CHAPTER XXIV.

{GEORGE III. 1798–1801}

Redemption of the Land-Tax, &c. Irish Rebellion.....

Invasion of Belgium..... Expedition to Minorca..... Battle

of the Nile, &c. Meeting of Parliament..... Income Tax

sanctioned, &c. Treaty with Russia..... Union with

Ireland considered..... Prorogation of Parliament.....

Campaign in Italy..... Campaign in Egypt..... Establishment

of the Consular Government in France..... Affairs of

India..... Meeting of Parliament..... Parliamentary

Discussions..... Union with Ireland completed.....

Prorogation of Parliament..... Campaign in Italy.....

Capture of Malta..... Naval Operations..... Meeting of

Parliament..... Motions for Peace, &c.

{A. D. 1798}

REDEMPTION OF THE LAND-TAX, ETC.

Early this session Pitt proposed and carried a bill for the redemption

of the land-tax. This was followed by a bill, proposed by Mr. Dundas,

for enabling his majesty to call out a portion of the supplementary

militia. A second bill was also carried, to encourage voluntary armed

associations for the protection of the country, it being now considered

as menaced with invasion. Another bill was brought into the house by

Dundas, by which the suspension of the _habeas corpus_ act was revived.

The alien bill also was renewed; and Pitt proposed and carried a measure

for more effectually manning the navy. As in the last session, so

likewise in this, the chancellor of the exchequer found himself

compelled to lay before the house a second estimate of supplies, and to

make a further demand of more than £3,000,000, which was readily voted,

as were also a new increase of taxes on salt, tea, dogs, horses and

carriages, &c. to meet it. Late in the session Mr. Wilberforce renewed

his motion for the abolition of the slave-trade; and though his

proposition was rejected, several regulations were enacted for

alleviating the sufferings of the wretched Africans on their passage.

These were the principal measures taken into consideration during this

session. Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of June.

IRISH REBELLION.

During the sitting of parliament a rebellion had broken out in Ireland.

Discussions on this subject had been entered into with closed doors; and

in the month of June, when the Irish insurgents had attacked and beaten

several detachments of the king’s troops, a message was delivered to

parliament from the king, desiring that he might be enabled to take

all such measures as might be necessary to defeat any enterprise of his

enemies. The chief object of this message was to allow the officers and

privates of different militia regiments, who had made a voluntary tender

of their services to assist in the suppression of the rebellion, to go

to that country and act with the royal troops; and a bill was brought

in and carried for that purpose. The rebellion, which was one of a

formidable nature, had its origin in the association of United Irishmen,

first instituted for obtaining universal suffrage. This association was

afterwards re-organized for the accomplishment of a revolution and

a separation from Great Britain: parliamentary reform and catholic

emancipation being demanded only as pretexts to cover ulterior designs.

A correspondence had long been maintained between the leaders of this

association and the French directory, and notwithstanding the failure of

Hoché, and likewise of a design of another armament, an agent was still

resident in Paris. Application was made to the directory for a loan to

assist the revolutionists; but the French rulers refused to grant it,

unless they were permitted to send sufficient forces to effect the

conquest of the country. It was evident that they wanted Ireland for

themselves; but the Irish “patriots” wanted to rule themselves, and not

to exchange masters; whence they expressed themselves averse to this

plan of invasion. The Irish indeed prepared for an insurrection without

waiting for continental assistance. They had been ripe for rebellion

through a long succession of ages, and no concessions made to them

soothed their chafed minds. Their turbulence had manifestly increased

from the time of the American war, when the Irish volunteers had been

allowed to arm themselves; and, “whether acting wisely or unwisely,

liberally or illiberally—whether granting concessions or withholding

them, nearly every act of government had tended to augment the

disaffection.” For the last ten years concessions had been made to the

Irish catholics, who formed about seven-tenths of the population: but it

was all to no purpose—the more they obtained, the more they wanted. At

length the smouldering embers of disaffection burst forth into a flame.

