with Don Alonce de Soto-Majori. Bayard had wished the combat to be on
horseback, owing to some trouble in his legs which hindered locomotion;
but the Spaniard insisted all the more on fighting on foot, and this
was finally arranged to take place. The weapons selected were estocs
and daggers, and the fight commenced with an exchange of thrusts with
the former, in which Soto-Majori was slightly wounded in the face; then
Bayard, making a feint, thrust his sword right through the neck of his
adversary, inflicting a fatal wound. The Spaniard, in his death agony,
clutched the body of the Frenchman with his arms and both combatants
fell to the ground. Bayard then drew his dagger, crying, “_Rendez
vous, Seigneur Alonce, ou vous estes mort_”; but he had hardly uttered
the words when the Spaniard expired. The Chevalier then knelt down and
thanked God for his victory.
The Chevalier’s next combat was at Monervyne, in the Kingdom of
Naples, thirteen Spaniards against the same number of Frenchmen,
which took place during a truce between the two armies, the leaders
of this encounter being the Seigneur d’Oroze and _le bon Chevalier_
respectively. A condition of the articles of combat was that any
cavalier on being unhorsed should render himself a prisoner to the side
opposing him. The fight began, and the Spaniards unchivalrously aimed
their lances at the horses of their adversaries instead of at their
riders; but, in spite of this dishonourable ruse, the honours of the
battle are stated to have lain with the Frenchmen.
Other examples of Bayard’s prowess and chivalry in the tournament are
given in the chronicle. The dates given by chroniclers of jousts and
_pas d’armes_ are apt to vary somewhat, partly owing to the different
methods of computing the regnant years of a king.
A manuscript in the College of Arms, London, gives an account of
the _pas d’armes_ held at Westminster in honour of the marriage of
Katharine of Arragon with Prince Arthur, the heir to the throne, in the
seventeenth year of King Henry VII (1501). This narration is apparently
the work of an official present at the meeting, and an abridged account
of it follows here. Besides jousts and _mêlées_, there were fights at
barriers, pageants, and mummeries most splendid, costly, fanciful and
elaborate. A tilt was erected in the open space before Westminster
Hall, and adjoining the lists were gaily decorated stands and galleries
for the king, court and other spectators. For the knights, nobles and
esquires taking part there were within the lists pavilions, which
were removed before the jousting began. The first jousting is thus
described:—
“And at furst curse ran the Duke of Bokyngham and
the Lord Marquyes; and the duke brake his staff right
well, and wt great sleight and stringht, upon the Lord
Marquyes; and at the secunde curse the Lord Marquyes
brake his staff oppon the Duke in like wise; and then
the residue of the Lords and Knights ranne orderly
togiders, and, for the most parte at every curse, other
the on staf, other the other, or moost comonly bothe,
were goodly and wt great art and strength, brokyn of
meny pecys; that such a feld, and justs ryall, so
noble and valiantly doon, have not been sene ne hard;
the which goodly feats, and those of the descripcion
apperyth weil pleynn, and more opyn, in the bokys of
the Harolds of Armys.”
There is nothing said of the lances employed in the first day’s
jousting, as to whether they were rebated or not, but the courses
which follow on the succeeding days are expressly stated to have been
run with pointed lances “at the large.”[193] We may thus assume that
the running of the first day was at the tilt (else why its erection at
all?), and that lances with coronals were employed. Afterwards there
was a _mêlée_, the weapons being “armyng swords” (i.e. _estocs_). On
the fourth day jousting was again followed by a tourney (_mêlée_).[194]
The lances were tipped with coronals, and the weapons in the tourney
were estocs, as before. Many of the cavaliers were unhorsed in the
jousting and in the _mêlée_: “Sume of their swords were brokyn in two
peces, and sume other their harneis was heuen off from their body, and
felle into the feld.” Then the prizes, consisting of diamonds, rubies
and rings of gold, were awarded.
In 1502 a “Solemne Triumphe” was held in the Tower of London.
Plate 118 in _Das Turnierbuch Johan des Beständigen, Kurfürst_ of
Saxony, depicts a course with sharp lances, run at Naumburg in 1505,
between Duke Hans of Saxony and Georg von Brandestein. The duke keeps
his seat, but his opponent is unhorsed. The armour is of the kind
usually employed in this course (_Scharfrennen_).
In the _Turnierhuch_ of Duke William of Bavaria is a picture of an
_Anzogenrennen_, held in the year 1512. The body-armour employed is
that used in all the varieties of _Rennen_, though the shield in
this course is much larger than in the others, extending up to the
_ocularium_ of the jousting-salade, thus covering the face. This shield
has been described under the heading _Anzogenrennen_. The armour with
the shield is illustrated by Boeheim.[195]
There was jousting at Paris in 1513, at which the Duc de Valois was the
chief tenant, and many courses were run.[196]
Jousts were held at Lille, in the same year, in a large hall paved
with black marble, and the horses were shod with felt to prevent their
slipping.[197]
In 1515, in honour of the marriage of the king, jousts took place at
Paris, which had been proclaimed by the Dauphin, as follows:—
“Nemelie, that he with nine aides should answer
all commers, being gentlemen of name and armes.
First, to run fiue courses at the tilt with péeces
of advantage[198]; after fiue courses at random[199]
with sharpe speares, and twelue strokes with sharpe
swords; and that doone, he and his aids to fight at the
barriers with all gentlemen of name and armes. First,
six foins with hand speares, and after that eight
strokes to the most aduantage if the speares so long
held, and after that twelue strokes with the sword; and
if any man be vnhorsed or felled with fighting on foot,
then his horse and armour to be rendered to the officer
of armes; and eueri man of this challenge must set
vp his armes and name vpon an arch triumphant, which
shalbe made at the place where the iusts shalbe, and
further shall write to what point he will answer, to
one or all.”
When this _fête d’armes_ was proclaimed in England, “the duke of
Suffolke, the marquis of Dorset and his four brethrern, the lord
Clinton, sir Edward Neuille, sir Giles Capell, Thomas Cheneie
and others sued the king to be at the chalenge, which request he
gratiouslie granted.” “The Dolphin desired the duke of Suffolke and the
marquess Dorset to be two of his immediate aids, which they thereto
assented.” Four shields were set up—viz. silver, gold, black and
tawny—under which the venans were to write their names, electing, in
their order, whether to run at the tilt, in the open with sharp lances,
to fight on foot with one-handed swords, or lastly, with two-handers.
This _pas d’armes_ continued over three days, during which 305
cavaliers each ran five courses, some with sharp lances, and several
were killed. In the joust in the open the Duke of Suffolk wounded an
antagonist almost to the death. The Dauphin was wounded in the hand,
so that he was unable to take further part. Many other particulars and
details of this passage of arms are given by Holinshed.[200]
Among the Ashmolean MSS. is one relating to the proclamation of
jousts to be held at a later date and to letters of safeguard issued
to intending venans. The document is of the year 1520, and runs as
follows:—
“The lettres of savegarde given by the said King of
England [Henry VIII] unto Thomas Walle al’s Norrey
King of Armes, for the proclamacōn of the same Ioustes
in the parties of Almayn and the contrye of Germania,
wch Norrey proclaimed thē welle in French for the lowe
contreys, as in High Dutch as hereafter followeth
＆c.”[201]
In foot contests there was a rule that no one who had seen a challenger
fight on foot on any previous occasion was allowed to engage him. It is
difficult to understand the reason for this condition, and it was often
waived on permission being given by an intended opponent.
Charles V, in January, 1518, two years before he became emperor, took
part in a tournament at which twelve horses were killed; and in another
in the March following, when seven cavaliers lost their lives.[202]
Henry VIII, like his friend Maximilian of Austria, took great delight
in the tourney and in the pageantry so frequently combined with it, and
much money and labour was expended in staging the many functions of
the kind held during his reign. Henry greatly encouraged these martial
games and frequently took part in them; indeed, Hall remarks “that the
king was not minded to see young gentlemen inexpert in martial feats.”
This chronicler positively revels in picturing these brilliant scenes,
devoting himself more especially to their spectacular aspect, and
giving full details of the dresses and equipment of those taking part,
together with particulars of the general surroundings, though little
is said of the martial games themselves. The pageantry and mummeries
associated with the tournament were often of almost incredible
puerility, and they detracted greatly from the dignity of these warlike
sports. There were many childish conceits at these gatherings, all
showing that the tourney had reached an advanced stage of its decline.
Such costly shows went greatly out of fashion after the death of Henry
VIII.
Jousts, combined with pageants, were held in honour of the coronation
of the king, and Holinshed thus describes them:—“For the more honour
and innobling of the triumphant coronation, there were prepared both
iusts and turneis to be doone in the palace of Westminster, where, for
the king’s grace and the queen’s, was framed a faire house, couered
with tapestrie, and hanged with rich clothe of Arras, and in the said
palace was made a curious founteine and ouer it a castell, on the top
thereof a great crowne imperiall, all the imbatelling with roses and
pomgranats gilded,” and many other conceits.
The tenans in the jousting on this occasion were Thomas, Lord Howard;
his brother, Sir Edward Howard; Lord Richard, the Admiral; Lord
Richard, brother to the Marquis of Dorset; Sir Edmund Howard; Sir
Thomas Knevit and Charles Brandon, Esquire. Their bases and trappers
were of green velvet, charged with roses and pomegranates of gold
fringed with damask gilded.
The venans were Sir John Pechie, Sir Edward Neville, Sir Edward
Guildford, Sir John Carr, Sir William Parr, Sir Giles Capell, Sir
Griffith Dun and Sir Roulande. Their bases and trappers were of tissue,
cloth of gold, silver and velvet.
The second day was devoted to the _mêlée_. No details of the jousting
itself or of the tourney are given. Both Hall and Holinshed describe
this meeting.
[Illustration: _PLATE IX_
A HARNESS FOR THE GERMAN JOUST. WALLACE COLLECTION]
[Illustration: SUIT IN THE WALLACE COLLECTION FOR JOUSTING AT THE
TILT]
On the twelfth of January following jousts were held in the park at
Richmond “vnknown to the kynges grace, whereof, he beyng secretly
informed, caused hymself and one of his priue chambre, called Willyā
Compton to be secretly armed, and so came into the Iustes vnknowen
to all persones and vnloked for. The kyng ranne neuer openly before,
and there were broken many staues, and greate praise geuen to the two
straungers, but specially to one, whiche was the kyng.” “Master Compton
was sore hurte and likely to dye.”[203]
Holinshed tells us that in May, 1510, the king with his aides
challenged all comers to fight at barriers at Greenwich, viz. casting
the spear and twelve strokes with two-handed swords. Henry much
distinguished himself by his great strength and judgment.
On the 13th November in the same year Henry, with Charles Brandon and
“Mayster” Compton, answered all comers for two days, the first at the
tilt, the second at the tourney. “At these iusts the king brake more
staves than any other, and therefore had the pryse: at the Turney in
likewyse the honor was his.”[204]
The original Roll of the “Iusts” held at Westminster on the 13th
February, 1511, in honour of Queen “Katherin” on the birth of Prince
Henry, is now in the College of Arms, London. It is of parchment, 14½
inches broad, the figures of the combatants and others being from seven
to eight inches in height; and the whole is in an excellent state of
preservation. The roll is headed with the words “Viue le noble Roy H.
VIII,” followed by a large device of a rose and pomegranates surmounted
by a crown, impaled with the letters H and K. Some of the figures are
armed at all points, while others are in civil dress, thus constituting
an invaluable record of the costumes of the day.
The picture of the procession to the lists is headed by “Le Maistre
de Armurerye du Roy,” in civil dress, with his guard, and immediately
after him follow the sergeant-at-arms, holding his crowned bâton of
office; then five trumpeters, one of them a negro. In their order march
after them a band of courtiers, and “Les Officiers d’Armes,” being
heralds and pursuivants, in tabard-shaped surcoats. Then come the four
tenans, each riding under a “Pauilion,” with their varlets. Two led
horses immediately follow the king, and they afford a good opportunity
for observing the saddles employed in jousting at the tilt. After them
ride “Les pages du Roy,” the marshal of the lists, “Le grant Escuyer,”
and “Le maistre des Pages.” The tenans are seen approaching the
gaily-decorated stand, in which the queen and her court are seated, and
the venans are reaching it on the other side. The picture closes with
the king on horseback in civil dress—“Le Roy desarmey”—holding a broken
lance in his hand. He is preceded by his helm-bearer, on horseback,
carrying the head-piece of his majesty on a truncheon. The helm is
surmounted by a royal crown, enriched with gold, pearls, diamonds and
rubies.
The roll concludes with a poem, in which the name of the king figures
among a band of heroes, the others being Hector, Cæsar, Judas
Maccabæus, Joshua, Charlemagne, King Arthur, Alexander, David and
Codefroi de Bouillon.
The “tenantz” were—
His Grace the King (Cœur Loyal),
Lord William of Devon (Bon Vouloir),
Sir Thomas Knevit (Valliant Desyr),
Sir Edward Nevyle (Joyeulx Penser).
They all subscribed to the articles of combat, which follow here—
“And for as moche as after the order ＆ Honnor of Arms
hyt is not lefull for any man to enterpryse Arms in so
high a presens without hys Stocke and name be of Nobles
dyscended. In consyderation theis four Knights be of so
fer ＆ straunge partes. they shall present themselff wt
their names and Arms portend [pictured] in their shylde.
Item these four Knights shall present themselves in
the feyld at the paleys of Rychmond or elles where hyt
shall please the Kynges Grace. at the tyme of Candelmas
next or nigh theirupon in harneys for the tylt wt out
tache or breket, _wolant pece on the hedde_[205] Rondell
on the garde rest. aduntag (sic). fraude. deceyt or any
malengyne.
