately an American governor-general
prevented him from taking his seat. Just prior to my departure from
Manila he was appointed, by Speaker Osmeña, a member of a committee
on reception for Governor-General Harrison.
The kind of independent "government" these men established is the
kind that they would again establish if they had the chance, [349]
but among the persons to be tortured and murdered would now be those
Americans who failed to escape seasonably. I do not mean to say
that such a state of affairs would come about immediately, but it
would certainly arise within a comparatively short time. Sooner yet
"the united Filipino people" would split up on old tribal lines,
and fly at each other's throats.