Early in this year a military commission was appointed by the executive

council of the United Irish, and nocturnal assemblies were held in

various parts of the kingdom. People were, indeed, everywhere sworn

in, and it was finally settled that they should take up arms. Rebellion

commenced by midnight outrages. The most savage atrocities were

committed on those whom the associates were taught to consider as

enemies and interlopers in their domains, which outrages were severely

retaliated by the Orangemen and military. In February, a pressing letter

was addressed by the Irish executive to the French directory, urging

them to send immediate succour, and stating that the people of all

classes throughout Ireland ready to take up arms amounted to 300,000

men. It was soon discovered that mischief was afloat; and on the 28th

of February, Mr. Arthur O’Conner, said to be lineally descended from

Roderic O’Conner, King of Connaught, Binns, an active member of the

London Correspondent Society, and Coigley, an Irish priest, were

arrested at Margate, as they were on their route to France. A paper was

found on the priest, addressed “To the French directory;” and this

paper and the trial which followed put government in possession of many

important secrets. Coigley was executed on Pennenden Heath; O’Conner

was remanded on another charge of high-treason; and Binns was acquitted.

Several arrests took place in consequence of the information thus

gained, and some more papers were discovered in the printing-office

where O’Conner had been publishing the revolutionary journal called,

“The Press.” But the most complete information obtained by government

was from Thomas Reynolds, who was deep in the secrets of the association

of United Irishmen. On his information, warrants were issued against

several of the principal conspirators: as, Messrs. Emmet, Sampson, and

McNevin, and Lord Edward Fitzgerald. The three former of these were soon

apprehended; but Lord Fitzgerald concealed himself for some time;

and when discovered he made such a desperate resistance, killing a

magistrate and wounding others sent to apprehend him, that Major Sirr

lodged the contents of a pistol in his shoulder, from the effects of

which he soon after died. He was the leader of the conspirators. But

notwithstanding his fall, and in spite of the flight or arrest of every

member of the “executive.” the Irish flew to arms on the 23rd of May:

that being the day appointed for their muster. A body of pikemen,

amounting to 14,000, and headed by Father John Murphy, soon made

themselves masters of Wexford and Enniscorthy; and having procured some

artillery, they fortified a position on Vinegar Hill. Colonel Walpole

with a small detachment of Cork Militia fell into an ambuscade, and was

slaughtered, together with nearly all his men, by the insurgents; and

encouraged by these and other successes they made a rush at Newross,

where they began to plunder the inhabitants. But here they received a

check. Like the London rioters, they soon became mad with drink; and

being attacked by General Johnson, nearly three thousand were either

slain or captured. This victory over them was followed by another

more decisive: on the 21st of June General Lake attacked the fortified

position at Vinegar Hill, and carried it with a frightful loss to the

insurgents. The rebels, indeed, never rallied again; and though some

fearful atrocities were committed by isolated bands of them, they were,

in effect, from that time subdued. Soon after, Lord Camden was

recalled from the lieutenancy of Ireland, and he was succeeded by Lord

Cornwallis, who brought with him a general pardon to all who submitted.

Four of the leading conspirators were executed; O’Conner, McNevin,

Emmet, and Sampson were banished; and others were pardoned. The

rebellion was somewhat revived in August, when three French frigates

reached Killola, and threw on shore nine hundred troops of the line,

commanded by General Humbert; but though these troops were joined by

some catholics, and though Humbert defeated General Lake, and advanced

into the heart of the country, he was eventually beaten by the advanced

guard of General Cornwallis, who was marching against him with troops of

the line, and on the 8th of September, the French laid down their arms,

and became prisoners of war. Subsequently, another French armament

reached the western coast of Ireland; but Sir John Borlase Warren met it

there with his squadron, and captured one ship of the line, and three

frigates; and the rest of the armament, consisting of five frigates,

returned to France. On board the French ship of the line was Wolfe Tone,

one of the Irish leaders of the rebellion: his execution was the last on

account of this outbreak. Ireland was again quieted, but it was only for

a brief season. It has ever been its fate to be disturbed by agitation,

and to this hour it remains the same. It is, in fact, a fine field for

the agitator: the ardent passions of the people are easily worked

upon; and he who is bold or artful enough to address himself to

those passions, is ever sure of obtaining a listening and an admiring

audience.

INVASION OF BELGIUM.

In the month of May, after due preparations, Captain Home Popham, with

a small squadron, having on board a body of troops commanded by Colonel

Coote, set sail for the purpose of destroying the sluices, gates, and

basin of the Bruges canal at Ostend. This town was bombarded, and the

sluices were blown up; but on returning to the beach to re-embark, the

soldiers were hemmed in by a superior force, and Coote found himself

under the necessity of surrendering.

EXPEDITION TO MINORCA.

An expedition to Minorca was more successful. In the autumn Admiral

Duckworth’s squadron landed in Addaya Bay in that island a land-force

of about eight hundred men, under General Sir Charles Stuart, which

compelled the Spanish governor to surrender the whole of the island by

capitulation.