Item to every comer shall be Runne six courses pvyed
[provided] allway yf the comers be of sush greate
number that they cannot reasonably be for on [one] day
Hyt shallbe lefull for the four challengers to enter
the felde the Second day and so to answere all the
comers to the full nomber be served of soche as be
noble of name or of Armes and wt out report.
Item all speres to be garnished and brought to the
ffeyld at the pvision and chardge of the Chalengers, of
the wch speres the answerers to have the Choice.
Item yf yt happe any Man as God defend to kyll his
fellows Horse by way of fowle Runnyng. He shallbe
bound yf so doth to give the horse yt he rydeth on to
his felow or the pryse of the Horse so kyld at the
dyscresion of the Iudges.
Item who stryketh his felow beneth the wast or in the
sadell with full course be [by] way of fowle Runnynge
he shallbe dysalowed for two speres before broken.
Item who stryketh his felow uncharged ＆ disgarnyshed
of his speare he shallbe disalowed at the descression
of the Iudges.
Item who breaketh his spere above the Charnell
[coronal] to be allowed[206] two speres well broken after
the old custom of Arms.
Item who breaketh his spere morme to morme [coronal
to coronal] to be allow’d three Speres after the
Custome of Arms.
Item who breaketh most speres ys [is] bette worthey
the pryse.
Item who stryketh Down Horse and Man is better worthe
the pryse.
Item who stryketh his felow clene out of the Sadell
is best worthe the pryse. Item if any Gentleman
chalenger or defender breake a staff on the Tylt to be
disalowed a staff.
Item yf yt is the pleasurs of the Kynge our most
Dred Souaigne Lorde, the Queens Grace and the Ladies
with the advice of the Noble and dyscret Iuges to give
pryses after their deservings unto both the Parties.
Item that every Gentleman answerer do Subscrybe his
name to the Artycalles.”
Hall’s florid account of this meeting, in a much abridged form, is as
follows:—The jousting was combined with a pageant picturing a forest in
which stood a castle of gold, and before it sat a gentleman weaving a
garland of roses for the prize. Jousting began on the twelfth, and on
the morrow there was a grand procession to the lists. The king was on
horseback, armed at all points, riding under a “Pauilion” of cloth of
gold and purple velvet, embroidered and powdered over with the letters
“H” and “K” of fine gold, surmounted by an imperial golden crown and
valanced with hanging wire of the same precious metal. The king’s bases
and the trapper of his charger were of cloth of gold, fretted with
damask gold; his crinet and chamfron were of steel, and on the latter
was a plume garnished with golden spangles. Then followed his three
aides, each riding under a “Pauilion” of crimson damask and purple,
powdered over with the letters “H” and “K” in fine gold, valanced and
fringed with damask gold, and on the top of each canopy a great “K”
of goldsmith’s work. After them marched a number of gentlemen and
yeomen on foot, clad in russet and yellow cloth; then twelve children
of honour, mounted on great coursers richly caparisoned. Then in the
counterpart rode the “venantz,” headed by Sir Charles Brandon,[207]
who appears first on horseback in a long robe of russet satin, like
a recluse, and he petitions the queen for permission to joust in her
presence. His request having been granted, he doffed his cloak and
appeared in full armour, with rich bases, and his horse nobly trapped
for running at the tilt. In attendance on him were divers men clad in
russet satin. Next came young Henry Guilford, Esquire, himself and
horse in russet cloth of gold and cloth of silver, embroidered with a
device like a castle or turret, and all his men in russet satin and
white, with hose of the same and bonnets of a like colour; and he
also petitioned the queen for permission to run. After him rode the
Marquis of Dorset and Sir Thomas Bulleyn,[208] dressed as pilgrims
in tabards of black velvet, with palmer’s hats over their helmets and
long Jacob’s staffs in their hands. Their horses were trapped in black
velvet, which, like their hats and tabards, was garnished with scallop
shells of fine gold; their servants were in black satin, with the
same kind of shells pinned to their breasts. Then came Lord Henry of
Buckingham, Earl of Wiltshire, himself and his horse draped in cloth
of silver, embroidered with a “posye” of golden arrows and roses, and
above the flowers the figure of a greyhound in silver holding a tree of
pomegranates in gold. Then entered Sir Giles Capell, Sir Roulande and
many other knights, richly armed and apparelled.
The jousting began and was gallantly achieved, the prize being awarded
to the king. The proceedings were followed by music and the dance,
closing with a pageant.[209] What a contrast between this passage of
arms and the tournament held in 1278, _temp._ Edward I, as described in
Chapter II.
Ashmole, No. 1116, fol. 109-10b, runs as follows:—“Iustes holden at
Westminster the XIIth daie of February by the Kinges grace called Cueur
Loyal, the Lord William of Devon Bon Voloir, Sir Thomas Knevit Valiant
Desire, and Edward Nevell Joyous Penser, with the articles and courses
of the said Iustes,” etc. The articles begin thus—“The noble lady
Renowne considering the good and gracious fortune....” The “courses”
(checques) were tilting tablets for recording the scores for two days
(Wednesday and Thursday, February 12th, 13th, 1511), marked with
strokes, and accounts of the “best Ioustres.”
In the tournament illustrated on the Herald’s College Roll it is stated
that 264 courses were run at the tilt and but 129 attaints made.
The tenans scored seventy-seven of these, the king himself making
thirty-eight hits out of fifty-two courses. Of the venans, one made no
hits at all and six only struck once in six courses.[210]
Another meeting took place on the 1st May following, at which the
tenans were the king, Sir Edward Howard, Charles Brandon and Sir Edward
Nevil; the venans being the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Devon, the
Marquis of Dorset and Lord Howard.[211]
[Illustration: _PLATE X_
GERMAN ARMOUR FOR JOUSTING AT THE TILT. AT DRESDEN.]
[Illustration: AN ARMOUR FOR _FREITURNIER_. AT DRESDEN.]
In the fourth year of King Henry’s reign—
“the King had a solempne iust at Grenewiche in Iune:
first came in ladies all in White and Red silke, set
vpon Coursers trapped in the same suite, freated ouer
with gold, after which folowed a Fountain curiously
made of Russet sattin, with eight Gargilles spoutyng
water, within the fountain sat a knight armed at all
peces. After the Fountain folowed a lady all in black
silke dropped with fine siluer, on a courser trapped
in the same. After folowed a knight in a horse litter,
the Coursers and litter apparareled in blacke velvet
with siluer droppes. When the Fountain came to the
tilt, the Ladies rode rounde aboute, and so did the
Fountain and the knight within the litter. And after
them wer brought twoo goodly Coursers appareled for
the iusts: and when they came to the tiltes ende, the
twoo knightes mounted on the two Coursers, abidyng all
commers. The king was in the fountain and Sir Charles
Brandon was in the litter. Then suddenly with great
noyse of the Trompets, entered Sir Thomas Kneuit in
a castle of cole blacke, and ouer the castell was
written, ‘The dolorous Castle,’ and so he and the erle
of Essex, the lorde Haward and other ran their courses,
with the King and Sir Charles Brandon and euer the king
brake moste speres.”[212]
There were royal jousts held in October, 1513, the king and Lord Lisle
answering all comers. His Majesty was attended by twenty-four knights
clad in robes of purple velvet and cloth of gold, and many lances were
broken.[213]
In 1515 Henry, with the Marquis of Dorset, challenged all comers to a
joust, and the king “brake three and twentie speres beside attaints and
bare downe to ground a man of armes and his horse.”[214]
In the same year on twelfth-night the king held a _Scharmützel_, being
the attack and defence of a mock fortress, at Eltham.[215]
Royal jousts were held again in June, 1519, at which 506 lances were
splintered.[216]
Royal jousts in March, 1520.[217]
In the eighth year of his reign the king proclaimed solemn jousts in
honour of his sister, the Queen of Scotland,[218] to extend over two
days. The tenans on the first day were the king himself, the Duke of
Suffolk, the Earl of Essex and Nicholas Carew, Esquire. The venans
numbered twelve. On the second day the king ran against Sir William
Kingston, a tall and strong knight, and unhorsed him. The apparel of
the tenans and their horses “was blacke velvet, covered all over with
braunches of honey suckels of fine flat gold of damaske, of lose worke,
every lefe of the braunch moving, the embroudery was very conning and
sumptuous.”[219][220]
There was another passage of arms in the year following, at which 506
lances were splintered.[221]
The following documents occur among the Harleian MSS.:—“Justs at
Greenwich, the 20th daie of Maye, the 8th yeare of the Raigne of our
Soveraigne Ld. K. Henry VIII.” The score of each jouster is given.
“_Coppye de Chapitres (ou Articles) des certaine Faits d’Armes, tant a
Pied, comme a Cheval, qui par deux Gentilmomes d’Almaigne touchant une
certaine Emprise._”[222]
The jousts and tourneys of the Field of the Cloth of Gold were held
on a truly magnificent scale, and, indeed, everything was done to
make them a triumphant spectacular success. The cavaliers of the
two nations, like the ladies present, vied with each other in the
richness of their dresses and appointments, and the two monarchs
greatly distinguished themselves in the tiltyard. The lists themselves
are stated to have been 150 paces long, and were placed in a plain
surrounded by a ditch. Stands were erected for the officials and
spectators, and pavilions were pitched for the use of the cavaliers
taking part. The jousting was with blunted lances, each challenger to
run eight courses. The two kings entered the enclosure on June 11th,
1520, armed at all points, at the time appointed. The horse of his
Majesty of France was trapped with purple satin broached with gold and
embroidered with raven’s plumes hatched with gold, and on his helm he
wore a lady’s sleeve. The trapper of the King of England was of cloth
of gold tissue, fringed with damask and knitted together with golden
points. In attendance on King Henry were Sir Henry Guilford, Master of
the Horse; Sir John Pechie, Governor of Calais; Sir Edmund Guilford,
General of the Forces; and Monsieur Morel, attached to his suite by
King Francis. They all wore the royal livery.
The jousting began, the onset was sounded, and King Henry ran against
Monsieur Grandevile, and the helm of the Frenchman was fractured. The
Duc de Vendôme ran five courses against the Duke of Suffolk, each
breaking his lance on the other’s body. After many more jousts had been
accomplished the signal to cease for the day was given, the heralds
crying “_Desarmée_” and the trumpets sounded _à l’hostel_ (to lodgings).
On Tuesday, the 12th, ten gentlemen of the French king’s Swiss Guard
tilted against eleven of the band of Monsieur de Tremouille.
On Wednesday, the 13th, the King of France, with his aides, and King
Henry, with his following, rode at the tilt, after which there was much
jousting between the knights of France and England; and towards evening
King Francis left for Ard and the English monarch departed for his
castle of Guisnes.
On the Thursday the French king tilted with the Earl of Devonshire
and others, and King Henry ran against Monsieur Montmorencie and Rafe
Brooke. On the Friday there was fighting at barriers, and on the
Saturday a banquet was given by the French king and his suite at the
Castle of Guisnes. A Frenchman was killed when fighting on foot.
On the Monday the fêtes were in abeyance, owing to a great storm,
but on the Tuesday the two kings came to the lists, armed at all
points, and jousting was resumed. Wednesday and Thursday were devoted
to the _mêlée_, and on Friday, June 22nd, “the two kings with their
retinues did battle on foot at barriers.”[223] The French cavaliers
wore doublets of cloth of silver and purple velvet, while those of
the English were of cloth of gold and russet velvet. The weapons were
spears and swords.
On Saturday, after a banquet, there was again fighting at barriers,
first with spears and afterwards with two-handed swords.
The _pas d’armes_ was followed by masks, more banqueting and the dance.
Both Hall and Holinshed describe this historic meeting.
Among the Ashmolean MSS. are the following concerning the Field of
the Cloth of Gold:—“_Ce sont les noms des princes, prellatz, et
grans seigneurs de France, qui estoient en la compaignie de Roy de
France quant le Roy_ [_Henry VIII_] _Dengleterre et led’ sr le Roy_
[_François_] _sentrevyrent et ordonnerent les Iousts et Tournoys qui
sensuyvent_.” Prefixed to the title is a stanza of five lines inviting
to the jousts.
“The proclamacōn in Frenche of the Articles of the Iustes and other
feates of armes at the meeting of the aforesaid Kinges [Henry and
François] at Guisnes, proclaimed throughout the realme of France
by Thomas Benolt al’s Clarencieux King of Armes. _Comme ainsi soit
louange._”[224]
Imperial royal jousts were run in the month of March of the thirteenth
year of the reign, of which Hall gives an account; and there were
others in the year following.
On March 10th, 1524, King Henry ran a great risk of losing his life
in the tiltyard, for when jousting with Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, he
forgot to shut and clasp down the visor of his helmet. Brandon, who was
short-sighted, did not perceive this, and in his career aimed his lance
at that part of the king’s head-piece, striking it at the side of the
face, unhelming his Majesty, though without causing him any injury. As
already mentioned, in a joust held on Shrove Tuesday in the year 1525
Sir Charles Bryan nearly lost an eye from a somewhat similar cause.
