{GEORGE III. 1801–1806}
Commencement of the Union with Ireland..... Meeting of
Parliament..... Resignation of Mr. Pitt, &c. The New
Ministry..... Motion for an Inquiry into the State of the
Nation..... Parliamentary Measures..... War with the
Northern Powers..... Dissolution of the Northern
Confederacy..... Expedition to Egypt..... Affairs on the
Continent..... Naval Operations..... Treaty of Amiens.....
Meeting of Parliament..... Parliamentary Measures.....
Preparations for Hostility..... Meeting of the New
Parliament..... Trial of Colonel Despard.....
Parliamentary Proceedings..... Act to Relieve Catholics,
&c. War Proclaimed with France..... The Causes for the
renewal of War with France..... War with Holland.....
Militia Bill, &c. Financial Measures..... Prorogation
of Parliament..... Insurrection in Ireland..... Letter of
the Prince of Wales..... Movements of the French..... Naval
Conquests..... East India Affairs..... Meeting of
Parliament.
COMMENCEMENT OF THE UNION WITH IRELAND.
{A.D. 1801}
On the 1st of January a royal proclamation was issued, concerning the
style and titles appertaining to the imperial crown of Great Britain and
Ireland; and also to the ensigns, armorial flags, and banners thereof.
The regal title was thus expressed:—“George the Third, by the Grace of
God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland King,
Defender of the Faith.” The great seal was made in conformity with the
alterations made in the titles and arms. In the new heraldic arrangement
the _fleur de lis_ was omitted, and the title of the King of France
wisely expunged. The arms or ensigns armorial were ordered to be
quarterly:—first and fourth England, second Scotland, third Ireland.
In honour of the union, many new titles were conferred on the Irish
nobility, and several of them were created peers of the United Kingdom.
MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
The first imperial parliament was opened by commission on the 22nd of
January. The king did not meet his parliament till the 2nd of February,
when, in his speech from the throne, after adverting to the happy
accomplishment of the union, and to the adverse course of events on
the continent, he announced a fresh storm in the north. The court of
Petersburgh, he said, had proceeded to commit outrages against the
ships, property, and persons of his subjects; and a convention had been
concluded by that court with those of Copenhagen and Stockholm, by
which they were engaged to re-establish a new code of maritime law,
inconsistent with the rights and hostile to the best interests of the
country. His majesty stated that he had taken the earliest measures
to repel the aggressions of this confederacy, and he called upon both
houses of parliament to afford him the aid required in the emergency.
The debates which ensued were of an interesting character. In both
houses opposition recommended conciliatory measures; and some even
proposed the suspension of the right of search we claimed at sea, or a
tacit assent to the principles of the armed neutrality, on the ground
that terrible consequences would attend the closing of the corn-ports on
the Baltic in this season of scarcity. In the upper house an amendment
to the address was moved by Earl Fitzwilliam; but on a division the
address was carried. Mr. Grey was the chief opposer of the address in
the commons; he likewise moved an amendment; but the address was there
carried by a majority of one hundred and eighty-two. Preparations were,
therefore, now made for sending the British fleet into the Baltic; and
this, it will be seen, together with the death of the Czar Paul, soon
put an end to this coalition.
RESIGNATION OF MR. PITT, ETC.
In bringing about the union of England and Ireland, Pitt had given
assurances to the Irish Catholics of a complete participation in
political privileges, as soon as that union should take place. This
proposition was submitted to the cabinet-council, some of the members of
which expressed their dissent to the measure. But its chief opposer was
the king, who alleged that the coronation oath precluded his compliance
with a scheme which might endanger the ecclesiastical establishment.
Under these circumstances Pitt felt bound to retire from the
administration; for although his majesty promised not to use his
influence in obstructing the progress of the measure through parliament,
it was manifest, that as he was known to be adverse to it, there would
be no chance of success. On the resignation of Mr. Pitt, his majesty
entrusted the formation of a new cabinet to Mr. Addington, who resigned
his post for that purpose. On account of financial arrangements,
however, and the difficulty of settling the new appointments, Mr. Pitt
consented to remain at his post a little longer. His majesty a few days
after was taken ill; and it appears that his indisposition was a return
of his former malady, brought on by the Catholic question and the
resignation of the premier. This caused him to remain at his post still
longer, and then further delay was occasioned. On the 18th of February
the house resolved itself into a committee of supply. The sum required
was £42,197,000 of which Ireland was to pay £4,324,000, and England
the remainder. To raise this, recourse was had to the old system:
£25,000,000 was borrowed, and the rest was raised by taxes, some of
which were newly imposed. Besides the money borrowed for England, it
was found necessary to borrow about £2,500,000 for Ireland. These
resolutions being agreed to, with some slight alterations, Pitt, on
the 14th of March, resigned office; and he was accompanied in his
resignation by Dunclas, Earl Spencer, Lord Grenville, and Windham; and
other changes took place shortly after. In the lords, the reasons of
their resignation were thuss given by Lord Grenville:—“We wished that
the benefits of the union should be rendered as great and extensive as
possible, by the removal of certain disabilities under which a great
portion of the inhabitants of Ireland laboured. Imagining that this
measure could only be effectual by coming from the executive government,
we felt it our duty to propose it to those who direct his majesty’s
councils: it was not deemed eligible, and we were unable to prevail. As
our opinion of its policy remained unaltered, and we still think this
measure alone capable of establishing the tranquillity and prosperity of
the empire on a permanent basis, we consider ourselves bound to retire.
Accordingly we have tendered to his majesty the resignation of our
several employments, and he has been graciously pleased to dispense with
our services.” By Pitt’s enemies it was said, that his delicacy about
his pledged faith to the Irish, and his sense of the justice and
expediency of granting Catholic emancipation were but pretexts; and that
the real cause of his resignation was the tardy conviction that he had
involved the country in a labyrinth from which he had not the power to
extricate it—being too weak to carry on the war, and too proud to make
peace with the French. These imaginings were not founded in justice.
Pitt, up to the period of the union, had uniformly opposed Catholic
emancipation; but he now thought conscientiously that it ought to be
carried into effect, in order to make the union complete. As for being
dismayed at the hostile array in the north or in any part of Europe, it
does not appear at all probable. Almost the last words of Pitt before he
resigned office were full of hope and confidence: “he was convinced,”
he said, “that the British fleet would, with one blow, shatter the
coalition of the north.” There is no reason, in truth, for doubting the
word of Pitt that the question of Catholic emancipation was the real
cause of his resignation. How far he was implicated in the question, and
to what extent he stood pledged, is not fully known; but that was the
rock on which Pitt’s ministry foundered their bark.
THE NEW MINISTRY.