BATTLE OF THE NILE, ETC.

The grand aim of the French directory this year was the seizing and

colonizing of Egypt. This idea had been suggested by Vergennes to the

French government during the monarchy, and it had for some time been

entertained by Napoleon. The blow was chiefly aimed at England; for

the project was to gain possession of Egypt, with a twofold design of

obtaining the riches of the Nile, and extending their sway to the banks

of the Ganges, so that the empires of Turkey and Hindustan might become

annexed to the French republic. It was to these ends that Napoleon

proposed an expedition to Egypt; and the directory were well pleased

with it, because if its great object should fail, they hoped thereby

to rid themselves of a dangerous and troublesome rival. But funds were

wanting to carry this design into effect; for though Italy and other

countries had been pillaged by the French soldiery, with a defiance

of all principle or political honesty, yet was the government

poverty-stricken: however, the French directory looked around for some

weak ally or neutral to plunder, and their cupidity was directed towards

free Switzerland. Berne had a well-replenished treasury; and on the

flimsy pretext of its having publicly enrolled emigrants and given

shelter to deserters, a French army, under General Breme, was sent on

the marauding errand of demanding the public purse of its citizens.

Success attended this armed banditti; the ruling families of Berne were

displaced; the government changed; the most respectable senators were

banished; the treasury was confiscated; and large contributions likewise

exacted for the supply of the invading army. The money thus fraudulently

obtained enabled Napoleon to set sail for Egypt. His expedition counted

thirteen ships of the line, with seven frigates and smaller vessels,

making in the whole forty-four sail. The fleet was commanded by

Bear-admiral Brueys, and the transports had on board about 20,000 men,

with a proportionable number of horses and artillery, provisions and

military stores, as well as a lai-ge body of scientific men, who joined

the armament in order to make researches into the antiquities and

productions of Egypt. The capture of Malta was included in the plan of

the French directory, and Napoleon arrived there on the 9th of June;

and Hompesch, the Grand Master, terrified by the threats of some of the

Knights of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in the French interest,

capitulated on a summons to surrender. Having plundered the churches,

and the Alberghi, and other establishments of the order, and having left

General Vaubois to take care of the island, Buonaparte re-embarked for

Egypt. He came in sight of Alexandria on the 29th of June, and on the

next day the troops landed within three miles of that city. Alexandria

was captured, and from its walls Napoleon issued a proclamation, telling

the inhabitants that he came as the friend of the Sultan, to deliver

them from the Mamelukes, and that he and his soldiers respected God, his

prophet Mohammed, and the Koran. On the 7th of July Napoleon moved from

Alexandria to Cairo, and on the 21st, on arriving in sight of the great

pyramids, he discovered the whole Mameluke force, under Murad Bey and

Ibraham Bey, ready to meet him. Battle was soon joined, and was

easily won by the French. Such of the Mamelukes as escaped destruction

retreated towards Egypt. The conqueror took possession of Grand Cairo,

sending Desaix against Murad Bey in Upper Egypt.

As the French fleet was sailing towards Egypt, it passed near an English

squadron, under Nelson: a thick haze sheltered it from his observation,

and favoured its progress. Nelson had been despatched by Lord St.

Vincent to watch the preparations at Toulon, having under him three

ships of seventy-four guns and four frigates. At the time of the French

fleet’s sailing he had put into the Sardinian port of San Pietro, to

relit his squadron, it having been damaged by a storm. While here, he

received a re-enforcement of ten line-of-battle ships, and one of fifty

guns; and with this force—except the frigates, which had been separated

from him during the storm, he finally set sail towards Naples. Here he

learned that the enemy’s fleet had visited Malta; and being left by his

commander to act upon his own judgment, he formed a plan of attacking

it there. On his arrival, however, he discovered that the French had

already departed eastward, and rightly judging that Alexandria was

their destination, he steered thither. He arrived at Alexandria on the

28th of June, and gaining no intelligence of the enemy, he returned to

Sicily. By the public voice of England, he was declared for this failure

worthy of impeachment; and Earl St. Vincent was censured for sending so

young an officer on so important a service. On arriving at Sicily, the

Neapolitan ministry, anxious to avoid everything which could endanger

their peace with the French directory, declared openly to aid him;