King Henry, like his friend Maximilian of Austria, is always
represented as the successful jouster, and, although his strength,
skill and good fortune are generally admitted, some explanation is
required to account for his invariable success. It has been suggested
that it may have been due in some measure to the prerogative of the
queen, by which a joust could be stopped if there should be any
probability of the king’s defeat.[225]
“On May-day _anno_ 1536 was a great jousting held
at Greenwich, at which the chief challenger was the
Lord Rochford, the queen’s brother; and the defendant
was one Henry Norris, of the king’s bed-chamber, with
others. They managed their arms with great dexterity,
and every course which they ran came off with the loud
applause of the people.”[226]
“Another solemne Challenge was proclaimed and
perfourmed by certaine English Knights, viz. Sir John
Dudley,[227] Sir Thomas Seimer, Sir Francis Poynings, Sir
George Carew, Anthony Kingston and Richard Cromwel.
_Anno_ 1540.”
Royal jousts were run on the thirty-first year of the reign, in
celebration of the king’s marriage with Anne of Clѐves.
Lacroix, in _Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages_, pictures
the degradation of a knight convicted of dishonourable conduct, copied
from a wood-cut bearing the initials “J. A.” (Jost Amman). The culprit
is exposed on a scaffold, clad only in his shirt, his armour is broken
in pieces before him and thrown at his feet, and his spurs are cast
upon a dunghill. His shield is dragged by a cart-horse through the
mire, and the tail of his _destrier_ cut off. A herald-at-arms cries
three times, “Who is there?” and each time the name of the knight is
given. The herald then cries, “No, it is not so; I see no knight, but
only a false coward.” The culprit is borne on a litter into a church,
where the burial service is read over him, and the world of chivalry
knows him no more.
There is no record of any royal jousts on the accession of Edward VI
to the throne, and such pastimes would seem to have been greatly in
abeyance during that short reign.
The same would seem to have been the case during the reign of Queen
Mary; but there were fights at barriers in 1554, when Philip II
arrived in England. The challengers, against all comers, were Don
Fredericke de Toledo, the Lord Strange, Don Ferdinando de Toledo, Don
Francisco de Mendoça, and Garsulace de la Vega.
The prizes were as follows, viz.:—
“1. He who cometh forth most gallantly, though without
superfluities, shall have a rich brooch.
2. The best stroke with the pike shall have a ring with
a ruby.
3. The best stroke with the sword shall have a ring
with a diamond.
4. He that fighteth most valiantly shall have a ring
with a diamond.
5. The prize of all together in rank at the foyle was a
ring of gold with a rich diamond.
He that giveth a stroke with a pike from the girdle
downwards shall win no prize.
He that shall have a close gauntlet or anything to
fasten his sword to his hand shall win no prize.
He whose sword falls out of his hand shall win no prize.
He that striketh his hand in fight on the barriers
shall win no prize.
Whosoever shall fight and not show his sword to the
judges shall win no prize.”
The prizes were thus awarded by the judges, in the
above order, to:—
Don Fredericke de Toledo.
Don Diego Ortado di Mendoça.
Sir John Parrat.
Ruygomez.[228] And
King Philip, in highest honour.[229]
During the reign of Queen Elizabeth vigorous efforts were made to
revive the ancient glories of the tournament, which were for a time not
without a certain measure of success, under the auspices of the maiden
queen. Sir Henry Lee rode as the queen’s champion until advancing years
caused him to relinquish the self-imposed office in favour of the Earl
of Cumberland, who wore a glove of her Majesty’s on his helmet.
A drawing, from a MS., of tilting, tourney and barriers is reproduced
in Lord Dillon’s paper in the _Archæological Journal_, Vol. LV, which
affords a good deal of information regarding the detail of such combats
during the reign.
There were jousts and barriers on the accession of Queen Elizabeth
to the throne in 1558, in which the Duke of Norfolk and the earls of
Surrey, Warwick and Leicester took part.[230]
The _fête d’armes_ at which Henri II of France was fatally injured was
held at Paris in 1559. The tenans on the occasion were the king, the
Prince of Ferrera, the Duke of Guise and others. The course in which
the accident befel was an extra one, run in the face of remonstrances
on the part of the other challengers. The cause of the injury would
seem to have been that the Comte de Montgomeri, Captain of the Scottish
Guard, failed to drop his shivered lance immediately after impact, as
he ought to have done, and the jagged end striking the king’s visor,
a splinter passed through the slit for vision and pierced his brain.
The king’s case was hopeless from the first, though he lingered in
agony for nearly a week. The king’s accidental death was not avenged
on Montgomeri at the time, but Catherine de Medici had him executed
fifteen years later. Lacroix, in _Military and Religious Life in the
Middle Ages_, gives a picture of this fatal encounter, copied from an
engraving of the sixteenth century.
Viscount Dillon, in his paper “Barriers and Foot Combats,” reproduces
a picture of Spanish officers “At Barriers” in Brussels, 1569 (after
Hogenberg). The details are interesting as showing the manner of
fighting on foot at the time.
As stated in the Ashmolean MS., No. 837, fol. 245, a tournament
was proclaimed at Hampton Court by Clarencieulx, King of Arms,
on Twelfth-night, _anno_ 1570, to take place in the month of May
following. The MS. begins with a preamble, being a general exhortation
to revive the tournament, which “had of late fallen a sleepe.” Next
come the _chapitres d’armes_ (the articles) for the tilt, tourney and
barriers. A copy of the document follows here:—
“For as much most noble Queene, as ther ar within
this yoʳ maᵗⁱᵉˢ Courte a greate nombre of noble menne
and gentlemenne excellent men of Armes, and yet (as it
wer) of late fallen a sleepe from eny kinde of such
exercyse: Therfore by your maᵗⁱᵉˢ lycense, to revyve
theim withall, ther ar fower Knightes Errant which haue
thought goode to challenge all commers at Shrovetyde
next as followeth. Videlicet.
_Tilt_
Vpon Shrouesonday at the Tylt, six courses a pece.
And who so doth best of the Defendanntes in those six
courses, shall have for his prize a cheyne of gold.
_Tourney_
Vpon Shrovemonday at the Tourney, two blowes at
the passage, and tenne at the ioyninge. All grypes,
shockes, and fowle playes forbidden. And who so doth
best of the Defendantes at that feate, shall haue a
Diamonde.
_Barriours_
Vpon Shrouetuesday at the Barriours, three pusshes
with the short pyke, and tenne blowes with the sworde
with open gauntlet: no Barriours to be layde hande
vpon, nor eny weopen to be taken holde of. And he of the
Defendantes that doth best ther at, shall haue a Rubie.
[The entire page is scored out. On the back of the
page, which is written by Glover, a second hand has
written, the other way up:—]
The proclemacion that was procleamed at hampton
court by Clarencieulx Kyng of armes on twelffe daye at
nyght in Aᵒ/1570/ the chalengers names was the erle of
Oxfford Charles howard Sʳ henry Lee and christoffer
hatton a pencioner.
Theys excercyses was not Fulffylled tyle maye deye
next after on which daye was the tylte at westmynster
and the second daye of maye the torney and on Sonday
byeing the vj of maye the barrioures.”
Another MS. in the same collection (No. 845, fol. 164) gives a list
of the participants, with their “checques” (which are tablets for
recording the scores made). Examples of these registers are given here,
under the heading of the document in question:—
[Endorsed:—Tournay.
Two blowes at the passage: and tenne at the ioyninge:
All gryppes shockes and foule playe forbidden.]
[A list of names is also on folio 164 b.]
[fol. 164.]
[Illustration: SCORING “CHEQUES.”]
[54 more, as above, 25 without arms.]
The tenans on the occasion were the Earl of Oxford, Lord Charles
Howard, Sir Henry Lee, and Christopher Hatton, a “pencioner,” and
a list of their opponents, with their “Checques,” is given in the
Ashmolean MS. No. 845, fol. 167. (See page 128.)
The prize for the best lance among the tilters was “a cheyne of gold,”
which fell to the Earl of Oxford, who ran forty-two courses and
splintered thirty-two lances, a very good performance. The prize for
the tourney was a “Diamonde”; that for “barriours” a “Rubie,” which was
won by Thomas Cecil, one of the venans.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
[Illustration: _PLATE XI_
HARNESSES FOR JOUSTING AT THE TILT. AT PARIS.]
[Illustration: FIELD HARNESS OF ANNE DE MONTMORENCY.]
In 1590, after the siege of Paris had been raised, King Henri IV
challenged the Duc de Mayenne to single combat, in order that by a
decisive result the calamities of France might be stayed, but nothing
came of it.
A tournament was held at Westminster under the leadership of Walter,
Earl of Essex, which is chiefly remarkable from the fact of its
having taken place during the night. It was on the occasion when Anne
de Montmorency, Constable of France, came to London to receive the
Order of the Garter, in June, 1572. Queen Elizabeth gave a supper in
celebration of the event, at which she presided, and in due time she
retired to her apartments. The weather being warm, however, it pleased
her Majesty to walk from her chamber on to the open terrace of the
palace, where the French duke and his suite were assembled, with many
of the English courtiers. The Earl of Essex entered the terrace quite
suddenly, accompanied by twelve gentlemen armed at all points and well
mounted.
“The Earl and his horse were furnished with white
cloth of siluer, and the rest in white sattin, who
after reuerence done to her Maiesty, marched to the
east side of the Court, and there in troope, stood
firme. Forthwith entered Edward Earle of Rutland, with
a like number, in like sort armed and apparelled all
in blew; and hauing presented his reuerence, stayed on
the west end. Before either of these bands, one Chariot
was drawen, and therein a faire Damsell, conducted by
an armed Knight, who pronounced certain speeches in
the French tongue, vnto her Maiestie. These Ceremonies
passed, the Queene commanded the armed men to fall vnto
fight, which they performed with great courage, and
commendation, chiefly in the Earl of Essex, a noble
personage, valorous in armes, and all other wayes of
great vertue.
Of the Actors names in this Triumph (it seemeth) no
note is kept: yet are many of them still liuing.”
The ordinances and regulations which controlled the routine of a
tournament, some of them compiled for general use and others framed
for particular contests, have been repeatedly referred to in these
pages; but the method of the keeping of scores is nowhere clearly
indicated, and, indeed, is but rarely mentioned. The score was marked
in strokes by a king of arms, sometimes by a pursuivant,[231] on a
scoring tablet, termed a “checque,” which was tricked with a shield of
the arms of the owner, as shown on page 127. The scoring-board itself
was in the form of a parallelogram, with three horizontal lines, the
middle line projecting some distance beyond the others, and on the
projection of this middle line the number of courses run (usually from
two to eight) were registered. The attaints were noted on the top
line; and they were often differentiated as hits on the body or head,
which had a different value in the tale.[232] The middle line inside
the parallelogram was for the staves well broken, and the bottom line
for those “ill-broken”—that is, broken within a foot of the head of
the lance or on the tilt, on the adversary’s saddle, etc.—these being
deducted from the score or disallowed. The proportion in the number of
attaints varied greatly, though on the average it would appear that
the misses made in jousting at the tilt (i.e. when the jousters failed
to touch each other in their careers) were greater in number than the
hits made; while in jousting “at the wide” the proportion of attaints
was much greater. The registration was done by vertical strokes on the
horizontal lines.
As many as ten jousting cheques have been found, which help to a
knowledge as to how the scoring was managed, though more light is
needed on the subject.
The rules and regulations concerning the conducting of tournaments in
Tudor times were based on those framed in 1466 by John Tiptoft, Earl of
Worcester, Constable of England, which are given in our Chapter IV; but
there is no rule among them directly mentioned concerning the method
of scoring the points. There are, however, pictures of the scoring
cheques, reproduced by Mr. ffoulkes in his paper in _Archæologia_,
Vol. LXIII, Plate IV, Nos. 2, 3, which appear at the ends of two of
the versions of the Tiptoft rules; viz. those in Harl. MS. 2413, fol.
16, and Ashmole MS. 763, fol. 149. Two cheques out of the fifty-six in
Ashmole MS. 845, fol. 164, are reproduced on our Fig. 1. They are those
of the Earl of Oxford and Charles Howard, being registers of their
scores at the passage of arms which was proclaimed by Clarencieulx in
1570.
This somewhat intricate subject can only be lightly touched upon in
these pages; but we may refer any of our readers who may wish to pursue
the subject further to Lord Dillon’s paper, “Tilting in Tudor Times,”
published in the _Archæological Journal_, Vol. LV, and to that written
by Mr. Charles ffoulkes in _Archæologia_, LXIII, entitled “Jousting
Cheques of the Sixteenth Century.”
Three writers on certain features in the routine of a tournament are
mentioned in the last-named monograph, _The Romance of Three King’s
Sons_, written about the end of the fifteenth century,[233] from which
the following extract is given:—
“All these thinges donne thei were embatailed eche
ageynste the othir and the corde drawen ageynste eche
partie, and whan the tyme was, the cordes were cutte
and the Trumpettis blew up for euery man to do his
deuoir. And for to assertayne you more of the Tournay
there was on eche side a stake, and at eache stake two
Kynges of Armes, with penne, and Inke, and paper, to
write the names of all of them that were yolden, for
they shold no more Tournay.”
This refers to the _mêlée_, not the joust.
King René d’Anjou, in _Traicte de la forme et Devis d’ung Tournoi_,
gives an illustration of a _mêlée_ in which the attendants are seen
cutting the cords with axes, but there are no kings of arms present
noting the score.
Another reference occurs in the account given in the Landsdowne MS.
285 of the combat between the Bastard of Burgundy and Lord Scales in
1466, a contest which has been already described on these pages. It is
entitled _The Ordinaunce of kepyng of the Feelde_, and runs—
“... At ev’y corner a Kyng of Armes crownyd and an
Harauld or Pursevaunte within the seide feelde, for
reporte makyng of actes doon within the same: Garter
and othir Kynges of Armes and Hauraldes to be sett in
the scaffolde before the Kyng on the right hande of the
staire of the Kynges place judiciall’ to make report
generall’ and to marke all that should be doon in the
seide feelde.”