The new ministry when formed consisted of Mr. Addington, first lord
of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer, the Duke of Portland,
president of the council; Lord Eldon, chancellor; Earl St. Vincent,
first lord of the admiralty; the Earl of Chatham, master general of
the ordnance; Lord Pelham, secretary for the home department; Lord
Hawkesbury, secretary for foreign affairs; Lord Hobart, secretary for
the colonies; Viscount Lewisham, president of the board of control for
the affairs of India; Mr. Yorke, secretary of war, &c. In this general
change, indeed, the Duke of Portland and Lord Westmoreland alone
retained their seats in the cabinet, the former as president of the
council, the latter as lord privy seal. The sentiments which the new
ministry maintained were made known by Lord Grenville in his explanation
before mentioned. After commenting on the effect of past exertions, his
lordship remarked:—“It is our consolation to reflect, that the same
vigorous line of conduct will be still pursued; no change of measure
will take place; but the system which has already proved so salutary
will be maintained by our successors.” This proved true; although some
supposed that they would seek peace, it was soon discovered that war
was to be continued. Addington professed anti-warlike sentiments, but he
found there was no alternative but to continue the contest.
MOTION FOR AN INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION.
A motion was made both in the lords and the commons, soon after the
reassembling of parliament, for instituting an inquiry into the state
of the nation. In the upper house it was moved by Lord Darnley, who
proposed such an inquiry as might point out remedies for the disorders
of the state. He was supported by the Earl of Carlisle, the Marquis
of Lansdowne, and Earl Fitzwilliam; but his motion was lost by a
considerable majority. In the commons the necessity of inquiry was
strongly urged by Mr. Grey, and ably supported by Sir William Young and
Lord Temple, but his motion shared the fate of its counterpart in
the upper house. The debate was chiefly remarkable in the commons for
calling up Pitt to defend himself and the system which he had pursued,
which he did with unanswerable argument. It was on this occasion that he
made explicit declaration of the motives which induced him to resign.
PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES.
During the sitting of this new parliament acts were passed for the
suppression of rebellion, and for the suspension of the _Habeas Corpus_
Act in Ireland, that country still remaining in a turbulent state. The
suspension of the _Habeas Corpus_ Act was continued also for England and
Scotland, and an act for preventing seditious meetings was revived. Acts
of indemnity were likewise passed in favour of all persons concerned
in the securing, imprisoning, and detaining individuals under the
suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, both in Great Britain and Ireland,
from the period when that suspension took place in the respective
countries. Various motions to the miscarriage of expeditions—to the
conduct of Admiral Lord Keith in breaking the convention of El Arish,
&c.—were made during the session, but were all negatived. Additional
supplies were demanded by Mr. Addington, and sanctioned by the house.
The session was prorogued by commission on the 3rd of July.
WAR WITH THE NORTHERN POWERS.
The late ministry had issued an order in council, dated the 14th of
January, imposing an embargo on all Russian, Swedish, and Danish vessels
in the ports of Great Britain; and preparations were also made to send a
fleet into the Sound, and to hazard all the evils likely to result from
a war, which threatened to exclude the British flag from the navigation
of the Baltic, and her commerce from the shores of the Elbe, the Embs,
the Vistula, and the Weser. On the other band, preparations were also
made by the governments of Russia, Denmark, and Sweden for the coming
strife. In the course of the spring the Danes took possession of
Hamburgh, for the alleged purpose of stopping the British trade to
that port. The King of Denmark was now likewise joined by the King of
Prussia, who seized this occasion to invade Hanover, and to reduce it
to his own dominion. As no hopes, therefore, could be entertained of the
pacification of Europe on terms honourable to Great Britain, a British
fleet, consisting of eighteen ships of the line, and four frigates,
with a number of gun-boats and bomb-vessels, were dispatched against her
enemies. This fleet proceeded from Yarmouth Roads for the Baltic, under
the command of Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, assisted by Vice-admiral Lord
Nelson and Rear-admiral Tolly. It sailed on the 12th of March, and as it
was supposed that Denmark, whose prosperity had increased considerably
during the war, might be prevailed upon to sue for forbearance; the
first efforts of the armament were directed against her capital. On
board was Mr. Vansittart, who, as minister plenipotentiary, was to seek
to detach the court of Copenhagen from the northern alliance before
proceeding to extremities. His mission, however, failed; he returned
with a report that he had left the Danish government hostile in
the highest degree to the court of Great Britain, and in a state of
preparation far exceeding what our cabinet had considered possible.
Nelson advised that no time should be lost in attacking the enemy; and
Sir Hyde Parker, who was “nervous about dark nights and fields of
ice,” having yielded to his persuasions, it was determined to force the
passage of the Sound. This was done without great loss: on the 31st of
March the fleet anchored between the isle of Huen and Copenhagen. Sir
Hyde Parker, Lord Nelson, and other officers proceeded in a lugger to
reconnoitre the enemy’s preparations, which they found to be of a very
formidable nature. Undaunted, however, by any fear of danger, Nelson
offered to lead the attack, requiring for the service ten ships of the
line, with all the smaller craft. Sir Hyde acceeded to his proposal,
adding two other ships of the line to the number demanded, and leaving
the whole business to his management. It was on the 2nd of April that
Nelson made the signal to weigh and engage the Danish line of defence.
The difficulty of the navigation and the ignorance of the pilots were so
great, that three of the ships grounded, and others were unable to
take their proper station in the line. With those, however, that could
approach the enemy, Nelson ventured an action. It commenced soon after
ten o’clock; and at one, few, if any, of the enemy’s ships had ceased to
fire, while some of the English ships had sustained much injury. Under
these circumstances, therefore, Sir Hyde Parker made a signal for
retreat. But Nelson had no idea of retreating. All the notice he took
of the signal was to give strict orders that his own signal for close
action should be kept flying, and, if necessary, nailed to the mast; and
turning to Captain Foley, he jocosely remarked: “You know I have only
one eye; I have a right sometimes to be blind:” and putting his glass
to the blind eye, he added, “Really, I don’t see the signal for recall.”
The action continued unabated for another hour; but at that time the
greater part of the enemy’s ships ceased to fire; some of the lighter
vessels were adrift, and the carnage on board their ships was dreadful
the crews having been continually re-enforced. Soon after this, the
Danish commodore’s ship took fire, and drifting in flames before the
wind, spread terror and dismay throughout their line. The ships ahead,
however, with the crown-batteries, as well as the prizes made by the
British, still continued to lire, and Nelson, humane as he was brave,
being shocked at the slaughter which their bold resistance caused him to
make in their ranks, retired into the stern gallery to write a letter
to the crown prince. This letter stated, “that he had been commanded to
spare Denmark when she no longer resisted; that her line of defence had
struck to the British flag; and that, if the fire were continued, he
should be obliged to destroy all the floating batteries which he had
taken, without having the power of saving their brave defenders, who
were the brothers, and ought not to be the enemies, of Englishmen.” This
letter, with a flag of truce, was sent by Captain Sir Frederic Thesiger;
and in about half-an-hour he brought an inquiry from the prince: What
was the object of Nelson’s note? Nelson’s reply was, that he sent the
flag of truce out of humanity; and that he consented that hostilities
should cease, and that the wounded Danes might be taken on shore. He
added: “Lord Nelson, with humble duty to his royal highness the prince,
will consider this the greatest victory he has ever gained, if it may
be the cause of a happy reconciliation and union between his own most
gracious sovereign and his majesty the King of Denmark.” Sir F.