but through Lady Hamilton’s influence at court, Nelson procured secret

orders to the Sicilian governors, under which he obtained all necessary

supplies from Syracuse. As soon as he had re-victualled and taken in

fresh water, he turned his power again toward Egypt, asserting in a

letter to his commander, that if the French were bound to the Antipodes,

or if they were anywhere above water, he would discover them and bring

them to action. He searched for them in vain along the coast of the

Morea, and he took the resolution of again sailing towards Alexandria;

and on the 1st of August, Captain Flood in the “Zealous” signalized the

enemy’s fleet at anchor in Aboukir Bay. No time was lost by Nelson

in preparing for action: he had sought them with eagerness, and he

determined to conquer them now that they were discovered. Signals were

given for battle: to attack the enemy’s van and centre, as they lay at

anchor. Nelson had scarcely taken rest or food for some days, but he now

ordered dinner to be served up; and he observed to his officers as they

rose from the table: “Before this time to-morrow I shall have gained a

peerage or Westminster Abbey.” The enemy’s ships were moored in compact

line of battle, describing an obtuse angle, close in with the shore,

flanked by gun-boats, four frigates, and a battery of guns and mortars

on an island in their van. This was a formidable position, and to some

commanders one which would have deterred from an attack. But it was

not so with Nelson. As soon as he discovered the enemy’s position, his

genius dictated what should be done. Where an enemy’s ship could swing,

he reasoned, there was room for a British ship to anchor. Acting upon

this thought, therefore, he determined to station his ships on the

inner side of the French line. In this way the two fleets joined battle.

Minutely to describe this great sea-fight would require many pages, it

will be sufficient therefore to say, that the victory on the part of the

English was complete. Of the thirteen French ships of the line, eight

surrendered, two struck on the shore and were afterwards captured, one

blew up, and two only escaped. Had Nelson not received a severe wound in

the head in the very hottest of the battle, it is probable that not one

of the enemy’s fleet would have left Aboukir Bay. The British loss in

killed and wounded was 895; the French, 8330 in killed, wounded, and

captured. “Victory,” said Nelson, “is not a word strong enough for such

a scene: it is a conquest.”

The effects of this battle were soon seen in Egypt. The Sultan issued

an indignant manifesto, declaring war against France for invading one of

his provinces in a time of peace and amity; and called upon the Pashas

of Syria to collect their forces. The destruction of the French fleet

was announced far and wide by fires kindled by the Arabs; and on the

22nd of September, the people of Cairo killed a great number of the

French in the streets. This insurrection was put down by a dreadful

massacre of the inhabitants; but the blood of the Moslems thus slain,

and many of them in the great mosque of the prophet, called for

vengeance, and it was easy to forsee that Napoleon, albeit he proclaimed

himself to be the man of destiny foretold in the Koran, would soon be

compelled to retire from Egypt.

In Europe, the effects of this battle were instantaneous and surprising.

It raised the drooping spirits of the Anti-Gallican party in every

country; and it filled all England with transports of joy and triumph.

Nelson was raised to the peerage with the title of Baron Nelson of

the Nile, and many other honours were heaped upon him. He returned to

Naples, where he found that the king was collecting a numerous army,

with a view of driving the French from Rome and Tuscany; that the

congress at Radstadt had been virtually broken up; that the Emperor of

Austria was again arming; and that a new coalition was forming against

the French; their conduct at Rome, in Switzerland, and other countries,

being in direct opposition to the conditions of the treaty at Oampo

Formio. In November the island of Gozo, separated from Malta by a narrow

channel, capitulated to a detachment of Nelson’s squadron, and Malta

itself was closely blockaded.

[Illustration: 294.jpg PORTRAIT OF LORD NELSON]

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament assembled on the 20th of November. In his speech from the

throne his majesty spoke with exultation of the victory gained by

Nelson; and after alluding to other successes, and to the suppression

of the Irish rebellion, congratulated the country on the prospect of

new alliances, by which it might be anticipated that the power of France

would be humbled. This alluded more especially to Russia, where the

Czarina Catherine had recently been succeeded by her son Paul, whose

line of policy was different from that of his mother. The address was

animadverted upon in both houses by some members of opposition; but it

was, nevertheless, carried without a division.

INCOME TAX SANCTIONED, ETC.