And we may infer that a score of the points, for and against, was kept
on the occasion.[234] Hall, in his narrative of the Field of the Cloth
of Gold, states definitely that the scores of the combatants were
marked down by the proper officials, English and French.
The Duc d’Alençon and three French gentlemen, with the earls of Sussex
and Leicester, challenged all comers, in 1551, to fight at barriers,
and they had forty-five opponents.[235]
Jousts were run at Westminster, in conjunction with a great pageant,
on January 22nd, 1581, in the presence of Queen Elizabeth. The fêtes
extended over several days, and many lances were broken at the tilting.
The crowd was so great at the pageant that many citizens were maimed
and some killed. Those taking part in the tilting were Henry Gray,
Sir Thomas Perot, Anthony Cooke, Thomas Radcliffe, Robert and Francis
Knolles, Rafe Bowes, Thomas Kelwaie, George Goring, William Tresham,
Robert Alexander, Edward Dennie, Hercules Meantus, Edward Moore,
Richard Skipwith, Richard Ward, Edward Digbie, Henry Nowell and Henry
Brunkerd. During the running Sir Henry Lee entered the tiltyard as The
Unknown and, after breaking six lances, retired again. The challengers
each ran six courses against all comers. A _Scharmützel_, being the
attack and defence of a mock fortress on which cannon were mounted,
took place later, and this was followed by the tourney and barriers.
Taking part in these were the Earl of Arundel, Lord Windsor, Sir Philip
Sidney and Fulke Greville, Esquire.[236]
A tournament was held on the 15th May following, as mentioned in
Ashmole MS. No. 845, fol. 166, a copy of which follows:—
“The Tournay holden at Westminster on monday the 15. of May. 1581.
when as the prince dolphine of Auuergne and other the frenche
commissioners were here.
[Illustration: This mark at the end signifyeth that that party hath
perfourmed his blowes at the passage and at the joyninge.”
(46 more figures like this, with a line at the right end. They are
arranged in two columns.)]
The challengers were Monsieur the brother of the French King, the
Prince Delphine,[237] the earls of Sussex and Leicester, the Count S.
Aignon, Messires Chamuallan and Bacqueuile. The venans were led by Lord
Thomas Howard.
Another tournament took place at Westminster on November 17th in the
same year, and a list of names of those taking part is given in Ashmole
MS. No. 845, fol. 165:—
“1581. 24. R. R. Elizabeth
Therle of Arundell )____ The Lord Windesore
Henry Greye )____ Henry Windesore
Sʳ Henry Lee )____ Phellip Sidney
Sʳ Thomas Perot )____ Thomas Ratclyff
Foulke Grevill )____ Rawffe Bowes
Edward Norrys )____ Thomas Knevet
Anthony Cooke )____ John Pagingeton
George Gyfford )____ Thomas Kailloway
Robart Alexander )____ George Goringe
Edward More )____ Henry Bronkard
William Tresham )____ Rychard Warde
Everard Digby )____ Tyrrell
Storry )____
William Knolles )____ Robart Knolles.
These be the names of the noblemen and gentlemen,
that for the honour of the Queenes Majestie did
their endevour at the Tylt at Westminster on the
xvijᵗʰ day of Nouember, beinge the first day of the
xxiiijᵗʰ yere of the reigne of queene Elizabeth,
whome God of his greate mercy longe contynue to reigne
over this sinnefull realme of England. Amen.”
In 1585 there is what is described as “the last joust on the Thames,”
but which was really a form of water quintain:—
“From ech end of the riuer came a bote running with
six ores, in the stern of which on the top stood a man
armed in a red wastcote, with a staffe in his reste,
hauing a but end of corke; now ech meeting other with
their staues, both fell into the water, where spare
botes were redi to succour them, for ouer went their
horsses.”[238]
Ashmole MS. No. 1109, fol. 154b, gives a list of names of persons
taking part in a tournament held at Windsor on November 17th, 1593.
“[In Officio Armorum Lib.] M. 4: Justes. fo: 42
Course at Feild at Windsor the 17ᵗʰ of Nov: 1593. Aᵒ regni Reginæ 36.
The Earle of Cumberland The Earle of Southampton.
The Earle of Essex Robert Knowles.
The Lord Fitzwalter Cary Reynolds.
The Lord Compton Henry Nowell.
Sʳ Charles Blount Sʳ Tho. Gerrard.
Sʳ Vnknowen Robert Dudley.
The E. of Essex [sic] Sʳ William Knowles.
{ The Earle of Worcester
Judges { The Lord Sandes
{ Lord North
{ The Lord Norrys”
In 1606, in the reign of James I, there was a fight at barriers in
celebration of the ill-fated marriage of the Earl of Essex. Sixteen
combatants fought on each side, first singly and then in threes.
One party was led by the Duke of Lennox, the other by the Earl of
Sussex.[239]
Another fight at barriers took place on Twelfth-night, 1610, when
Henry Prince of Wales, with six aides, met sixty-five defendants at
Whitehall. The weapons were pikes and single swords, and the prince,
then in his sixteenth year, is stated to have greatly distinguished
himself.[240]
Harleian MS., III, 215, 4888, 20, is a general challenge at tilt,
tourney, and barriers, “signed Lenox, Southampton, Pembroke,
Montgumbray,” dated 1612. It was in defence of these propositions—“1.
That in Service of Ladyes, Knights have no free-will. 2. That it is
Beautie maintains the World in valour. 3. That noe fare Ladie was ever
false. 4. That none can be perfectlye wife but Lover.” The challenge
was addressed, “To all honourable men, Men at Armes, and Knight
Adventurers of hereditarie note, ＆ examplarie noblesse, that for most
memorable actions doe wield either Sword or Launce in quest of glorie.”
Ashmole MS. No. 837, fol. 129-32, gives a long account of “The manner
of first cominge into the Tiltyard” of Charles Prince of Wales in the
year 1619. It is interesting from many points of view, and we reproduce
it here nearly _in extenso_. Like all accounts of the tournament of
the period but little information is given of the martial sports
themselves, though a great deal is written concerning the dresses,
etc. This MS. affords abundant evidence that the last stage of the
tournament had been reached.
“The manner of the first cominge into the
Tiltyard of the Most high and mighty Prince Charles
Prince of Wales sonne and heir apparent of our
Souereign Lo: Kinge James on Friday the xxiiijᵗʰ
of March 1619 wͨͪ was in the most princely and
Royall manner that had been sene many yeares before.
[Sidenote: [fol. 129 b]]
The day and tyme drawing neare the Tiltyard at
Whitehall was prepared wᵗʰ many scaffoldes on both
sides ＆ the vpper end where stood his Majestie himself
wᵗʰ many other great estates and on the one side sate
in a place prepared of purpose at the vpper end the
Embassadors on the other side next to Sᵗ James parke
gate was erected a most rich ＆ stately Pauillion of
green yellow ＆ white damaske laid on wᵗʰ broad lace
of siluer ＆ gold wᵗʰ a very deep valence of cloth of
silver frendged about wᵗʰ a deep freng of gold ＆ siluer
garnished about wᵗʰ The princes Armes ＆ badges. on the
top of it was set an Eglet in her nest loking vp at
the sonne wᵗʰ this motto at it Nec Degener heres. All
wᵗʰ being ready ＆ exceedingly well cleared ＆ ordered
by Sʳ Edw; Zouch Kᵗ Marshall. The E: of Arrundell
being appointed to be Erle Marshall of England for
that day about 12 of the clok came into the Tiltyard
on horseback attended by diuers of his owne gent on
foot wᵗʰ truncheons in their handes on whome likewise
attended the Kᵗ Marshall ＆ all the officers of Armes
in their Coates of Armes on horseback vntill his
Majestie was ready to come thither. All things beinge
/ in a readines ＆ the tiltyard in a very good order
his Lordship attended wᵗʰ the Kt Marshall Clarenceux
＆ Norry ＆ all the heralds ＆ pursuiantes of armes rode
to Denmarke house to fetch the Prince his highnes and
let him vnderstand that his Majestie were [sic] redy ＆
expected his coming wherevpon he proceeded in manner
followinge.
First marched on foote all the Princes band of his
Artillery yard led by their captaine, Mʳ Conisby. next
to them went many of the Kᵗ Marshalls men well suited
wᵗʰ truncheons in their handes before their Master who
for the most part coasted vp ＆ downe to keep the street
＆ passage clene from people. /
[Sidenote: The reason why the Princes trumpets did intercede betw: the
officers of Armes and the Prince and had place of them ＆ the Kinges
trompetts was because they were part of the Princes Show, and therefore
not thought fitt to be diuided.]
Then six of the Kings Trumpetters sounding the sergᵗ
Trumpeter wᵗʰ his mace before them riding.
Next to them the pursuiantes ＆ heraldes of Armes
wᵗʰ the two provinciall kings of Armes Clarenceux ＆
Norry vnto all whome the Prince his highnes had very
bountefully distributed to euery of them 9 yardes of
rich taffata of his coullors vist 3 yardes of white 3
yardes of yellow ＆ three yardes of green all fringed
very richly wᵗʰ a deep frenge of silver ＆ gold spangled
and likewise to each of them a white Bever hatt wᵗʰ
a fair gold ＆ siluer band and larg plumes of his
coullors. /
Then followed 6 of the Princes Trumpettes very richly
clad in grene veluet coats laid wᵗʰ gold ＆ silure lace
＆ white Beruers ＆ fethers
[Sidenote: [fol. 130 a]]
Next them rode his 3 pages one after another brauely
mounted very richly clad aleso in grene sattin suits
laid exceding thich [sic] wᵗʰ gold ＆ siluer lace white
beuers ＆ plumes, ＆ their horses in rich caparasans of
greene velvet embrodered wᵗʰ gold ＆ siluer each of them
/ of [sic] attended by querries in rich suites of the
Princes coullors on foot.
Next rode the Erie Marshall wᵗʰ his marshalls rod
Then the Prince his highnes alone all armed in white
armour ＆ bravely mounted on horseback wᵗʰ wonderfull
rich caparisans ＆ plumes attended by diuers of his
cheife gent on foot most richly araied in greine suites
of sattin laid very thick wᵗʰ siluer ＆ gold lace white
bevers ＆ fethers each of them carying in their handes
one of the Princes staues / After the Prince rode Sʳ
Tho: Howard Master of the Princes horse.
And after him followed 3 spare horses wᵗʰ plumes ＆
rich embrodered caparisans of his coullors: / led by
Querryes or officers of the stable. /:
In this manner they proceeded from Denmark howse to
the Tiltyard gate where the artillery men first made a
stand ＆ deui(d)ed themselues in a lane for the Prince
to passe When his highnes came at the vpper end of the
tiltyard he alighted ＆ went into his pavillion to sitt
＆ repose himself whilst the other Tilters were brought
in who tarried at the mewes vntil the Kᵗ Marshall ＆ the
officers of Armes came for them who proceded in manner
following every one in his rank the officers of Armes
going before the new runners.
[Sidenote: [fol. 130 b]]
euery one in his rank
Thus appointed to Runn.
new The Prince ＆ The E: of Dorset
new Marquess Bucks ＆ Sʳ Sigismond Alexander
new Marquess Hamilton ＆ E: of Warwick
new E: of Oxford ＆ The lo: walden
E of Rutland ＆ E of Salsbury new /
E of Montgomery ＆ Sʳ Thomas Somerset
E of Desmond ＆ Sʳ Hen Riche
The lo: Gerard ＆ Mʳ Hen: Alexander
it is to be noted that because the: E of Montgomery
was hurt in the arme in practisinge about 3 dayes
before Mr Cary 2 sonn to Sʳ Robt Cary the Princes
chamberlein was appointed to Runn for him at wͨͪ tyme
it was concluded that hereafter if at any tyme any man
shold be hurt that he could not run himself but that he
appointed another to run for him (if he were inferior
to him hurt and desyred to run in his place) he should
come into the tilt wᵗʰ his beuer close or if he would
haue his beuer open he should then come in the due of
his place. /
[Sidenote: [fol. 131 a]]
Judges./.
[fol. 131 a] The Prince brake —-—-—- staues
The E: of Dorset —-—-—-
The Marques of Buck —-—-
The marquess Hamilton ——
After all was done the Prince and all the Tilters
once passing round the tilt passt round on alonge
before the Prince and so attended him to Somerset
howse again.
Fees giuen to the officers of Armes
Of the Prince in scarfes of his coullors each scarfe
coat 9 yards of rich taffata fringed wᵗʰ deep frenge
of gold ＆ siluer, and 12 white beuer hats wᵗʰ gold ＆
siluer bandes and faire fethers of his coullors yellow
white ＆ grene. And 20ˡⁱ money for his fee
of the marquess Buck 13ˡⁱ 6ˢ 8 for his fee
of the E: o(f) Oxford 10ˡⁱ for his fee
of the E: of Salsbury 10 for his fee ＆ scarfes of his coullors
[Sidenote: [fol-131 b]]
xxiiij⁹ Martij Aᵒ dni 1620./
Aᵒ Regni Regis Jacobi i9
The Prince The E: of Dorsett
Marquess of Buckingham The marquess Hamilton
new The E: of Lincolne Sʳ Sigismond Alexander
The E of Desmond Lo: Walden
new The lo: Compton Lo: Gerard
new The lo: Scroope Sʳ Tho: Somerset
Sʳ Hen: Riche Mʳ Hen: Alexander
Sʳ Hen. Mildmay Sʳ Sigismond Alexander
Judges:
The E: of Bridgwater
The viscount Doncaster
The viscount Falkland
Sʳ Fulk Greville
T: Arrundell
At this tyme the Prince his highnes came from Denmark
howse to the Tiltyard through the Strand as followeth /
First went the band of Artillerymen marching along
vntill they came to the gate of the Tiltyard and there
made a stand ＆ deuided themselves in a lane for the
Princes highnes to pass through
The seriant Trompetour and the K. Trompettes.