Thesiger was dispatched a second time with the reply, and the Danish
adjutant-general was referred to the commander-in-chief for a conference
upon this overture. Nelson availed himself of this critical moment to
get his crippled ships under weigh, and the imminent danger from which
he had extricated them soon became apparent. His own ship, the Elephant,
and three others remained fixed upon the shoal for many hours. Nelson
left the Elephant soon after she took the ground, observing as he
left her: “I have fought contrary to my orders, and I shall perhaps be
hanged. Never mind, let them.” It was soon agreed that there should be
a suspension of hostilities for twenty-four hours; that all the prizes
should be surrendered; and that the wounded Danes should be carried on
shore. Nelson landed on the day after the battle, and had an interview
with the crown prince for the purpose of arranging preliminaries. The
négociation lasted some time, and on one occasion was on the point of
breaking off; but Nelson’s firm conduct overawed the Danish negociators,
and it was agreed that there should be an armistice of fourteen weeks.
Nelson’s own account of the battle of Copenhagen was, that it was the
most dreadful he had ever witnessed. Several British officers fell in
the action, and among the rest “the gallan, good Rion.” For this
victory Nelson was raised to the rank of Viscount; a reward which, his
biographer, Southey, justly observes, was inadequate for services of
such paramount importance to the interests of England.
DISSOLUTION OF THE NORTHERN CONFEDERACY.
After the battle of Copenhagen it was intended to act against the
Russians before the breaking up of the frost should enable them, to
leave Revel. Sir Hyde Parker, however, having heard that the Swedes had
put to sea to effect a junction with their allies, altered his course,
hoping to intercept that part of the force of the confederacy. The
Swedish fleet was discovered on the 19th of April; but on perceiving the
English, it took shelter behind the batteries of Carlscrona. Sir Hyde
Parker lost no time in acquainting the governor with the armistice that
had been concluded between Great Britain and Denmark; and he called on
the Swedish government to renounce the northern confederacy. At this
critical juncture news was received of the assassination of the Czar
Paul, and the accession of his son, Alexander, who commenced his reign
by the abolition of the innovations of his predecessor, and by ordering
all British sailors in confinement to be conveyed to the ports where
their ships were stationed. Hostilities now ceased; Lord St. Helens was
sent to Petersburgh, as minister plenipotentiary, and a convention
was concluded between Russia and Great Britain, which subsequently
comprehended Sweden and Denmark, recognising the principle contended
for by England, and imposing such restrictions on the right of search as
might prevent any unwarrantable exercise of it on neutral vessels. Thus
the northern confederacy was dissolved.
EXPEDITION TO EGYPT.
The fate of the French army in Egypt was sealed about a fortnight before
the battle of Copenhagen. The British troops destined against Egypt in
the preceding year were sent to Marmorica, on the coast of Caramania,
under an expectation of receiving assistance from the Turks. This
expectation was not realized; but Sir Ralph Abercrombie resolved at all
hazards to attempt the dislodgement of the French from Egypt. He landed
in Aboutir Bay on the 8th of March, in the very face of the French, and
under a heavy fire of grape-shot from artillery, as well as from the
cannon of Aboukir castle. The French, however, were dispersed at the
point of the bayonet; and on the 12th the British army moved forward,
and came within sight of the enemy, advantageously posted on a ridge
between the canal of Alexandria and the sea. In point of numbers the
British were far inferior to the French, but Sir Ralph Abercrombie
proceeded to the attack next day. This failed; but on the 21st of March
a general battle took place, which resulted in the complete success of
the British arms. The triumph of our troops was dearly purchased by the
death of Abercrombie, who received his mortal wound by a musket-ball in
the thigh during the heat of the battle, but who sustained himself till
the victory was gained, when he died, universally lamented for his great
and good qualities, both of head and heart. The loss of the English in
killed, wounded, and missing was computed at two thousand, and that
of the French at double that number. The command of the British army
devolved on General Hutchinson, who perfected the work which his
predecessor had commenced; for although the French were defeated, they
were still powerful both at Alexandria and Cairo. Menou, the French
commander, had retired into Alexandria; and this was almost insulated by
General Hutchinson, by cutting through the embankments which served to
retain the waters of the Aboukir lake, and by inundating a dry bed
of the ancient lake Mareotis. Leaving General Coote with 6500 men to
maintain the lines before Alexandria, General Hutchinson proceeded to
Ramani Eh, and having driven the French from this post, he advanced
still further up the Nile, towards Cairo. He was joined near Cairo by
some Mamelukes, Turks, Arabs, Syrians, and Copts, who now all offered
their aid to expel the French from Egypt. Cairo was invested, and on the
27th of June, the French General, Belliarde, capitulated, on condition
that his troops should be embarked and conveyed to the French ports of
the Mediterranean at the expense of the allied powers. At this moment
Major General Baird was ascending the Red Sea with an army of British
and Sepoys, and some of the East India Company’s artillery. But before
he could unite his forces at Cairo, Menou capitulated on the same
conditions as Belliarde, and Egypt was now cleared of the French. The
expedition which had been commenced with a series of victories, ended in
defeat and disgrace. With an inferior force, the British army wrested an
important country from the enemy, and restored it to their allies.
{GEORGE III. 1801–1806}
AFFAIRS ON THE CONTINENT.
In the month of March, the court of Madrid, hoping to stop a French
invasion of Spain by submission to the will of the first consul,
declared war against Portugal. A Spanish army invaded the Portuguese
provinces in April; and in the month of June Lisbon purchased peace by
yielding some territory to Spain, and by engaging to shut their ports
against the English. In this treaty, however, Napoleon refused to
concur; and he sent a French army through Spain to attack Portugal.
Almeida was invested, and Lisbon and Oporto menaced, when the court of
Lisbon consented to a treaty, by which Buonaparte agreed to withdraw
his troops, and respect the integrity and independence of Portugal,
on condition that they, on their part, should confirm to Spain all
the territory which had recently been ceded; should make one-half of
Portuguese Guiana over to the French; should shut all the ports and
roads of Portugal in Europe against all English vessels, until peace
was concluded with England; should nullify all preceding treaties and
conventions with England; should treat France in all matters of commerce
as the most favoured nation; and should admit all French commodities
and merchandise whatsoever. The Portuguese court likewise paid twenty
millions of francs to the French republic. In their distress, the
Portuguese court had solicited the aid of England; but our government
could do nothing more than to send an expedition to take possession of
the island of Madeira, in order to secure it for Portugal.
NAVAL OPERATIONS.
The naval war this year was very languid. The French and Spanish fleets
did not venture out of port, and their detached squadrons put to sea
only in the absence of the English. On the 6th of July a French squadron
was attacked by Sir James Saumerez in the road of Algeiras; but after
a hard struggle he was induced to retire. This disappointment, however,
only served to stimulate the British to another action. The ships which
had been damaged in the late contest were repaired with all possible
expedition, and when the French, joined by a Spanish squadron, were
sailing towards Cadiz, he attacked them, and one line-of-battle ship, of
seventy-four guns, was captured, and two others blew up with the loss of
about two thousand men. On the 1st of August Admiral Lord Nelson, with
a flotilla of gun-boats and other vessels, stood over to the coast
of France to reconnoitre the preparations said to be making for the
invasion of England. On the 4th of the same month he sunk two floating
batteries and destroyed some gun-boats; but a subsequent attack on the
flotilla in the harbour failed. During this year the islands of St.