During this session the primary objects of parliamentary Consideration

were, financial propositions, with measures for internal defence, for

invigorating the European confederacy now forming, and for effecting

a permanent union between Great Britain and Ireland. The estimated

supplies for the ensuing year were put at £29,272,000; and Pitt proposed

a new plan for raising a considerable part of them—by an income tax. A

series of resolutions to this new and bold plan were passed in the house

of commons before the close of the year; and the bill finally passed

into a law on the 18th of March ensuing, the 5th of April being the

day fixed upon for making the returns of personal property. Pitt’s

resolutions in substance were, that the augmentation of the assessed

taxes made in the last session should be repealed, and have its place

supplied by a duty upon all incomes above sixty pounds a year. If a

man’s income exceeded two hundred pounds a year, he was to pay ten

per cent, upon it; if it exceeded one hundred pounds, he was to pay

considerably less upon it; and if between sixty pounds and one hundred

pounds, he was to be taxed in a diminished proportion. This bill, after

undergoing some amendments of detail, passed; and Pitt anticipated a

revenue from it of £10,000,000, the yearly income of the whole nation

being about £102,000,000. Early in the session 120,000 men were

voted for the navy, and an increase of the yeomanry and militia was

sanctioned.

TREATY WITH RUSSIA.

On the 18th of December a provisional treaty was concluded between

Great Britain and Russia; the general object of which was to oppose

the progress of the French arms. In allusion to this, on the 18th of

December, Mr. Tierney moved, “That it was the duty of ministers to advise

his majesty against entering into engagements which might prevent

or impede negociations for peace with the French republic.” On this

occasion Mr. Canning delivered a master-piece of eloquence, which

inspired the country at large with admiration of his talents. Mr.

Canning entered into a full investigation of our foreign policy,

and vindicated the treaties and alliances made by government. He

remarked:—“It is justly contended that the deliverance of Europe cannot

be effected by our exertions alone, and that, unless other powers are

sincerely disposed to co-operate, we are setting out on a romantic and

absurd enterprise, which we have no chance of accomplishing, no duty

or call to undertake. I perfectly agree, that if other powers are not

disposed to co-operate, we have no chance of success; but I cannot help

asking at the same time, if there be no such disposition on the part

of other powers, where is the use, or what is the necessity of the

honourable gentleman’s motion? Why need parliament interfere to prevent

his majesty’s ministers from taking advantage of dispositions which do

not exist, and from accepting co-operation which will not be offered?

But if the powers of Europe, or any of them, are ready to do their

part toward the common salvation, and want only our countenance

and encouragement to begin; if the train is laid, if the sparks of

resentment, which the aggressions of France have kindled in every

nation throughout Europe, want but our breath to blow them into a

conflagration, it is the dictate of our duty, our interest, our

feeling, to save France from destruction, and not by a coarse and hasty

proceeding, like that now recommended to us, to throw a wet blanket on

the flames.” Mr. Canning proceeded to show how an alliance with Russia

and Turkey might enable us to sweep the remains of the French armament

from the Levant and the Mediterranean, and how the probable accession

of other allies might wrest from the republic both Italy and the

Netherlands, Pitt followed in the same strain, eloquently unfolding the

favourable prospects of another coalition. The picture he drew made a

favourable impression on the house; and Mr. Tierney’s motion was lost.

Moreover, all sums required for Russia were voted, and three millions

more also were granted to his majesty, for making good such other

engagements as he might contract. Soon after this the Porte, Russia, and

Naples signed a treaty of union with England, the duration of which

was fixed for eight years. Their conditions were generally a mutual

guarantee of all possessions, including Egypt in the case of the Porte;

a common prosecution and termination of the war; the closing of all

harbours, and especially those in the Mediterranean, against the French;

with British subsidies to other states. Italy was to be the first field

of action for the allied powers, the design being to save the King of

Naples from French domination.

UNION WITH IRELAND CONSIDERED

{A.D. 1799}

A plan for uniting Ireland under one legislature with Great Britain,

as Scotland, had been discussed and seriously entertained before the

breaking out of the recent rebellion; but that event had made the

necessity of such a union more apparent. The union of England and

Ireland, indeed, was a favourite measure at this time with Pitt; and a

pamphlet was published, under his auspices, by the under-secretary,

Mr. Cooke, setting forth its advantages. The public mind was therefore

prepared to discuss the question; and parliament was soon called upon

to take it into consideration. On the 22nd of January a message was

received from his majesty, recommending the consideration of the most

effectual means of defeating the designs of our enemies to promote a

separation between the two kingdoms, by settling such a complete and

final adjustment as might perpetuate a connexion essential for the

common security, and consolidate the power and resources of the British

empire. This message was reported next day, when Mr. Duudas moved and

carried an address, importing that the house would proceed with all

speed to a consideration of the several interests submitted to their

attention. It was agreed that the question should be considered on the

31st of January; and on that day Pitt, after explaining the grounds

which would make the union as beneficial to Ireland as to England,

proposed certain resolutions as the basis of the measure. Those

resolutions were, that the two islands should be united into one

kingdom, by the name of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland;