Next followed on horsback the officers of Armes in
their coates.
Then the Princes Trumpetes richly clad in coates of
grene velvet laid wᵗʰ gold lace /
Then the Princes 3 pages one after another bravely
mounted ＆ most richly clothed. /
Then the Prince his highnes alone armed wᵗʰ [Blank]
of his gent on foot carrying his staves most richely
arayed going on both sides./
Then followed Sʳ Tho: Howard master of the Princes
horse on horsback
After whom followed seuerall spare horses led by
the Querryes or officers of the stable and in this
manner they preceeded into the Tiltyard and at the
vpper end of the tiltyard by the parke gate was set vp
a pauillion of yellow ＆ grene damask laced wᵗʰ gold ＆
siluer lace where the Prince reposed himself vntill the
rest of the runners were brought in who stand at the
mewes in a redines vntill they were sent for by the Kt
marshall ＆ the officers of Armes. and then they cam in
according to their degrees two ＆ two together before
the E: of Lincolne being a new runner went 4 officers
of Armes ＆ 4 before the lo: Compton ＆ two before Sʳ
Henry Mildmay being allso new runners.
The E: of Lincolne gaue to the officers of Armes 10¹
and fouer scarfes of his coullors of 3¹ prise ＆ fethers
each of them
The lo: Compton gaue them 6 13ˢ 9ᵈ ＆ 4 scarfes of
like valew ＆ fethers
[‘This is an original paper, with notes and
corrections by one of the Heralds. This art. is
recorded in the Heralds’ MS. M. 3, f. 1-3ᵇ. Ashm.
Catal.]”
One more illustration of a tournament of the seventeenth century
is afforded by Ashmole MS. No. 1127, fol. 196-99b, and it aptly
illustrates the advanced stage of degeneration now reached by these
once brilliant and chivalrous martial games:—
“Extracted out of P. Boitells Generall history of all
that hapned most remarkeable as well in France as in
other forrain Country’s in the yeares 1618: 1619: 1620.
Printed at Paris in the year. 1620.
[Sidenote: p. 87, 88]
The Colours of the Madame are Blew Incarnate, White
＆ Amaranthus, the Blew represents heavenly ＆ exalted
thoughts, the Incarnate chast and honest Inclinations,
the White purity ＆ sincerity of faith, the Amaranthus
Constancy.
[Sidenote: p. 90]
The Knight of the Royall Amaranthus sends his
Challenge abroad for the Celebrating of a solemn
Turneament, the Princesses ＆ Lady’s of the court had
scaffolds erected for them, ＆ for judges of the Combatt
were chosen the Count Guy St George, the Count de la
Bassie, ＆ the Count de la Valdisere.
[Sidenote: p. 92]
[Sidenote: [fol. 198b p. 92]
The trompetts beginning to sound from the new palace,
there appeared presently after 12. trompeters clad
in Blew, Incarnate White ＆ Amaranthus representing
yᵉ winds after whom a Camell was led by fowr African
Moores, habited in the same livery ＆ bearing lances
cover’d with blew damask, twelv Lackey’s follow’d
clad after the same manner ＆ after them 12 Pages upon
spanish Genetts richly harness’t ＆ representing the
12 houres of the day, their cloakes were of the same
colours, their heads cover’d with perrukes compos’d of
golden threads with crowns composed of flowrs de Lyses
/ roses, heyacynthusses ＆ Amaranthusses beneath each of
which there seem’d to shine a Great Sun made of plates
of Gold ＆ at their shovlders they had two wings of
silver. In their left hands they carry’d sheilds which
had devises painted on them, ＆ the name of yᵉ Knight
written, ＆ in their hands silver lances with bannerolls
of the same colour.
[Sidenote: p. 93]
After which came six winged coursers drawing slowly
a tryumphall Charriott wͨͪ signify’d the Charriott of
the morning, it was of a great heigth ＆ vast biggness
adorn’d all about with paintings, ＆ built with rare
workmanship. On the top of this Charriott was plac’t
Aurora or the Morning quaintly attir’d ＆ accompany’d
with joy ＆ Laughter who playing upon the Lute ＆ the
Theorbo, after they had taken a round about the place,
address’d themselves at length to the Infanta’s, ＆ both
of them together joining in Consort with Aurora sung
certain Italian verses.
[Sidenote: p. 94]
After the tryumphall Charriott follow’d six peers
magnificently attir’d, with a great number of Heron’s
plumes ＆ Jewells about their hose, ＆ scarfs of the
same colour, ＆ these were the Marquese of Lullin, the
Marquese of Vogueres, the Baron of St George, the
Marques of Caraglio, the Marquese of Pallavicini, ＆
Mounsieur de Lodes.
[Sidenote: [fol. 199]]
At Length the Prince enter’d the lists as Challenger
as being of the most active address ＆ most skillfull of
his weapon of all the rest, ＆ the Combatants were these
following knights.
[Sidenote: p. 95]
[Sidenote: [fol. 199b]]
Mounsieur de St Reran, under the name of Almidour
the Constant, the Count de Montué, Sirnamed Fulginart
without fear, Mounsieur de Cavorrett stlled the Fierce
Dragon, Mounsieur de Maserez call’d Palmiades the
faithfull, Mounsieur de Roussillon tearmed Learques
the Couragious, Don Astanio Bobba named Primislas the
Strong, Mounsieur de Druent entitled Cloridant the
brave, Fulvio Delle Lanze, stiled Altomar the bloody,
the Knight d’Aglie with the title of Prodicles the
warriour, the Count de Ferrusasque titled Termodont the
angry, the Marquese Formo call’d Erolind the Cruell,
this noble troop made their Entry three ＆ three in a
rank, their livery consisting of all yᵉ fowr colours,
but the Prince made choice cheifly of the Amaranthus,
＆ therefore his plume of that colour shew’d it self
eminently above the rest, his mantle was of cloth of
silver, ＆ under it he had a rich suit of armour made
after the manner of the ancients with breeches of silk
made after yᵉ same fashion, sprinkled all about with
pearles ＆ Jewells, he was mounted upon a stout prancing
horse, cover’d with stately capparisons of the same
livrie, with / the laces fringes ＆ tassells of silver,
＆ all inrich’t with floures ＆ roses of the same mettall
he enter’d in between two knights whereof the one was
clad in blew, the other in Incarnate.
After the severall Combats were ended the prise was
adjudg’d to the Knight of the royall Amaranthus, which
donne the trompettes sounded a retreat, ＆ then the
Knights each of them retir’d in their Order to the new
palace.
[Sidenote: p. 85]
This Ceremony was celebrated by the Prince of Savoy,
upon occasion of the marriage between him ＆ Christina
the sister of Lewis the just King of France at his
return to Turin from Rivolles where Inviting the Lady’s
to a Ball he Instituted a Turneament under the title of
the Knight of the Royall Amaranthus fighting under the
Colours of Madame, the Princess.”
The tournament lingered long in Germany.
The decline of armour had become acute by the close of the sixteenth
century, and to this there were many contributory causes. Far too much
stress has been laid on the extended use of firearms as being the main
reason for this, though the ever-increasing penetrative force of the
musket-ball had tended greatly to diminish the value of steel harness
as a sure means of defence. As a matter of fact, full armour could not
be constantly worn during a long campaign without injury to health,
besides being a great clog to mobility on the march and in the field.
Another potent factor towards the disuse of armour lay in the fact that
harness for the soldiery was made in certain standard or arbitrary
sizes, each piece being numbered, so that the suits rarely fitted
individual cases. They were thus apt to chafe the bodies of the wearers
and to cause sores beyond endurance, so that pieces of armour were
frequently cast away on the march, all penalties notwithstanding. The
man-at-arms of an earlier age became the pistolier, _Landsknecht_ and
cuirassier of later times.
Early in the seventeenth century another decided change took place in
the form of the breastplate, which followed the cut of the doublet of
civil life, in the gradual shortening of the waist, and body-armour
became stumpy and inelegant.
The latest phase of cap-à-pie armour is well illustrated by a harness
in the Musée d’Artillerie, Paris, which was presented by the Republic
of Venice to Louis XIV, in 1688. It is very uncouth in form. During the
last half of the century plate-armour gradually disappears, the pikemen
being the last infantry arm to employ it. A “pair of plates” were the
last pieces worn, and, except in the case of the cuirassiers, they also
were abandoned in favour of the buff coat pure and simple.
After a career of six centuries, the tourney had practically run its
course, and had now become almost a thing of the past. Its influence on
the ages had been in the main for good, in restraining the licence of
troublous times and in inculcating a respect for women. It had fostered
a spirit of courtesy, honour and chivalry, sentiments which extended
themselves far beyond its borders, Sainte-Palaye remarks, “_Chevalerie
est la fontaine de courtoisie, ce qui arrose le reste du monde_”;
but as the means for luxury increased, and as time rolled on, the
old simplicity fell away and corruption set in, and though the forms
remained the spirit had fled. All _raisons d’être_ for the tourney
beyond those of exercise and pastime had long since passed away,
through the continuous decline in the importance of the man-at-arms in
warfare, the ever-increasing efficiency of firearms, and the necessity
for greater mobility of armies in the field.
* * * * *
The history of the tournament would not be complete without some
account of the revivals attempted in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. They lack, however, a sense of reality, being, in fact,
merely more or less well-staged plays.
The Eglington Tournament, held in Ayrshire in 1839, though a good deal
based on Sir Walter Scott’s legend, the “Gentle and Joyous Passage
of Arms of Ashby de la Zouche,”[241] was, in many respects, also a
revival of a _pas d’armes_ of Tudor times. It was carried through in
the face of some ridicule, much discouragement and many difficulties;
but all obstacles were gallantly surmounted by the enthusiasm, tenacity
and liberality of the Earl of Eglingtoun and his coadjutors. The very
elements were against it, for torrents of rain fell frequently during
its course, converting the lists into a pond, spoiling the decorations
of the stands, and wrecking the temporary banqueting-hall erected at
the castle. The training of the horses in so short a time presented
the greatest practical difficulty, for here the promoters were at a
great disadvantage as against the early and persistent drilling of the
chargers for employment in the _fêtes d’armes_ of the olden times. The
lists at Eglington Park measured 600 yards by 250, the tilt or barrier
being 300 yards long, running down the centre. A handsome pavilion was
pitched for the use and comfort of the Queen of Beauty (Lady Seymour)
and her train of ladies. There were other tents for the accommodation
of the knights taking part, and a grand stand was erected for the
presiding queen, her maidens, and the guests of the promoters. Seats
were placed at the eastern end of the arena for about two thousand
spectators. Thirty-five knights took part in this passage of arms, and
among them were Prince Louis Napoleon, the Marquis of Waterford, Earls
Eglingtoun, Craven and Cassilis, Lords Alford, Glenyon, Cranstoun, A.
Seymour, W. Beresford, Drumlanrig and Maidstone. Lord Gage and Sir
Charles Lamb acted as Marshals of the List, the rôle of King of Arms
being sustained by the Marquis of Londonderry. There were several
rehearsals, the last of which took place on July 13th. The first to
joust at the tilt on that occasion were the Earl of Eglingtoun and the
Lord Cranstoun. Several courses were run by these champions and two
lances were broken. Other encounters followed with varying fortune. The
“Lord of the Tournament” was the Earl of Eglingtoun; the Judge of the
Lists, Lord Saltoun; and the inevitable Jester, a Mr. M’Ian from London.
The procession was arranged by Sir Charles Lamb and Lord Saltoun. The
tournament began on August 28th, 1839. The morning was fine, and by one
o’clock some ten thousand persons had assembled, and crowds continued
to arrive. A pitiless rain much delayed the starting of the procession
from the castle, and it was sadly shorn of its fair proportions;
for the Queen of Beauty and her maidens had to betake themselves to
carriages instead of riding on horseback as intended. The procession
reached the lists in the afternoon, about three, in a much bedraggled
condition, and the presiding queen, her attendants and the castle
house-party, took their seats on the grand stand prepared for them.
After flourishes of trumpets, the rules, regulations and limitations
for the guidance of the proceedings were proclaimed by a herald. The
number of courses to be run by each pair of jousters was settled at
three, or at most four. The harnesses employed, some of them collected
in England, the rest abroad, varied greatly in regard to period: the
armour of the Earl of Craven is amusingly stated to have been worn
by an ancestor of the Earl’s (Baron Hilton) at the field of Cressy.
Reinforcing pieces were employed.
On the weather clearing a little, the scene presented was a brilliant
one. There were the knights armed at all points, and their horses
gaily trapped in cloth painted in rich colours with their arms and
devices. Merging with the rich dresses of the ladies, they offered
a fine and moving spectacle. The _pas d’armes_ commenced with the
quintain, after which jousting at the tilt began. The tilting was far
from satisfactory, for the attaints achieved were very few in number.
This was owing to the lack of skill on the part of the riders, the
insufficient training of the horses, and the mistaken notion that
the careers were to be run at the gallop instead of at an amble.
The first joust was run between the “Knight of the Swan” (the Hon.