Martin and St. Eustatius were reduced; while in the east, the Batavian
settlement of Ternate, the principal of the Molucca islands, surrendered
to the British, under Captain Haynes.
TREATY OF AMIENS.
Many circumstances rendered the first consul at this time really
desirous for some short suspension of hostilities with England.
Preliminaries were agreed to on the 1st of October, and in the month
of November the Marquis Cornwallis went over to France as ambassador
plenipotentiary. He was received with great joy by many of the
Parisians, who were equally desirous of peace, as were many of the
English nation. From Paris, his lordship repaired to Amiens, the place
appointed for holding the conferences; and, after much angry discussion,
on the 2nd of March, 1802, a definitive treaty of peace was signed. By
this treaty, England agreed to restore all the acquisitions made during
the war, except the island of Trinidad, and the Dutch possessions in
Ceylon: the Cape of Good Hope was to be given back to the Dutch as a
free port: the Porte was to be preserved in its integrity; France was to
recognise the republic of the seven islands; apart of Portuguese Guiana
was given up to France by a new adjustment of boundaries; and the Prince
of Orange was to receive compensation for the loss of property and
power. “Thus,” it has been remarked, “ended the first act of the
revolutionary war, though most persons thought the whole concluded,
fancying that the chief ruler of France would find his real interest in
the preservation of peace; and relying on his repeated declaration
of regret, that the two first nations of the world should waste their
resources and the blood of their people in enmity. Some persons,
however, took a different view of the subject, seeing neither indemnity
for the past, nor security for the future in the restitution of all
our colonial conquest, and in the recognition of that gigantic plan of
continental sovereignty which had been conceived by the first founders
of the French republic, and pursued with unremitting diligence by its
successive rulers.”
MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
{A.D. 1802}
Parliament met in the autumn of 1801; but the chief business done before
the Christmas recess was to debate on the preliminaries of the peace of
Amiens; some defending—and among them Pitt himself—what the Addington
administration were doing, and others condemning their line of policy.
Conspicuous among those who condemned their measures was Windham, who
said that the preliminaries were disgraceful, and that war was to be
preferred to a peace bought on such conditions. This debate continued
after the Christmas recess, up to the 13th of May, when the last
struggle took place on the subject. In the upper house the opponents of
the treaty were headed by Lord Grenville, who made the cession of Malta
the principal point of his attack. It was absurd, he said, to place that
island under the guarantee of six powers, who could not be expected to
agree on any one point relating to it; and it was still more absurd to
restore it to the Knights of St. John, whose funds had been confiscated,
and whose existence thereby might be said to be ended. In adverting to
other parts of the treaty he observed, that our rights in India had
not been recognised, and that the Cape of Good Hope, a most important
station to the maintenance of British sovereignty, was given up. Lord
Grenville concluded his strictures with proposing an address to the
throne, recommending every practicable economy, but such as would still
leave the country in a state of proper defence for the suppression of
any danger; acknowledging that the national faith was pledged to the
observance of the treaty, but pointing out the danger to which this
country was exposed on account of the great sacrifices she had made
without any adequate compensation on the part of France; and finally
praying his majesty to endeavour to arrange speedily, by amicable
adjustment, those various points which were left unsettled by the
definitive treaty of Amiens. His lordship was ably supported by some
who entertained Pitt’s general views and others of his own party; but a
counter address, moved by Lord Pelham, was carried without a division.
A counterpart to Lord Grenville’s motion was made in the lower house
on the same day, by Windham, who, in a speech of three hours, bitterly
condemned the treaty. In the course of his speech he remarked:—“It
is impossible to have seen, without the utmost anxiety and alarm, the
unexampled circumstances that have attended the final conclusion of the
present peace; the extensive and important sacrifices which, without any
corresponding-concession, this treaty had added to those already made
by the preliminary articles; the unlooked-for and immense accession
of territory, influence, and power which it has tacitly confirmed to
France; the numerous subjects of clashing interests and unavoidable
dispute which it has left entirely unadjusted; and, above all, those
continued and systematic projects of aggrandizement of which, in the
very moment of peace, we have seen such undeniable and convincing
evidence.” Mr. Windham was supported by Lord Folkstone, Sheridan, Grey,
and Whitbread; but a counter address, moved by Lord Hawkesbury, similar
to that which had been moved in the upper house by Lord Pelham, was
carried by a majority of two hundred and seventy-six against twenty. But
these long discussions forbade the hope that peace would be durable.
PARLIAMENTARY MEASURES.
Early in this session Mr. Canning moved the house on the subject of the
slave-trade. He made two motions: the first being a preliminary relating
to the cultivation of the land in the island of Trinidad, lately ceded
to England, which, some contended, should be performed by negro slaves;
and the second a distinct motion on this subject. In his second speech
he remarked, “In considering the acquisition of Trinidad, it seems as
if Providence had determined to submit to the trial our boast of
speculative benevolence and intended humanity, by placing in our power a
colony where, if we pursue our old course, it must be purely for its own
sake, without the old inducements or the usual apologies. This is a
day of tests; I trust we shall abide the trial.” During this session an
important act was passed for consolidating the existing militia laws,
and for augmenting that force: it was agreed that the militia should
remain permanently 60,000 strong, and that 40,000 should be called out
in the first instance, and the remainder when the king deemed necessary.
In announcing his budget, on the 5th of April, Mr. Addington stated
the intention of government to abolish the income-tax, and fund the
£56,000,000 with the payments of which it was charged. This announcement
gave great satisfaction, and the resolutions upon the budget were agreed
to without a division. Provision was made during this session for their
royal highnesses the Dukes of Sussex and Cambridge, and the Prince of
Wales’s embarrassments were taken into consideration; the magnificent
sum of £60,000 annually was granted him for three years and a half,
commencing from the 5th of January, 1803, and ending the 5th of July,
1806. Sums of money were voted to Dr. Jenner for the promulgation of
his valuable discovery of vaccine inoculation; to Mr. Greathead for his
invention of the life-boat; and to Dr. Carmichael Smith for a discovery
of nitrous fumigation, for preventing the progress of infectious
disorders. Parliament was prorogued on the 28th of June by the king in
person, who congratulated the country on the peace and prosperity it was
enjoying; and on the next day it was dissolved by proclamation.
PREPARATIONS FOR HOSTILITY.