that the succession to the crown should be limited and settled as at

present; that the united realm should be represented by one parliament,

in which a certain number of Irish lords and commons, hereafter to be

defined, should have a seat; that the churches of England and Ireland

should be preserved as by law established; that the Irish should be

entitled to the same privileges, in point of navigation and trade, with

the English, subject to certain regulations relative to equality of

duties; that the charge for payment of the interest of the debt of

each kingdom before the union, should be continued to be paid by the

respective countries; and that all laws in force at the time of the

union, and all the courts, civil or ecclesiastical, should remain as

already established, subject only to such alterations as circumstances

might recommend to the united parliament. After some long and warm

debates these resolutions, with some slight amendments, were agreed to,

and sent up to the peers; and after another warm debate in the upper

house, a joint address to the king was agreed to, presenting the

resolutions as a proper basis for the union. But here, as regarded

England, the matter rested for the present year.

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

During the remainder of this session no subject of vital interest

was discussed. Parliament was prorogued on the 12th of July, when his

majesty declared that the decision and energy of his ally, the Emperor

of Russia, and the intimate union established between them, would enable

him to employ the means intrusted to him advantageously, both for

the safety and honour of this country, as well as the independence of

Europe. His majesty also adverted with satisfaction to the restored

tranquillity of Ireland and its future security, intimating that it

could only be insured by a complete union with Great Britain.

{GEORGE III. 1798–1801}

CAMPAIGN IN ITALY.

Before the subsidiary treaty was signed between England and the Emperor

Paul, the court of Vienna had formed a close alliance with the czar; and

Russian troops had begun to assemble on the frontiers of Austria, while

a large German army was collecting between the rivers Inn and Lech. The

great object proposed was to drive the French out of Italy, where their

arms were still making great progress. In November of the last year the

liberation of the states of Italy was undertaken by the King of Naples,

who placed General Mack at the head of his forces. Mack succeeded in

making himself master of Rome; while 5000 troops, conveyed by British

ships, took possession of Leghorn. But this success was of short

duration. In the month of December the Neapolitan troops suffered a

signal defeat at Civita Castellana; and this disaster was followed

by the evacuation of Rome. Nor did the French successes stop here.

Following up their victory, under General Champiounet, by the middle of

January they obtained possession of Naples; and the King of Sardinia was

obliged to take refuge on board the British fleet. He afterwards went

to Palermo under British protection, resigning all his continental

territories to his conquerors, who also soon occupied all Tuscany;

Sicily was preserved from their domination by the energy of Nelson,

assisted by Sir Charles Stuart, who hastened from Minorca with 1000

troops, in order to assist him in measures for its defence.

While Naples was thus falling a prey to the French, Austrian and Russian

troops were collecting on the other side of the Alps. After demanding

from the Emperor of Germany the dismissal of all the Russian troops,

the French negociators declared the congress at Radstadt dissolved. War,

therefore, commenced anew with Austria; and Jourdan once more crossed

the Rhine, and established himself in Suabia. In the month of March

he advanced towards the Danube; but he was again met by the Archduke

Charles, who drove him back over the Rhine. About the same time, also,

the Austrian generals, Bellegarde and Hotze, recovered the Grison

country, and poured into Switzerland, driving the French, under Massena,

before them. In the meantime another Austrian army, commanded by General

Melas, poured through the Tyrol, driving all the French outposts before

him, and entered Upper Italy, where he obliged the French general,

Scherer, to retire beyond the Mincio. Moreau subsequently took the

command of Scherer’s forces; but he was likewise defeated by Melas. It

was while Melas was giving chase to Moreau that Suvaroff came up with

50,000 Russians, and assumed the chief command of both armies. A great

battle was gained by Suvaroff at Cassano, on the 27th of April, and by

that victory the fate of the Cisalpine republic was sealed; everywhere

the people rose in arms against the French; and the native democrats

whom the French had set up as a government, Brescia and Peschiera,

surrendered; Mantua was invested; and Suvaroff entered Milan in triumph.