Mr. Jerningham) and the “Knight of the Golden Lion” (Captain J. O.
Fairlie). They took up positions for their careers, and the trumpets
sounded the onset. There were no attaints in the first three courses,
but in the fourth the Knight of the Golden Lion broke his lance on
the shield of his adversary. The second challenge was by the Earl of
Eglingtoun to the Marquis of Waterford, and in the first course both
lances were splintered. There was no attaint in the second, but in the
third the Earl again splintered his lance. The third joust was between
Sir Francis Hopkins and R. J. Lechmere, Esq. In the first encounter Sir
Francis shivered his lance, and in the second both lances were broken,
but that of Sir Francis was disallowed as being “ill-broken.” In the
fourth career Sir Francis again shivered his lance. The fourth tilt
was between the Lords Glenlyon and Alford. There were no attaints in
the first two courses, but in the third Lord Alford broke his spear.
Next came combats on foot at barriers with two-handed swords, after
which jousting was resumed. The last joust of the day was between the
Marquis of Waterford and Lord Alford. The first course was without
attaint, and in the second a hit was disallowed, the lance breaking
just above the head; but in the third the Marquis shivered his lance
“as it ought to be broken.” During all this the rain fell at intervals
and with increasing violence, which sadly marred the brilliancy of the
scene, and the banquet had to be abandoned owing to the wrecking of
the temporary banqueting-hall by the storm. In the evening there were
combats with broadswords in the drawing-room of the castle, and a duel
between Prince Louis Napoleon and Mr. Lamb is stated to have afforded
some excellent sword-play. The tournament was to have been continued
on the following Thursday, but the weather was so boisterous that the
completion of the _pas d’armes_ was postponed to Friday, August 30th.
The weather was fine and sunny, and the procession to the lists was
this time complete in all its parts, the queen and her ladies being on
horseback. The first tilt of the day was between the Lords Glenlyon
and Alford, and there was but one attaint in the three courses. The
Earl of Craven and Captain Fairlie then took up positions for their
careers. Both lances were shivered in the first course, in the second
there was no attaint, but in the third the Earl again shivered his
lance. This was the best joust of the tournament. To be brief, there
were six more jousts, making altogether nineteen courses, and but
two attaints. Running at the Ring followed, and a _mêlée_ brought the
tournament to a close. The combatants in the latter were—The Lord of
the Tournament (Earl of Eglingtoun), the Knight of the Dragon (Marquis
of Waterford), the Black Knight (W. L. Gilmour, Esq.), and the Knight
of the Gael (Lord Glenlyon): _against_ the Knight of the Black Lion
(Viscount Alford), the Knight of the Red Rose (R. J. Lechmere, Esq.),
the Knight of the White Rose (Charles Lamb, Esq.), and the Knight of
the Swan (Hon. H. Jerningham). Mr. Jerningham was hurt in the wrist by
a sword-stroke in the _mêlée_, but this was the only casualty worth
recording during the tournament. Several of the knights were unseated,
and in one case both horse and rider fell, a few bruises resulting.
The prize was awarded to the Earl of Eglingtoun. It was a coronet,
with which the Queen of Beauty gracefully crowned him, in the manner
of the Lady Rowena in the lists at Ashby de la Zouche. There was a
banquet in the evening, at which Lord Eglingtoun expressed the hope
that this attempt at a revival of the tournament might result in its
being continued among the nobility and gentry of these islands. This
pious wish, however, failed to be realised, the very ethics of the
institution being so totally at variance with the sentiment prevailing
in modern times. The banquet was followed by a dance.
THE TOURNAMENT AT BRUSSELS IN 1905
In marked contrast to the Eglingtoun Tournament, in the way of
accuracy of detail and historic truth, was the _pas d’armes_ in the
Rathausplatz, at Brussels, in 1905, held nearly three-quarters of a
century later. This revival in what was once Burgundian territory was
most appropriate, the more so as it took place in Brussels itself.
It was in the Rathausplatz there, one of the most striking sites in
Europe, that the Comte de Charolais, afterwards Charles the Bold,
ran in his first tournament in 1452. The Comte was then but eighteen
years of age, and tilted in as many courses on that occasion, breaking
sixteen lances “as they ought to be broken”—a very good performance,
viz. sixteen attaints out of eighteen runs. It was this tournament,
held in the city of Brussels some four and a half centuries before, in
the reign of Philippe le Bon, that was selected for reconstruction in
the months of July and August, 1905.[242] Charles was born in November,
1433, and the tournament in question was held in commemoration of the
anniversary of his birthday. He was killed in battle on the fatal field
of Nancy in 1477. In the month of August of the same year his daughter
and heiress, the Princess Maria, was wedded to Maximilian of Austria,
and the brilliant traditions of the tournament passed over to his court.
The collection of illuminated MSS. in the Burgundian Library, now
transferred to the National Library at Brussels, with the _Armorial
de la Toison d’Or_ and other Burgundian records, now in the National
Library at Paris,[243] furnish reliable and inexhaustible material
for the correct staging of a modern revival of a tournament on the
lines of one of the fifteenth century. It is thus no wonder that the
reconstruction, in the summer of 1905, of the _pas d’armes_ of 1452
was attended by such success as to prove of great educational value.
The middle of the fifteenth century was, perhaps, the most picturesque
period of the tourney: its rich weapons and armour, the caparisons
of the horses, the arms of the champions and others, the lists, the
music, and even the very musical instruments of the period, together
with the sumptuous accessories of the brilliant Burgundian Court, were
reproduced in 1905 to a marvel.
The reconstruction, as presented at Brussels, began with the entry of
Duke Philip of Burgundy into the lists in the Rathausplatz, with a
splendid train of the ladies of his court, the Marshal of the Lists,
the King of Arms (Jean Lefébre de Saint-Remy, the reputed writer of the
_Armorial de la Toison d’Or_), the Comte de Charolais, with his five
jousting associates and many historic figures of the camp and tourney
throughout Christendom, the four judges of the tournament, heralds,
pursuivants, etc. The Duke having taken his seat as supreme umpire on
the gaily decked tribune prepared for him, the trumpets sounded and the
jousting began. Many courses were run in character. This was followed
by the quintain, and afterwards by combats on foot and a _mêlée_;
then the prizes were presented. Figures of the knights of 1452, such
as those of the Comte de Charolais, Jacques de Lalain and Fredrich
de Renesse, were faithfully reproduced in all their details. Some
excellent post-cards were published in Belgium, picturing some of the
principal scenes of the tournament. Plate XII (1) depicts the Comte de
Charolais armed at all points for the _mêlée_, and Plate XII (2) Jean
de Clèves. The _fêtes d’armes_ and its rehearsals extended over several
weeks.
“TRIUMPH” HELD AT EARL’S COURT, LONDON, ON JULY 11TH, 1912
The object of the promoters of this revival was to reproduce an
Elizabethan tournament of about the year 1580, such an one as is
described in this chapter. This idea was very creditably carried out,
though falling short of the Brussels reproduction of 1905 in the
matters of technique and minuteness and correctness of detail. It
must be remembered, however, that in 1580 the tournament, then itself
a revival in England, had reached an advanced stage of decadence,
and that the materials available for reconstruction are scanty and
uncertain, as contrasted with the ample records of the century
preceding. The Earl’s Court reproduction is stated to have been devised
by Mrs. George Cornwallis-West and Mr. Seymour Lucas, R.A., with the
technical assistance of Mr. (now Sir) Guy Laking. The stage management
of the play was in the competent hands of Mr. (now Sir) Frank R.
Benson. It is interesting to see so many historic names and titles,
corresponding with those of Tudor times, borne by the jousters at
Earl’s Court. The rôle of Marshal of the Lists was sustained by Lord
Lonsdale, and the judges were Lords Shrewsbury and Talbot, Essex, and
Dudley, with Major-General Brocklehurst. The Queen of Beauty was the
Viscountess Curzon.
The procession to the arena was headed by trumpeters and four
pursuivants, marching on foot; then rode the marshal, armed at all
points, with the herald (Sir F. R. Benson). The four judges, clad in
black robes, followed, their esquire (Sir Guy Laking) bearing the
umpire’s bâton. After their entry into the lists the trumpets again
sounded and the Queen of Beauty, with her train of maidens, all mounted
on palfreys, gaily decorated with roses, each led by a henchman, rode
into the arena. The Queen was attended by an esquire, and her palfrey
was caparisoned in silk. She was clad in a ruff, a robe sparkling with
diamonds, and a long mantle.
[Illustration: _PLATE XII_
THE COMTE DE CHAROLAIS, AS REPRESENTED AT BRUSSELS IN 1905]
[Illustration: JEAN DE CLÈVES, AS REPRESENTED AT BRUSSELS IN 1905]
The knights were arranged in trios, each cavalier preceded by an
esquire, bearing his lance, and followed by other esquires. The
first champion was the Duke of Marlborough; his motto was _Fiel pero
desdichado_, his colours a dark blue, and his proof armour was etched
with gold. The second was Lord Craven; his motto was _Virtus in actione
consistet_, his colours green, and he wore the famous armour made for
Philip II of Spain. Lord Compton completed the first trio, and his
motto was _Je ne cherche qu’un_. The second trio followed, and all did
homage to the Queen of Beauty, now seated on her throne. The herald
then proclaimed that the six knights would joust at the tilt, for a
rich and noble prize. The Lord Chrichton and the Duke of Marlborough
were the first to joust, and five courses were run by each pair. On
completion the verdict of the Queen of Beauty was that the Duke had
well jousted, but that Lord Ashby St. Ledgers, whose motto was _Ferro
non gladio_, had jousted best, and he received the prize, viz. a gold
cup of the value of £600, from her hands. The tilt was then removed and
a _mêlée_ followed, in which twelve knights were engaged. There was, of
course, a banquet in the evening followed by a dance.
There was also a revival at Rome.
There now only remains the judicial duel to be described, an
institution which had much affinity with the tournament, and which,
indeed, formed an integral part of it, both in sentiment and fact. This
important branch of the subject is dealt with at some length in the
next chapter.
FOOTNOTES:
[191] Chapter X, 1.
[192] Chapter XIII.
[193] Without a tilt.
[194] The term “tourney” is very frequently employed by chroniclers to
express the mêlée, though also often applied in a general sense.
[195] _Waffenkunde_, Fig. 631.
[196] Monstrelet, _Continuation_, Chap. CCXXXIX.
[197] _Arch. Journ._, LV, 306.
[198] Reinforcing pieces.
[199] Without a tilt.
[200] _Chronicles_, III, 605.
[201] See Appendix A.
[202] _Archæological Journal_, LV, 302.
[203] Hall’s _Chronicle_, p. 513.
[204] Hall, 516.
[205] The italics are ours.
[206] Disallowed?
[207] Created Duke of Suffolk in 1514.
[208] Father of Anne.
[209] Hall’s _Chronicle_, p. 516.
[210] _Arch. Journ._, LV, 338.
[211] Hall’s _Chronicle_, 520.
[212] Hall’s _Chronicle_, 533.
[213] _Ibid._ 564.
[214] Holinshed, III, 609.
[215] _Ibid._ III, 613.
[216] _Ibid._ III, 625.
[217] _Ibid._ III, 636.
[218] Margaret Tudor, afterwards married to the sixth Earl of Douglas.
[219] Hall, 584.
[220] Probably the same meeting mentioned by Holinshed under 1519.
[221] _Ibid._ 591.
[222] See Appendix B.
[223] Another account says that on that day the two kings preferred to
look on.
[224] See Appendix A.
[225] _Archæologia_, LXIII, 32.
[226] _Harleian Miscellany_, X, 306.
[227] Afterwards Duke of Northumberland.
[228] The famous minister of Philip II.
[229] See Ashmolean, MS. 845, 171a; and Harl. MS., Codex 69, Art. 20.
[230] _Archæological Journal_, LXI, 304.
[231] The duties of “pursuivants d’armes” are given by Sainte-Palaye
in his _Mémoires sur L’Ancienne Chevalerie_ (I, 32), and among them
is that of registering the scores, “_＆ afin de n’en point perdre la
mémoire, on y portoit des tablettes pour enregistrer les faits ＆ les
circonstances les plus remarquables_.”
[232] “He that on horsebacke directeth his Launce at the head, is more
to be praised, than he that toucheth lower. For the higher the Launce
hitteth, the greater is the Runners commendation.”
[233] Harl. MS. 326, fol. 113 vᵒ.
[234] _Archæologia_, Vol. LXIII.
[235] _Archæological Journal_, LXI, 305.
[236] The Continuation of the _Chronicles of England_, by John Stow and
others.
[237] The Prince Dauphin, not the Dauphin of France.
[238] Continuation Holinshed, IV, 645.
[239] _Archæological Journal_, LXI, 305.
[240] _Ibid._
[241] _Ivanhoe_ was published in 1820.
[242] A short account of the _pas d’armes_ of 1452 is given in our
Chapter V.
[243] The _Armorial_ was written a little before 1467, and, through the
Princess Maria, the Order of the Golden Fleece was transferred to the
Courts of Austria and Spain.
CHAPTER VIII
TRIAL BY COMBAT, ITS SCOPE AND HISTORY
Curiously interlinked with the procedure of the law courts, forming,
indeed, an integral part of the law of the land, was the judicial duel;
an institution applying to both civil and criminal jurisdiction.
It was allowed in certain cases, such as on a civil writ of right for
the recovery of land, and in criminal charges of treason or felony
on an appellant making a sworn declaration before a judge. This law,
though falling greatly into disuse after the reign of Queen Elizabeth,
remained on the statute book until early in the nineteenth century.