Peace had scarcely been proclaimed when the note of war was again heard
in the distance; when a little cloud in the horizon betokened the rising
of another furious storm. In the month of December the French government
had sent a naval force, under General Le Clerc, for the purpose of
recovering St. Domingo and Guadaloupe from the revolted negroes; and the
English government sent Admiral Mitchell with seven sail of the line to
watch his motions. But England had more cogent reasons for displeasure
in the following year. At that time the interference and intrigues of
the first consul were manifested in various parts of Europe. Thus, in
the month of March, he presided over a meeting at which a treaty was
signed with the Cisalpine republic, preparatory to his assuming the iron
crown, in imitation of Charlemagne; and he not only procured the cession
of Louisiana, but the duchy of Parma, from Spain. Disputes likewise
having arisen respecting the formation of a new constitution in
Switzerland, and the mediation of the first consul being solicited, the
diet was dissolved by his troops, the Swiss patriots were arrested, and
the independence of the country annihilated by the power on which it
relied for protection. In the course of the year, moreover, Piedmont was
turned into a provincial appendage to France; and in October the Spanish
king, at the suggestion of the French government, annexed all the
property of the Maltese knights in his dominion to his royal domains,
by which act the treaty of Amiens was to a certain degree violated. All
these events were indications of a future rupture; and another grand
provocative to the rupture was the fierce and systematic hostility
displayed by Napoleon against the commerce of Great Britain. Instead
of being allowed, through the return of peace, to flow into its old
channels, it was still more impeded in France and in the countries where
the French held sway than it had been during the war. Every month, or
week, indeed, the first consul made some new encroachment or advanced
some new claim; while on the other hand he pretended to bind England to
the strict observance of every article in the treaty of Amiens which was
against her, and insisted on the immediate evacuation of Malta, the Cape
of Good Hope, and of every place she had agreed to restore. It was, in
truth, fully manifested, before the close of the year, that the treaty
of Amiens was an experiment that had signally failed, and that recourse,
at no distant day, would be again had to the sword to decide the contest
for superiority between the two countries of France and England.
Nor was the conduct of Napoleon in Paris less indicative of war;
ambition being conspicuous in every movement. Some of his measures were
prudent and salutary, but many of them were unprincipled, unjust, and
even criminal. His aim was to be the despot and sole ruler of France;
not to be the venerated head of a great and free people. His first act
exhibited the despot in lively characters. This was to put the press in
chains: Fouche, with an army of “Arguses and police servants, mastered
the domain of thought itself;” and when conspiracies arose from this
arbitrary measure, then the executioner was called in to do his fearful
work. At the same time Napoleon established special tribunals throughout
the kingdom, composed of judges of his own appointment. His despotism
extended itself to the civil code, and even to religion and the church.
By his fiat, there was to be but one liturgy and one catechism in all
France! During this year, indeed, Napoleon was approaching his object
at a rapid pace. He already ventured to attack the idol of the
revolutionary French, the fundamental principle of the revolution,
that of equality, by proposing and carrying a law for the creation of a
legion of honour—that is, for establishing a new nobility in the place
of that which the revolutionists had destroyed, from the one end
of France to the other. Public opinion declared loudly against this
institution, but Napoleon was sufficiently strong to defy public
opinion. Nay, about the same time, soon after the peace of Amiens,
Chabot proposed that a signal national acknowledgment should be made
to him, and he was created consul for life. The throne was, therefore,
visibly rising over the grave of the republic—one step more, and
Napoleon would be sitting thereon in all the pride and pomp of Imperial
majesty. That step, as will be hereafter seen, was taken boldly and
successfully. France again submitted to the rule of one man, a man whose
little finger proved to be thicker than the loins of the monarchs of the
house of Bourbon.
MEETING OF THE NEW PARLIAMENT.
The newly returned parliament met on the 16th of November. The speech
from the throne seemed to intimate that the renewal of war was probable,
by his majesty saying, “that notwithstanding his desire for peace, it
was impossible for him to lose sight of that system of policy by which
the interests of other states were connected with our own welfare; and
by which he was obliged not to be indifferent to any material change in
the relative condition and strength of the European powers.” His majesty
also recommended the adoption of all those means of security which
were best calculated to preserve the blessings of peace. The responsive
addresses, both in the lords and commons, were carried without a
division; Fox at the same time expressing a hope, that ministers would
not be influenced by those politicians who would rush into a war without
necessity.
Augmentations both of the navy and of the army were proposed by
ministers a few days after the commencement of the session: 50,000
seamen were voted, and 128,000 men for the army. On this occasion,
Sheridan, who was fast falling away from the Foxite party, made a
notable patriotic speech, declaring that the time had arrived when it
was necessary for England to adopt vigorous measures of defence. He
concluded his speech in the following language: “I wish Buonaparte not
to mistake the cause of the people’s joy; he should know, that if he
commits any act of aggression against them, they are ready to enter
singly into the contest, rather than suffer any attack on their honour
and independence, I shall proceed no further; I perfectly agree with
my honourable friend, that war ought to be avoided, though he does not
agree with me on the means best calculated to produce that effect. From
any opinion which he may express, I never differ but with the greatest
reluctance; for him my affection, my esteem, and my attachment are
unbounded; and they will only end with death; but I think an important
lesson is to be learned from the arrogance of Buonaparte. He says, he is
an instrument in the hands of Providence, an envoy of God; he says, he
is an instrument in the hands of Providence, to restore Switzerland
to happiness, and to elevate Italy to splendour and importance. Sir, I
think he is an instrument in the hands of Providence to make the English
love their constitution better, to cling to it with more fondness, to
hang round it with truer tenderness. Every man feels, when he returns
from France, that he is coming from a dungeon, to enjoy the light and
life of British independence. Whatever abuses exist we shall look
with pride and pleasure on the substantial blessings we still enjoy. I
believe, also, that he is an instrument in the hands of Providence to
make us more liberal in our political differences, and to render us
determined, with one hand and heart, to oppose any aggression there may
be made on us. If that aggression be made, my honourable friend will, I
am sure, agree with me, that we ought to meet it with a spirit worthy of
these islands; that we ought to meet it with a conviction of the truth
of this assertion—that the country which has achieved such greatness,
has no retreat in littleness; that, if we should be content to abandon
everything, we should find no safety in poverty, no security in abject
submission; finally, that we ought to meet it with a firm determination
to perish in the same grave with the honour and independence of our
country.”
On the 21st of December, a bill was passed for appointing commissioners
to inquire into frauds and abuses in the several naval departments, and
for the better conducting the business of those departments. No other
business of importance was transacted before the Christmas recess.
TRIAL OF COLONEL DESPARD.
{A.D. 1803}
During the month of November in the preceding year, a conspiracy against
the king and government was discovered. This originated with Colonel
Despard, an officer of courage and ability, who, having been reduced in
circumstances, on account of the abolition of an office held by him on
the coast of Honduras, organized a society in London for the subversion
of that tyranny which he attributed to the ministers of his sovereign.
In the scheme proposed by him, his objects were the constitutional
independence of Great Britain and Ireland; an equalization and extension
of rights; a liberal reward to all who would exert themselves in the
cause of the people; and an ample provision for the families of those
who might fall in the cause. Despard, however, with twenty-nine of his
followers were arrested in the act of deliberating on the execution of
their designs; and in the month of February of this year were tried by a
special commission. The colonel himself was found guilty, and executed,
as were also six of his associates; the rest were either acquitted by
the jury, or were pardoned on their recommendation.
PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.
Parliament reassembled on the 23rd of February, but no debate of
importance occurred until the 8th of March. On that day a message from
the king to both houses represented the preparations made in the French
and Dutch ports as grounds for defensive arrangements. The message
stated that discussions of great importance were carrying on between his
majesty and the French government, the result of which was uncertain.