Moreau continued his retreat towards Genoa, hoping to be joined there

by the army of Macdonald from Naples. But Macdonald was already on

his route to meet the Russo-Austrian army, which he found by the river

Trebia. In his route he had been joined by General Victor; but after

three days’ hard fighting on the banks of the Trebia, he was defeated

by Suvaroff; and flying thence towards the pass of Bochetta, he joined

Moreau, who had recently received some re-enforcements from Nice and

Genoa. Moreau had made some entrenchments on the declivities of the Apeu

nines, and in the entrance of the Bochetta pass, behind the Piedmontese

town of Novi. While here he was superseded in command by Jourdan, who

stationed himself on the same heights behind Novi, and improved and

extended his field-works. He was attacked in this formidable position

by Suvaroff; and his army was defeated and himself slain. Shortly

after this victory Suvaroff struck across the Alps to make head against

Massena, who had recently defeated a Russian corps under General

Korsakoff, who had arrived in Switzerland to co-operate with General

Bellegarde and the Austrians. There was some fearful fighting in the

ravines of St. Gothard, and Suvaroff opened a way into the heart of

Switzerland; but not being assisted by either the Russian general,

Korsakoff, or the Austrian general, Bellegarde, he turned aside towards

the lake of Constance and Germany. He was interrupted in his march

by Massena; but he attained his object, and effected a junction with

Korsakoff; and then the two Russian generals marched to Augsburg,

leaving the French once more absolute masters of Switzerland.

The Neapolitan kingdom was recovered in the course of the months of

June and July by Cardinal Ruffo, assisted by Lord Nelson. A sanguinary

vengeance was taken on the republicans by the Neapolitan government; and

Nelson himself tarnished his fair fame by deeds at which a right-minded

Englishman must shudder, and which no one will venture to palliate. It

had been guaranteed to the republican garrisons that their persons and

property should be respected; but these garrisons were delivered over

to the vengeance of the Sicilian court, and that by the brave Nelson. “A

deplorable transaction,” says his biographer, “a stain on his memory and

on the honour of England! to palliate it would be vain; to justify

it wicked.” Nelson conceived that nothing more was essential to the

tranquillity of Naples than the recovery of Rome; and this he effected

by a small detachment of his fleet, under the able conduct of captains

Trowbridge, Hallowel, and Louis. The French having no longer any hope in

arms soon concluded a capitulation for all the Roman states; and Captain

Louis, rowing up the Tiber in his barge, hoisted the British standard on

the capitol, and acted for a time as governor of Rome.

While the arms of France were thus occupied in Germany and Italy, a

favourable opportunity seemed to offer itself for the liberation of

Holland. A treaty was effected with the Emperor Paul, by which 17,000

Russian troops were engaged to co-operate with 20,000 English troops in

that country. Troops set sail from England in the month of August; find

the fleet, under Sir Ralph Abercrombie, after encountering much bad

weather, came to anchor off the Helder, a point which commands the

entrance of the Zuyder Zee. The troops were disembarked on the 27th,

and on the next day took possession of Helder, the French and Dutch

republicans having abandoned it in the night; and the Dutch fleet in the

Texel surrendered to the British admiral without firing a shot. The main

part of the army destined for this enterprise was still in England,

and the Russian auxiliaries had not yet arrived. Before they received

re-enforcements the invaders were attacked by about 12,000 men; but so

strong was their position on the Zuyp, and so bravely was it defended,

that the assailants were defeated, with the loss of nearly one thousand

men. The Duke of York, with the main force from England, arrived on the

day after this battle; and as the allied troops now amounted to 35,000

men, his royal highness, who superseded Abercrombie in the chief

command, ventured on active operations. The army advanced, on the

19th, in four columns. That on the extreme right, consisting chiefly of

Russian troops, under General De Hermaun, made an unsuccessful attack

upon Bergen. Abercrombie with a column penetrated to the city of Hoorn,

which surrendered; and the two other columns under Generals Dundas and

Pulteney, also forced their way through great difficulties, in a tract

of country intersected with deep ditches and canals. The rash confidence

of the Russians, however, soon exposed the whole army to such danger

that it was compelled to retire to its original position. For some time,

in consequence of tempestuous weather, the invading force was blocked up

by inferior numbers; but on the 2nd of October the British army resumed

the offensive, and commenced an attack on the enemy’s whole line. A

battle was fought at Egmont, which was favourable to the British; for,

although it was indecisive, yet the retreat of the enemy in consequence

gave them an opportunity of occupying several strong positions. The

republican soldiers took up a strong post between Beverwyck and the

Zuyder Zee; and the Duke of York resolved to attack them there, before

their position could be strengthened by fresh works or re-enforcements.