Among the Ashmolean, Harleian and Cottonian MSS. are many tracts,
treatises and other documents relating to the laws and manner of
conducting judicial duels, with other matter concerning these combats;
and abstracts from the MSS. are given in Appendices E, F, and G,
respectively.
The custom of trial by combat or legal duel, the ordeal of battle,
was introduced into England by the Normans.[244] As far as can be
ascertained it was unknown to the Anglo-Saxons, though the ordeal of
hot water appears in one of Ine’s laws;[245] and, indeed, trial by
ordeal appears repeatedly among the laws of the Anglo-Saxon kings. The
principle involved was the same in both cases, viz. that the Almighty
would not remain indifferent when solemnly invoked, but would intervene
miraculously so that the ends of justice might be furthered. The
simple faith of the times would act as a deterrent to appeals to the
judgment of God and would thus tend to limit the number of cases. The
consciousness of innocence or guilt would also contribute towards the
vindication of the cause of justice in actual combat.
The proofs by fire and water (_vulgaris purgatio_), holding, carrying
or walking over hot iron or heated plough-shares (_ferri candentis
judicium_), being thrown into deep water, bound hand and foot, may be
said roughly to have preceded that by judicial combat; but they form
quite another and earlier branch of the subject. The number of cases
given in history of these earlier forms of ordeal which defendants are
stated to have passed through triumphantly is considerable, but most of
them must surely be either apocryphal, or the intensity of the ordeals
themselves was much exaggerated.
Ordeal by combat is found among the laws of nearly all the German
tribes; and it flourished greatly in France until cases of more than
suspected miscarriage of justice brought it into disrepute. An edict
passed at Lyons in the year 501 established the institution as a
regular form of trial. It appears among the ancient laws of the Swedes
and Lombards.
In civil cases a claimant would declare that some ancestor of his had
been in seisin of certain property but had been unlawfully deprived of
it by another, and he would offer battle to the “tenant,” as the owner
was then called, for its restitution, by the body of a champion. The
tenant, or defendant, could then choose between an appeal to the Grand
Assize, an inquest where the question of right is determined by the
verdict of neighbours,[246] in which institution may be traced the germ
of the more modern jury; or to the ordeal of battle, in his own body
or by champion. No one was compelled to defend his seisin of a free
tenement by battle, though a claimant could offer combat in the lists,
which, however, might be refused by a defendant. When a civil court
ordered a combat it was fought on foot in a small circular or oblong
enclosure, similar to that used in the foot-fighting, with shields
and staves (bastons) at a _pas d’armes_ of the fifteenth century.
The course of procedure in criminal cases for the most part differed
widely from that followed in civil cases and was under quite another
jurisdiction; and it largely consisted of accusations made against the
honour of certain persons, or of alleged treason. It was customary
for an accuser to justify his charge by an offer of single combat in
the lists, “God showing the right”; and such a mode of settlement was
greatly in unison with the chivalric spirit of the age. To bring such
a matter to an issue an accuser offered battle by throwing down his
glove, which when lifted by a defendant signified that the challenge
was accepted. The king was appealed to, and, in the event of the case
being remitted to the ordeal of battle, he assigned the place and day
for the combat. He further, in consultation with the constable and
marshal, decided on the preliminaries, the conditions of battle to be
observed being regulated in accordance with fixed ordinances, which in
England were drawn up by the constable for the time being. The combat
would be on horseback, fighting _à outrance_, with lance and sword, in
lists similar to those erected for the tourney. Charges of homicide
or murder might in this country be remitted to the ordeal of battle,
with shields and bastons and in civil garments. Should an accused or
claimant fail to appear in the lists on the day appointed he could be
outlawed.
The judicial duel may be regarded as the prototype or parent of the
chivalrous duel on foot at a _pas d’armes_.
The custom never took deep root in England, though during the reign
of King Henry II, when the monarchy had become more settled, and in
the times of his immediate successors Richard and John, disputes
relating to the possession of land were very rife, greatly owing to
the fact that so many manors and smaller holdings had been forcibly
and illegally riven from their rightful owners in the preceding reigns
since the Conquest, by the barons and their adherents. The ordinary
law courts experienced great difficulty in dealing with them on the
principles set forth in the written statutes, which then as always
inclined to favour the man in possession; and the rough and ready
settlement by combat was ordered, more especially in cases where there
was a hopeless conflict of testimony between litigants and no means of
getting at the truth by the evidence of any living witnesses.
The actual number of judicial duels would seem to have been small in
England, for in the great majority of cases before the courts the
judges managed to declare that there should be no combat.
Certain persons were excused from battle. They comprised the citizens
of London, who were exempted by charter; the clergy; “_sexagenarii_”;
and “those blind by accident after issue joined.”[247] Women were not
exempted by law and, indeed, sometimes fought.
The early ordinances, forms and manner of carrying out this
singular institution in practice in England are given in _Origines
Juridiciales_.[248]
A short and imperfect summary follows on these pages:
TRIAL BY COMBAT IN CIVIL CASES
In cases where this mode of trial for the possession of certain lands
or other property was allowed by the court, and a combat followed, the
further tenure of a holding in question would depend solely on the
principle of battle, without any later appeal to the Grand Assize being
permissible.
Before a trial by combat could be sanctioned the claimant in the suit
was summoned before the court with his champion, who, once fixed upon,
could not be changed, unless in the case of his “natural death” taking
place in the interval before battle; but should he die “by his own
fault, the lord shall lose his Sute.”
The defendant might either defend his cause in person or fight by
deputy; but should he elect to be represented by champion and the one
chosen should die in the interim it would become a question to be
argued before the court as to whether or not the defendant should be
allowed to appoint another in his place. The challenger or demandant
was not allowed to fight in person.
Should the defendant, the “tenant,” be vanquished in the fight, then
“the lord shall lose the land and the claimant shall have it”; but it
often happened that a champion had been hired for some fee or reward,
and if this should be proved the principal would lose his suit. Some
particulars are given of a case of this kind[249] “betwixt Thomas
fitz Hugh de Staunton and the prior of Lenton for the advousen of
the church of Harlaston, in Northamptonshire.” Both parties to the
suit were represented by champion, the appellant being a churchman,
and they fought on foot in the lists, armed with bastons (i.e.
polygonally-shaped maces or cudgels of heavy wood, tipped with horn:
“basculi cornuti, bastons cornuz”).[250]
TRIAL BY COMBAT IN CASES CRIMINAL
This was conducted much on the lines of knightly usage in combats
on horseback _à outrance_, except, as already stated, in charges of
homicide or murder.
The cartel setting forth the charge, subscribed to on oath, was laid
before the judges of chivalry by the appellant, the accuser, stating
that “he was ready to maintain the same with his body.” This document
was then considered by the judges, and should combat be allowed it was
served on the accused, the defendant; and if within an interval of six
weeks he had not responded, judgment was registered against him by
default, his coat-armour being reversed or ignominiously fastened under
his horse’s tail, in disgrace.
Should the accused stand on his defence both parties were cited to
appear in the field outside the lists, which were quadrangular in form
with a gate at each end. Judgment seats were provided for the constable
and marshal, and at their feet were stationed a competent number of
experienced knights and “a doctor or two of civil laws,” all for the
advice and assistance of the court.
The appellant first came to the gate at the right end of the lists,
clad in complete armour, attended by his esquires, and the constable
and marshal demanded of him through their herald his name and purpose.
On his answering, he was conducted into the lists by a knight and
herald and placed before the judgment seat on the right hand. A similar
course of procedure was adopted towards the defendant, who was placed
facing the accuser on the left hand.
The choice of the weapons stipulated in the cartel lay with the
defendant, and the advisory knights inspected and measured them for
both sides, so that there might be no inequality in that respect
between the parties; and the knights must answer for it that there be
no enchantment or magic practised on either side.
It was then demanded of the principals if their purpose held, and they
affirmed the same, laying their hands on the Evangelists. The appellant
then briefly rehearsed the terms of the cartel of defiance, making oath
as to its truth, after which the defendant affirmed also on oath his
denial of the charge.
These preliminaries over the parties prepared for battle, which was
to continue from sunrise to sunset; the herald crys, “Let them goe
together,” and the onset is sounded by trumpet call.
Should the appellant not overcome the defendant during the day the
latter was deemed guiltless, and the procurator of the constable and
marshal publicly proclaimed the fact: but to secure what was termed
“a perfect victory,” a confession of guilt by one of the parties was
necessary. The cartel was then sealed with the common seal in testimony
that the combat had duly taken place, and all the legal formalities
been observed.
A picture of a legal duel on a murder charge, of the reign of Henry
III, has been preserved, and the names of the combatants are written
upon it. It has been reproduced by Hewitt in _Ancient Armour and
Weapons of War_,[251] and the parties are represented fighting. A
gallows is depicted in the group with the vanquished combatant hanging
from it. This was no knightly battle—the champions fought on foot in
their civil dresses of leather or cloth, bare-headed, with quadrangular
bowed shields, and bastons garnished at their heads with spurs, like
those of a pick.
Rules and ordinances for the regulation of judicial combats in France
were promulgated by Phillip IV, surnamed le Bel. An abridged account of
them follows:—[252]
Four things to be established before the Gage of Battle may be adjudged.
1. The institution applies to grave suspicion in cases
of murder, manslaughter, treason or the like offences.
2. Every true man if he knows himself to be accused to
present himself before the court without waiting to
be cited or summoned.
3. That no gage be granted for accusations of theft or robbery.
4. On a gage of battle being granted the appellant
to furnish particulars as to where the alleged
wicked deed was done, the name of the party dead; or full
details of the treason alleged to have been committed.
Should the judge allow the combat the advocate of the appellant is to
lay the case before the court in sober terms; but should the defendant
deny the charge the appellant must say that, although he cannot prove
it by witnesses or other evidence, yet he can avouch it in his own body
or by another for him, in an enclosed field in presence of the king.
The appellant is to throw down his glove and retain counsel for arms,
horse, etc., necessary for the gage of battle. The defendant may reply
to the accusation that the appellant has falsely and maliciously lied;
and that in his defence, by the help of God and our Lady, he will
avouch his innocence with his body or by some other for him; and that
he will be ready on the day and at the place fixed upon for the combat.
Then he is to take up the gage thrown down by the appellant, and a
decision will be given by the count as to whether trial by battle will
be allowed or not.
If recourse to a duel be permitted the parties will swear to be on the
ground on the day appointed; the combat to be overlooked by wise and
honest men, clerks, knights, and esquires, without favour to either
party; but should either appellant or defendant fail to keep his tryst
he shall be proclaimed recreant, and afterwards arrested.
Regulations as to the procedure for the combat follows:—the parties to
bring sustenance for themselves and their horses for the day; the lists
to be 40 paces in width by 80 in length, and within them two pavilions
are to be pitched for the use and comfort of the combatants. The herald
is to come on horseback to the gate and to cry three times; firstly,
before the arrival of the appellant; secondly, when the combatants have
entered the lists; and thirdly, when they have taken their oaths. The
appellant should be first in the field on the day of battle, before the
hour of noon; the defendant not later than four in the afternoon. The
parties make their affirmations and the sign of the cross, and appear
before the stand on which the judge is seated, and he commands them to
raise the visors of their helmets, after which they return to their
pavilions. The herald, after having called them for the third time,
motions them to kneel before a table on which a crucifix and missal
are placed, when a priest admonishes them; and the marshal takes off
their right-hand gauntlets and hangs them on the arms of the cross. The
combatants then mount their horses, the pavilions are removed from the
lists, and the marshal cries, “Gentlemen doe your Deuoire,” throwing
down his glove, and the combat begins.
The body of the vanquished, dead or alive, shall be delivered by the
judge to the marshal, his points cut and armour cast piecemeal in the
lists, and his horse and armour shall appertain to the constable and
marshal of the field. The victor shall depart honourably from the
lists, on horseback.
Ashmole MS., No. 764, p. 7, furnishes the following:—“_De la droite
ordonnance du Gaige de Bataille par tout le royaume de France Philipe
par la grace de Dieu Roy de France a touz ceulx qui ces presentes
lettres verront salut._” This letter of King Philip IV, written in
1306, limits the practice of wager of battle, and is prefixed to
regulations for the whole course of the combat (44-54 b).
In Favine’s _Theatre of Honour and Knighthood_,[253] rendered into
English in 1622, judicial duels are thus defined:—“It was the custome
of our auncient French to vndertake the hazard of armes and combat, to
justifie themselues in an Accusation, fordged against their honour and
good fame; and to sustaine the truth of some iust cause, whereof the
proofes were doubtfull, yea, wholly hid and concealed.” In France the
oaths were administered over the bones and relics of saints and martyrs.
In _La Vie de Bertrand Du Guesclin_[254] is an account of a singular
legal duel between Jews, named Daniot and Turquant, which took place in
Spain; and the narration aptly illustrates the superstitious character
of the times and country. These Jews were accused of assassinating
Blanche de Bourbon at night in her bed; and on being charged with
the crime Daniot averred that he had not entered the bed-chamber of
the princess at all, and had done his best to prevent Turquant from
committing the murder. This Turquant denied on oath, stating that his
accomplice had taken an equal part with himself in causing the death
of the princess. On hearing of this direct conflict of testimony
Bertrand Du Guesclin is stated to have suggested a judicial duel in
the lists (_champ-clos_) between the parties, and this having been
assented to the fight duly took place. The combatants, who were well
mounted and in complete armour, fought with swords, and after some
severe passages Turquant wounded Daniot in the arm so severely that he
was incapacitated from further combat, owing mainly to the loss of so
much blood. The _coup de mort_ was about to be given to the vanquished
champion and a confession of his guilt demanded when just at that
moment a thick cloud appeared above the heads of the combatants, and
issuing from it a flash of lightning struck them both dead.