His majesty said that he relied with confidence on parliament to enable
him to take such measures as circumstances might require, for supporting
the honour of his crown, and the essential interests of his people. Lord
Hobart moved the responsive address in the lords, and it was carried
_nem. con_.; but in the commons, many members wished for further
information before the ministerial recommendations received attention.
Fox, in particular, wished to know the precise reasons for putting
the country into a warlike attitude; he still thought peace might
be preserved. But in the commons, likewise, the address was voted
unanimously; and, in compliance with the ministerial demands, on the
11th of March, 10,000 seamen were added to the existing number. A motion
to that effect was agreed to without a division.
ACT TO RELIEVE CATHOLICS, ETC.
Before the Easter recess, an act was passed to relieve Roman Catholics
from certain penalties and disabilities, on subscribing the declaration
and oaths contained in the act of the 31st of George III. A bill was
also introduced into the upper house by Lord Ellenborough, which
made the maliciously maiming, wounding, and disfiguring of any of his
majesty’s subjects, a capital felony; attempts also to discharge loaded
fire-arms, with intent to kill or wound, were made subject to the
penalty of death. The attention of both houses was also occupied by
a clergy residence bill, the coroner’s bill, debates on the Paneras
workhouse, &c. After the Easter holidays, a bill was unanimously carried
which was intended to put down the rioting which had occurred among
the electors of Nottingham, by allowing the magistrates of the county a
concurrent jurisdiction in the town of Nottingham with the magistrates
residing in that town. A bill was likewise passed for continuing the
militia in Ireland, as well as in England and Scotland, but which
substituted in that country the giving of bounties for the system of
ballot.
WAR PROCLAIMED WITH FRANCE.
On the 6th of May Lord Pelham communicated to the lords, and Mr.
Addington to the commons, another message from his majesty, stating that
orders had been given to Lord Whitworth, our ambassador, to quit
Paris immediately, unless he found a certainty of bringing the pending
négociations to a close against a certain period; and that the French
ambassador had applied for a passport to be ready to leave London so
soon as he should be informed of Lord Whitworth having quitted Paris.
Both houses adjourned till the Monday following; and after they again
met, on the 16th of May, they were informed by another royal message,
that Lord Whitworth was recalled, and that the French ambassador had
departed. On the next day after the message was delivered, an Order of
Council was published, directing that reprisals be granted against the
ships, goods, and subjects of the French republic; and a proclamation
was issued for an embargo belonging either to the French and Batavian
republics, or to any countries occupied by French arms. Papers relating
to the correspondence between France and Great Britain, were laid before
both houses on the 18th of May and on the 23rd the subject was taken
into consideration. In each house an address was moved, reechoing the
sentiments of the king’s message and declaration; and though stern
opposition was made by some members and peers, they were carried by
large majorities. Recently Pitt had absented himself from the commons,
but on this occasion he was present to defend the approaching contest.
His speech produced a great impression on the house, and was greatly
admired; Fox himself said, that if Demosthenes himself had been present,
he must have admired, and might have envied. Notwithstanding, Fox placed
himself at the head of those few who opposed the address; and ventured
to palliate the conduct of Napoleon’s haughtiness and insolent language
to Lord Whitworth. Buonaparte, he said, had as much right to complain of
our aggrandizement in India, as we had to complain of his encroachments
in Europe; that his expressed determination to take possession of Egypt
on some future day, was not a sufficient cause for war; and that we
were going to war on a sordid principle, which would deprive us of the
possibility of obtaining any allies. The tendency of Fox’s speech was
severely reprehended by several members, but he nevertheless continued
his opposition. On the 27th he even moved an address, to advise his
majesty to accept the proffered mediation of the Emperor of Russia; but
this he was induced to withdraw, on a declaration from Lord Hawkesbury,
secretary for foreign affairs, that the government, though it could not
suspend the preparations for pursuing the war, would be ready to accept
the mediation of Russia, if the first counsul would accept it, and
accede to reasonable terms. In both houses censures were moved on the
conduct of the Addington administration, but they were negatived by
large majorities.
THE CAUSES FOR THE RENEWAL OF WAR WITH FRANCE.
The causes of the renewal of hostilities between France and England were
manifold. Some of the remote causes have before been noticed; and it has
been remarked in a previous page, that while the first consul required
England to fulfil every stipulation in the treaty of Amiens, he denied
our right of interference in his own political arrangements. This
naturally gave rise to disputes between the two governments; disputes
which soon became warm and acrimonious, and which finally ended in an
open rupture. The first remonstrance of the British cabinet against the
unjustifiable encroachments of the first consul related to his
conduct with reference to Switzerland. This remonstrance was vain; and
expostulation, as regards usurpations in Holland and Italy, were equally
fruitless. The British government also complained that numerous persons
were sent to reside in our maritime towns on pretence of trade, but in
reality to procure such intelligence as might be useful in the event
of war; and that while this scheme was put in practice, restrictions
on British commerce were enforced in France with extraordinary vigour.
Moreover, the British cabinet complained of insults: such as, that Great
Britain could not contend alone with France; an insult which should have
been treated only with contempt. On the other hand, Napoleon complained
of the freedom with which the British press handled his character, and
of the protection given to discontented emigrants. But the chief object
of his complaint was the retention of Malta. He remarked:—“My pretended
encroachments are mere trifles; and even if they were highly important,
you have no concern with them: but in refusing to surrender Malta,
you are openly violating the treaty of Amiens, which I will not tamely
suffer to be infringed.” Dissension increased. Napoleon demanded that
the Bourbons and their partisans should be expelled from England, which
met with a firm and generous denial. Thus baffled, the first consul
directed his political agents to circulate outrageous libels against
the highest characters in the kingdom; they plotted, he averred,
conspiracies against his life. At length Napoleon demanded, why the
British government had not evacuated Malta, according to stipulation?
The reply was, “because he had increased his European territories and
threatened Egypt.” To demand Malta of the first consul was in reality to
declare war; he declared that harmony could not be restored, unless that
island was restored to the knights, or put into the possession of some
continental power; and that he would as soon see Paris in the hands of
the English as Malta. The Russian emperor now offered his mediation,
but as he proposed no scheme of accommodation, his offer was politely
refused. Finally, Lord Whitworth suggested the following terms of an
amicable arrangement:—If the cession of Lampedosa could be procured
from the King of Naples, it should serve as a naval station for the
English in lieu of Malta, which should then be left to the natives on
the basis of independence. At the same time Holland was to be evacuated
by the French troops, while Switzerland was to be freed from all
encumbrance. His Britannic majesty promised to recognize the Spanish
prince who had been made King of Etruria, as well as the Cisalpine and
Ligurian republics; in return for which France was required to cede some
valuable territory to the King of Sardinia. By a secret article, Malta
was to remain ten years under British government before the exchange
took place. On the acceptation or refusal of these terms, peace or war
was to be determined. A week only was allowed for a reply; and at the
lapse of that time, no reply being given—Napoleon wishing still to
prolong the discussion—the British ambassador, in compliance with his
instructions, declined all further négociations, and prepared to quit
Paris, which he did on the 12th of May. Orders were immediately issued
for seizing the ships of France, and of the states subject to her
power, in British ports; and Napoleon detained all British subjects who
remained in the French territories after Lord Whitworth, our ambassador,
had taken his departure. Thus recommenced the struggle betwixt the
two rival nations of England and France: a struggle which, for the
inveteracy of its spirit and the variety of its fortunes, stands
unrivalled in the history of the world. Vast were the treasures spent,
and still more vast was the blood shed, before the sword thus drawn was
again sheathed.
{GEORGE III. 1801–1806}
WAR WITH HOLLAND.
As the proposal that French troops should be withdrawn from Holland was
refused, war was accordingly denounced against that unfortunate
State. On the 17th of June, the king announced by message, that he had
communicated to the Batavian republic his disposition to respect its
neutrality, provided only the French government would respect it, and
withdraw its forces from that country; but that, this proposition not
having been acceded to by France, his majesty judged it necessary to
recall his minister from the Hague, and to give order for the issuing
of letters of marque and reprisals against the Batavian republic.
Subsequently, the sum of £80,000, and a pension of £16,000 per annum was
granted to the ex-stadtholder of Holland, our late ally, the Prince of
Orange, who had by this event been despoiled, and left without a home,
and without any reliance, except on the generosity of this country.
MILITIA BILL, ETC.
A bill for rendering the militia as effective as possible was passed on
the 20th of May; but in consequence of a message from his majesty on the
18th of June, recommending more extensive measures, a proposition was
carried for embodying a new species of Militia, to be denominated “the
army of reserve.” This body was to consist of 50,000 men for England,
and 10,000 for Ireland, and they were to be raised by ballot, but
allowed to volunteer into the regular army. This bill, however, was only
the precursor of one of greater magnitude—a bill which comprehended the
arming and training of the whole effective male population, and which
passed into a law on the 27th of July. This measure was proposed in case
of an invasion; and as the opposite coasts of France and Belgium were
lined with troops, and the French and Brussels papers were calculating
how many days it would take Napoleon to reach London, it met with very
general support. Fox himself offered his hearty concurrence to it,
because it was for the defence of the country, rather than for any
project of offensive war. It passed in the commons _nem. con_.; and the
lords adopted it unanimously, one or two peers only censuring ministers,
as Pitt had done in, the lower house, for not producing it sooner. This
scheme, however, was not generally acceptable to the nation at large,
nor was the danger so great as to justify its adoption. Nevertheless a
large body of volunteers started up in every part of the realm, and a
force of 400,000 men wore soon collected on the coasts to defend their
beloved country. The whole population of England, under the impression
that their altars and firesides were endangered by the menace of the
first consul of France, rose
“Like one man, to combat in the sight
Of a just God, for liberty and right.”
FINANCIAL MEASURES.
In discussing the military estimates during this session, an addition of
30,000 men was proposed and agreed to. Supplies were demanded in June
to the amount of £33,730,000, but the whole granted during the year
exceeded £41,000,000. In order to raise this sum, the custom and excise
duties were increased, and the income-tax was renewed, though not to its
former extent; a duty of one shilling in the pound was imposed on land,
to be paid by the landlord, and nine-pence by the tenant. The war taxes
were estimated at £12,700,000 annually, but they were to cease at the
end of six months after the return of peace, Some of the new taxes
imposed were extended to Ireland, and the lord-lieutenant of that
country was authorised to raise £1,000,000, by loan.
PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
This session closed on the 12th of August, by a speech from the throne.
In his speech, his majesty expressed his reliance that, under the
continuance of the Divine protection, the exertions of his brave and
loyal subjects would prove to the enemy and to the world, that an
attempt to subvert the independence of the United Kingdom would
terminate in the ruin of that people by whom it was sought. He assured
his parliament that economy in the public expenditure should be carried
as far as was consistent with the necessary exertions to frustrate the
designs of the enemy.
INSURRECTION IN IRELAND.
During this summer an insurrection, headed by one Robert Emmett, a
brother to the barrister of that name who took part in the recent
rebellion, broke out in Ireland. Emmett had been expelled from the
university of Dublin, and had resided abroad so long as the _Habeas
Corpus_ act was suspended, but on the removal of that obstacle, he
returned to Ireland. On his return, as rebellious spirits still abounded
in every part of that unhappy country, he formed a party for the purpose
of endeavouring to overturn the existing system of government. The
stoppage of the coaches was to be the signal for revolt in the country,
while the grand object of the insurgents in the metropolis was to
secure the seat and ministers of government, and to proclaim a new
constitution. There were scarcely above one hundred immediately
connected with the plot; but these were so sanguine of success, that
they supposed the spirit of rebellion would, at their bidding, pervade
the whole kingdom. It was on the 23rd of July that the spirit of revolt
began to manifest itself. On the evening of that day, a mob assembled
in St. James’s-street and its vicinity, and about nine o’clock the
concerted signal was given by a number of men riding furiously through
various parts of the city. Outrage followed; the chief justice of
Ireland, Lord Kilwarden, was stabbed to death with pikes, Colonel Brown
was shot, and others were wounded. But this conspiracy was soon quelled;
about half-past ten, a small body of regular troops approached the
insurgents, and they fled in every direction; nothing more was heard of
Emmett or his associates till they were brought to justice. A special
commission was issued for the trial of those rebels who were captured,
and Emmett and several others were executed. On this occasion, the Roman
Catholics, with Lord Fingal at their head, came forward and rendered
government important services in quelling the rebellion.
LETTER OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.
While parliament was sitting, and when the country was preparing for
war, the Prince of Wales repeated a claim, which he had often made
before, for military promotion, requiring to be placed in a situation
where his example might contribute to excite the loyalty of the people.
This was a natural request; for the Duke of York had for some years been
captain-general and commander-in-chief of the forces, and the Dukes of
Kent, Cumberland, and Cambridge were lieutenant-generals, but the prince
himself was simply a colonel of dragoons. No notice, however, was taken
of this letter, and it was only by repeated applications that a reply
was elicited. That reply was, that should the enemy succeed in landing,
he, the prince, would have an opportunity of manifesting his zeal at the
head of his regiment. Thus disappointed in his views, six days before
the prorogation of parliament, he addressed a letter on the subject to
the king himself; and from him likewise received a similar reply. The
prince now exhibited a very unfriendly spirit both towards his majesty
and Mr. Addington. In a letter to the Duke of York, he called “the
opportunity of displaying his zeal at the head of his regiment,” which
was intended to be consolatory to his feelings, “a degrading mockery.”
The whole correspondence, in truth, brought great discredit, both on the
heir-apparent and his advisers. It ended, however, in the prince
joining his regiment at Brighton, in opposition to the expressed wish of
Addington; he being bound to do so, he remarked, “by the king’s precise
order, and by that honest zeal which was not allowed any fitter sphere
for its action.”