Among the Monstrelet illustrations is a picture of a highly improbable
judicial duel between a man and a dog, the man being accused of
murdering the dog’s master. The picture was copied from an ancient
painting which hung in the great hall of the Castle of Montargis, and
is supposed to picture an event recorded by Colombière in _Theatre
d’Honneur et de Chevalerie_. The fight is stated to have taken place
in the reign of Charles V of France (1364-1380).[255] The scene
represents the duel in progress within a large circular enclosure or
lists, around which are galleries and promenades like a theatre, the
numerous spectators being richly dressed nobles and ladies. Companies
of soldiers are on guard and there is a large band of trumpeters. The
defendant is clad in a leather jerkin, torn in places, and slashed
drawers; he is armed with a baston or club and a large circular shield.
The dog, a large staghound, is seen gripping the murderer by the
throat, and justice is vindicated.
“On the seuenth of June 1380 a combat was fought afore the kings
palace at Westminster, on the pauement there, betwixt one sir John
Anneslie knight, and one Thomas Katrington esquire; the occasion of
which strange and notable triall rose hereof. The knight accused the
esquire of treason, for that which the fortresse of saint Sauior within
the Ile of Constantine in Normandie, belonging sometime to sir John
Chandois, had béene committed to the said Katrington, as capteine
thereof, to keepe it against the enemies, he had for monie sold and
deliuered it ouer to the Frenchmen, when he was suffientlie prouided
with men, munition and vittels, to have defended it against them: and
sith the inheritance of that fortresse and landes belonging thereto,
had apperteined to the said Annerslie in right of his wife, as néerest
cousine by affiniti vnto sir John Chandois, if by the false conueiance
of the said Katrington, it had not beene made awaie, and alienated
into the enemies hands: he offered therefore to trie the quarrell by
combat, against the said Katrington, wherevpon was the same Katrington
apprehended, and put in prison, but shortlie after set at libertie
againe.” It was decided to try the case by combat, and the constable
and marshal were duly notified. Lists were erected and crowds assembled
on the day appointed to witness the fight. On being called three times
by the herald-at-arms the parties entered the lists for fighting, and
the articles of combat were publicly read, and after each had been duly
sworn the fight commenced “first with speares, after with swords, and
lastlie with daggers. They fought long till finallie the knight had
bereft the esquire of all his weapons, and at length the esquire was
manfull overthrowned by the knight,” who was declared the conqueror.
The esquire died soon after from his hurts. The king was present at the
fight.[256]
Mr. Hewitt[257] describes a legal duel of the reign of King Richard
II, between a chevalier of Navarre and an English esquire, which is
figured in Cotton MS., Nero, D VI. The engraving has been reproduced
in Strutt’s _Regal Antiquities_.[258] Holinshed gives an account of
the duel, as taking place in 1384, between John Walsh or Wallis and an
esquire of Navarre named Martilet; the charge being that the former
had forced the wife of the latter. Martilet was slain, his body drawn,
hanged and beheaded.
Froissart describes a judicial duel which took place at Paris in the
year 1386, in the reign of Charles VI of France, between the Chevaliers
Jean de Carouge and Jacques le Gris, both knights of the household
of the Comte d’Alençon. Owing to the singular nature of the charge
the event caused a great stir at the time and drew a multitude of
spectators from far and near. De Carouge leaving France to take part
in the crusade in Palestine, his young and handsome wife, a modest and
virtuous dame, awaited his return in their strong castle of Argenteil.
Jacques le Gris having conceived an unlawful passion for the lady
determined to gratify it during the absence of her lord. He paid a
visit to the castle one morning and was received by the lady with all
honour as being a companion at arms of her husband; and was being shown
over it when he asked to see the dungeon. She suspecting no evil, took
him down to it alone, when he suddenly locked the door, took advantage
of her and forced her. On the return of de Carouge from the Holy Land
his wife complained to him of the outrage, which was solemnly denied by
the defendant; and the husband called together his friends and kindred
to advise with them as to his proper course of action. Parliament was
applied to, and a combat to the death between the parties was arranged
to take place, de Carouge to act as champion for his wife, le Gris
to defend his honour in his own person. Lists were erected at Paris
behind the Temple, together with accommodation for the vast number of
spectators expected to be present. King Charles was at Sluys at the
time superintending the arrangements for a contemplated invasion of
England, but he hurried back to Paris to sit as umpire on the occasion.
On the day of battle the two knights entered the lists, with their
sponsors, armed at all points; and the onset was sounded for a joust
_à outrance_, which was run without hurt to either party. They then
dismounted and attacked each other with swords. De Carouge was first
wounded in the thigh, but continued fighting and at length passed his
sword through the body of his adversary, killing him instantly. The
body of le Gris was delivered over to the common hangman by the marshal
and dragged to Montfauçon, where it was gibbeted.
Juvenal des Ursins, in _Histoire de Charles VI_,[259] also gives an
account of this duel, which differs materially from that of Froissart,
and is more likely to be correct. It states that when the vanquished
knight lay wounded on the ground and when de Carouge was about to
administer the _coup de grâce_ he demanded a confession of guilt, but
le Gris with his last breath solemnly asseverated his denial of the
crime; and innocent he was later proved to be, for some time afterwards
another person on his death-bed confessed to having committed the
outrage. The motive of the lady in charging the wrong person is not
apparent. The duel is also described in _Les Annales de France_.
In 1398 the Dukes of Hereford and Norfolk accused each other of
treason, and a duel took place between them, though King Richard had in
vain tried to reconcile them. Holinshed gives the following account of
this combat:—“The duke of Aumarle was that daie high constable and the
duke of Surrie marshal, and they entered vnto the lists with a great
companie of men apparelled in silke sendall, imbrodered with siluer
both richlie and curouslie, euerie man hauing a tipped staffe to keepe
the feeld in order. About the houre of prime came to the barriers of
the listes, the duke of Hereford, mounted on a white courser, barded
with gréene and blew veluet imbrodered sumptuouslie with swans and
antelops of goldsmiths worke, armed at all points. The constable and
marshall came to the barrier, demanding of him what he was, he answered
‘I am Henrie of Lancaster, duke of Hereford which am come hither to
doo endeuer against Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, as a traitor
vnto God, the king, his realme, and me.’ Then he entered the listes,
and descended from his horse, and set him down in a chaire of greene
veluet, at the one end of the lists, and there reposed himself, abiding
the comming of his aduesarie.” King Richard then entered the lists with
great pomp “accompanied with all the péeres of the realm,” and took
his seat upon the tribune. “After him entered the Duke of Norfolk,
his horse barded in crimcon velvet, embroidered with lions in silver
and mulberry trees,” and he took his seat in a chair, “which was of
crimosen veluet, courtined about with white and red damaske.” The
herald then gave the signal for the combat to begin, but the course
proved abortive, and the king cast his bâton, the heralds crying “Ho,
Ho.” A council was then held by the king resulting in both dukes being
banished the realm.[260]
TRIAL BY COMBAT IN GERMANY[261]
Application had to be made by an appellant to the civic authority of a
town before a judicial duel could take place, and this having been done
the following answer would be given:—
“We have received your letter and are very sorry to see that your
hearts are so moved with rancour and hatred as you seem to bear to
one another. In which regard we pray you that you would desist from
combat if it may be; and that you would end your quarrels by the way of
mildness and gentleness without the adventuring of handy strokes and
without shedding human blood. Consent to our request, and so much the
rather because we entreat you most instantly.”
Should the demand for a trial by combat be still persisted in the
following answer was returned:—
“Seeing that you still persist in your hatred and challenge, and that
the way of gentleness can take no course of kindness between you, we
do order and appoint that you shall appear on such a day before us to
hear the ground and subject of your quarrel, wherein we mean to do you
justice.”
A day may then be assigned for the combat if it be allowed.
The preliminaries and regulations are similar to those which prevailed
in France and England, with, however, the difference that in each
of the pavilions pitched in the lists for the accommodation of the
combatants, a bier, a coffin, four candles and a shroud for the dead
were placed; and both the appellant and defendant were confessed by a
priest. If not slain the party vanquished remained infamous for the
rest of his life; he was never allowed participation in aught knightly,
and his beard was to be kept close-shaven.[262]
Trials by combat in Germany were more complex and far-reaching than was
the case in France and England, and the weapons employed in conducting
them more varied and specialized in character.
A paper was read on February 20th, 1840, before the Society of
Antiquaries, London, by Mr. R. L. Pearsall,[263] entitled, “Some
Observations on Judicial Duels, as practised in Germany”; a short
résumé of which follows here. The paper is largely based upon a
curious manuscript of the year 1400, in the Royal Library at Munich,
containing some text and a number of wood-cuts on vellum, representing
various forms of duel in Germany. The work is by Paulus Kall “Master of
Defence”[264] to the then Duke of Bavaria; and the illustrations refer
to judicial and perhaps other duels as practised in the Fatherland
about the end of the fourteenth century, as well as to some others of
a still earlier period. This MS., together with others at Munich and
Gotha, references to which Mr. Pearsall has omitted to give, form the
ground-work of his paper.
Strange though it may seem, the legal duel was resorted to as a court
of appeal in extreme cases of quarrels and accusations between man
and wife; and Fig. 2 in Paulus Kall’s book affords an illustration of
the manner in which such combats were conducted. It depicts a man,
bare-headed, buried in a pit up to his loins, holding a short staff
in his right hand, the left arm bound to his side. The woman is clad
in her chemise only, which is bound together below the middle by a
lace passing between the legs; the right sleeve of the garment extends
beyond the hand “_ein dunne Elle_” in a bag which contains a stone,
and this constitutes her weapon of attack. At first sight the combat
would appear to be an unequal one. It might be thought for a moment
that the wood-cut had been conceived in a humorous sense, but there is
no doubt whatever that such duels did really take place in Germany,
though cases of the kind were probably comparatively rare after the
twelfth century; and, indeed, Mr. Pearsall had not been able to find
any record of an actual combat of the kind later than the year 1200,
when a man and his wife are stated to have fought under the sanction
of the civic authorities at Bâle. We may take it, however, from other
evidence that the practice continued up to the close of the fourteenth
century and perhaps even later. Reference is made in the paper to a
book of drawings, also at Munich, executed as late as the end of the
fifteenth century, among which is a representation of such a duel,
though possibly traditional in character. The man here is depicted as
buried up to the waist in a tub; he wears a skull-cap, and is armed in
the same manner as shown in the other drawing, with a short staff, the
left arm tied to his side. The woman is fully dressed and in the act
of swinging a weapon which looks like a sling, in which is a stone.
Mr. Pearsall further refers to “an ancient codex of defence” in the
library at Gotha, one of the drawings depicting a duel between a man
and his wife, the former fighting from a tub; and the man is shown
to have vanquished the woman and drawn her into the tub headforemost,
in which she appears with her legs kicking in the air. This incident
explains why the chemise, as shown on Fig. 2 of Kall’s work, was tied
with a lace between the legs; and that wood-cut also illustrates the
mode of action on the part of the duelists in attack and defence. The
woman’s weapon is thus seen not to be a sling at all, but one similar
in principle to the extended sleeve with a bag at the end in which is a
stone; the object being to inflict a swinging blow on her opponent, who
parries with his staff. Another cut, the source of which Mr. Pearsall
does not mention, represents a more deadly form of duel between a man
and a woman, who fight bare-headed and naked to the girdle, with small
falchions, like knives; and wounds are shown on both their persons.
A singular form of duel, pictured in Paulus Kall’s book, is that with
“_shilts_,” used as weapons both of attack and defence, sometimes
alone, and at others in conjunction with daggers held in the disengaged
hand. To judge from the wood-cuts this great oblong shield is about 4½
feet long by about 18 inches broad; and though the examples depicted
differ somewhat, they are all garnished at the head, foot, and sides
with a greater or less number of projecting spears or spurs, for
the purposes of attack. The combatants are wearing greyish-brown
tight-fitting dresses and hoods; the faces, hands and legs are left
bare. The preliminaries completed, the duelists are conducted into the
lists by an official; each combatant brings a bier and is accompanied
by his relations and a confessor. The principals are then sworn, their
weapons handed to them, and the onset sounded. It would appear from the
surrounding details and the character of the officials concerned, that
this form of duel appertained to members of the privileged class.
A fourth kind of duel was fought with spiked clubs (or more usually
with swords) and “_der Hutt_,” a shield formed like a hat; and Kall’s
wood-cut pictures the duelists as being clad in garments of cloth.
The shields vary in size from very small to very large, the latter
kind being employed in conjunction with spiked clubs, the former with
swords. Another form of duel is with the “_streit-axt_” (_bec de
faucon_), the variety of battle-axe with a hammer on one side of the
head and a spike, like that of a pick, on the other. Here the champions
fight in complete armour; and besides axes they carry swords and
daggers. In the Gotha codex is a drawing entitled, “_Dass ist wie sich
ainer versorgen sol der zu gewapenter Hand fechten sol_,” meaning that
this is the equipment for a duel with gauntlets. The duelist is shown
as being anointed with oil by his armourer preparatory to combat; and
the items of his body-armour stand ready to be put on in their turn.
Some of the wood-cuts in Paulus Kall’s work afford representations of
such duels; and the text furnishes directions as to how they were to be
conducted. It was from this kind of legal duel, more especially, that
combats on foot in the lists at a _pas d’armes_ had their origin.