MOVEMENTS OF THE FRENCH
A few days after the king’s message had been sent to parliament, the
French admiral, Linois, was despatched with a strong squadron for the
East Indies. The armies of the republic were increased to 480,000 men;
that of Holland being destined to occupy Hanover; and that of Lombardy
to invade Naples, garrison Tarentum, and other parts of the Adriatic.
The first consul was resolved to occupy Hanover, as a pledge for the
restitution of Malta. The electorate was summoned by Mortier on the 25th
of May, and the Hanoverians being unable to resist, soon capitulated
possession was taken of the country, and Mortier was enabled to
control the navigation of the Elbe, and the Weser, as well as to
levy contributions on the rich towns of Hamburg and Bremen. A British
squadron, however, blockaded the mouths of those rivers, which measure
caused such distress to Hamburg and Bremen, that they appealed to the
King of Prussia for protection, as one of those sovereigns who guarded
the neutrality of the empire. The King of Prussia, however, declined
to interfere, and the French were left to continue their exactions with
impunity. Napoleon, also, made severe exactions on the Batavian and
Italian republics; drew pecuniary assistance from Spain and Portugal;
and augmented the supplies of the French treasury, by the sale of
Louisiana to the United States, for three millions of dollars. His
grand objects, however, at this time, were the army and flotilla for
the invasion of England. His army was swelled by contingents of allied
states, and the command of it was given to Soult, Davoust, and Ney; the
familiarity of his old generals having by this time offended his pride.
It was for this invasion chiefly that he drew his contributions from the
neighbouring countries. Rome and Naples were plundered on base pretexts,
and the latter was obliged to let the French occupy a part of its
territories and ports.
NAVAL CONQUESTS.
The naval campaign of this year in Europe, was of a comparatively
trifling character. The port and town of Granville were attacked by Sir
James Saumarez, on which occasion the pier was demolished, and a number
of vessels destroyed; the town and fort of Dieppe were bombarded by
Captain Owen; and the Dutch ports, from the Zandvoort, in the vicinity
of Haarlem, to Scheveningen, were also severally bombarded, and many
vessels destroyed.
In June, an expedition under General Grinfield and Commodore Hood,
captured the islands of St. Lucie and Tobago; and in September, the
Dutch colonies of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice surrendered to the
British arms. The islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, likewise, were
captured, and the French were compelled to abandon the colony of St.
Domingo.
EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.
In the East Indies, war was carried on by land on a large scale, and
with great success. Since the death of Tippoo, and the capture of
Seringapatam, a new enemy had appeared in the Mahratta confederacy, and
Perron, a clever Frenchman, was lending his aid in the strife. M. Perron
had first appeared in India, when the government of Louis XVI. were
struggling with the genius and resources of Warren Hastings for the
supremacy in Hindustan. In the course of events he was raised to
the rank of a general, and to the command in chief of the forces
of Scindiah, in whose ranks he had entered against the British. His
honours, wealth, and authority, all given him by his grateful master,
excited the envy and malice of the Mahratta chiefs, for they were
eclipsed by this foreigner. In 1802, when the Scindiah made war upon
the Mahratta sovereign of Poonah, and expelled him from his territories,
Perron, who had recently had a large portion of the Jumna region
assigned him, lent his valuable assistance. This event led to a war
with the British. The dispossessed chief applied for assistance to the
English, and a subsidiary treaty was concluded with him at Bassein.
Lord Wellesley, the governor-general, had two great objects in view—to
restore the Peishwa, and to crush the forces which Perron had raised,
and which had long given him uneasiness. He was joined by the Nizam
of the Deccan, while the Rajah of Berar united his forces to those of
Scindiah. Lord Wellesley calculated that he might detach Perron from his
old Indian master by bribery; for when General Lake took the field with
an army of 10,000 men, he instructed him to make every possible effort
to destroy, scatter, or win over Perron and his officers. Proclamations
were made to this end, but without effect; Perron took the field with
about 17,000 infantry, disciplined in the usual European manner, besides
a large body of irregular infantry, about 20,000 Mahratta horse, and
a numerous and well-appointed train of artillery. In the mean time a
younger brother of the governor-general had rescued Poonah from the
Mahratta troops of Holkar, and had re-established the Peishwa in
his capital. Holkar joined Scindiah and the Rajah of Berar; and this
confederacy was the more dangerous, as Scindiah possessed several
sea-ports from whence he could receive assistance from the French. This
confederacy, however, was soon dissolved. General Lake defeated, routed,
and annihilated that army of Perron which caused the governor-general
such great and reasonable alarm; and, between him and General Wellesley,
all the perilous portion of the Mahratta confederacy was shaken, and
the power of Scindiah broken. Both the Rajah of Berar and Scindiah were
compelled to sue for peace, which was granted; the Rajah agreeing to add
the important province of Cuttack, with the district of Balasore, to the
company; and Scindiah to yield to them all the country between the
Jumna and the Ganges, besides numerous forts, territories, rights,
and interests. Both the Rajah of Berar and Scindiah likewise agreed to
dismiss all the French or other European officers in their service,
and the latter was never to take them into his service again, without
consent of the British government. In the course of the same year, two
other armies were sent into the Mahratta dominions, which resulted in
the conquest of much Indian territory. The varied successes of this
year, indeed, gave to the British empire, not only the Mahratta
dominions between the Jumna and the Ganges, but other and still more
important advantages. By them the British secured the possession of
Delhi, Agra, and Calpee, which gave them the mastery and free navigation
of the Jumna, with an important tract of country along the right bank
of the river. They secured, likewise, the greater part of the rich
province of Bundelcund, the whole of Cuttack in Orissa, and the most
valuable territory in Guzerat, with ports which were before accessible
to our mortal enemy, France. Finally, they gave to the company a
stronger frontier in the Deccan, and to our allies, the Nizan and the
Peishwa, an important accession of strength. Subsequently a war ensued
with Holkar; but his forces were rapidly dispersed by General Wellesley,
and peace again prevailed in India; and in 1805 the victorious general
returned to Europe.
MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
Parliament reassembled on the 22nd of November. In his speech, the
king enlarged upon the successes in the West Indies, and upon the
early suppression of the Irish insurrection. He alluded, also, to the
conclusion of a friendly convention with Sweden, for the purpose of
adjusting certain differences about maritime rights, arising out of an
article in an old treaty concluded by Charles II. Mention was made of
the measures adopted for a vigorous prosecution of the war; and his
majesty declared, in reference to the menaces of an invasion, that as
he and his people were embarked in a common cause, it was his
determination, should occasion arise, to share their exertions and
dangers in defence of the constitution. The usual addresses were agreed
to without a division, and without opposition; and the houses occupied
themselves up to the Christmas holidays with passing acts to continue
the Habeas Corpus Act, and the prolongation of martial law in Ireland,
and to grant certain exemptions in favour of the volunteers of Great
Britain. The regular force proposed for the public service amounted
to 167,000 men the embodied militia of Great Britain and Ireland,
were 110,000, and the volunteer corps about 400,000. According to the
statement of Lord Castlereagh, indeed, the effective force of this
country, in rank and file, amounted to 615,000 men, or reckoning the
non-commissioned officers, 700,000. The number of ships of war, amounted
to four hundred and sixty-nine.