An action took place on the 6th of October, and it terminated so far in

favour of the British and the allies, that they were left masters of the

field; but the loss on both sides was very severe; and the enemy, who

soon afterwards received a re-enforcement, maintained their position.

The allied army, indeed, soon found itself in so critical a situation

from the strength of the enemy, the severity of the weather, and the

indifference of the party of the stadtholder, that the Duke of York

suddenly issued an order for the troops to assemble; and they commenced

a retreat toward Pelleu and Alkmaer. Before the troops could re-embark,

however, the Duke of York was compelled to conclude a convention, by

which it was agreed that the English and Russians should be allowed to

leave Holland without molestation, on condition that 8000 prisoners of

war, French and Batavians, then detained in England, should be released.

{GEORGE III. 1798—1801}

CAMPAIGN IN EGYPT.

It has been seen that Napoleon had entered Cairo, and that his fleet

while there was annihilated in Aboukir Bay. In the month of February he

quitted Cairo, with the intention of dispersing the Turkish forces that

were collecting near the Syrian frontier, and then of conquering all

Syria. Gaza and Jaffa were stormed; the man of destiny, as Napoleon

styled himself in Egypt, swept everything before him until he came to

the walls of Acre. This place, which is the key of Syria, was defended

by the Pasha Djezzar; by Colonel Philippeaux, an emigrant royalist; and

by Sir Sidney Smith, with some of his sailors and marines. It was in

vain that Napoleon attempted to breakthrough the crumbling walls of this

ancient place: sixty days were spent before them, and seven or eight

assaults made; but he was every time repulsed, and after losing three

thousand men, he was compelled to raise the siege and return to Cairo.

During his absence General Desaix had ascended the Nile, and had driven

the remnant of the Mamelukes from Upper Egypt and beyond the cataracts

of Assonau; and soon after his return he was called down to the coast,

where Nelson had annihilated the French fleet, by the arrival of a

Turkish army, amounting to 18,000 men. A terrible battle was fought on

the 25th of July; but the French were victorious—10,000 Turks perished.

Napoleon now began to make secret preparations for returning to France;

and on the 23rd of August he embarked secretly in a frigate, leaving his

army, which was reduced to 20,000 men, behind him.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSULAR GOVERNMENT IN FRANCE.

The return of Napoleon agitated all France and all Europe. The character

of this bold soldier was, indeed, now well known, and none could tell

what game fraught with blood he next might play. Suspicion was well

founded: Napoleon had designs in view when he returned from Egypt which

time alone could unfold. The fact is, when in Egypt, letters from his

brothers Joseph and Lucien, and from some of his admiring friends,

informed him that Italy was lost; that the French armies were everywhere

defeated; that the directory were quarrelling among themselves; and that

the people, sick of the present state of affairs, were ripe for another

revolution. Here then was another field for the ambitious to play their

part; and Napoleon resolved to return to it. He had arrived in Paris two

days before the directory knew anything about it; and in the meantime he

had been consulting with chiefs of parties and officers of the army as

to what step should be taken. Talleyrand and the Abbé Sieyes gave his

councils the benefit of all their abilities; and a plan of attack upon

the constitution was soon agreed upon. The Council of Ancients were

easily persuaded that a new constitution was wanting; but the Council of

Five Hundred vowed that they would die for that which they had already

got. On the 9th of November it was agreed in the Council of Ancients

that the assembly should adjourn to St. Cloud, and that Napoleon should

put this into execution, being made supreme commander of all the forces

for that purpose. The sitting was then dissolved; and Napoleon instantly

issued two proclamations, announcing his command, and inviting the army

and national guard to aid him in restoring liberty, victory, and peace

to France. In this state of affairs, Barras, Sieyes, and Ducos, three

of the directory, resigned; Moulins and Gohier remained to support the

present constitution. These, however, by the orders of Napoleon, were

guarded in the Luxembourg, so that the directory was in point of fact

dissolved. It remained now for the councils to form a new executive; and

to this end they met at St. Cloud, surrounded by troops. The Council of

Five Hundred swore fidelity to the constitution; and Napoleon resolved

to crush them. At his command the troops entered the Orangery with fixed

bayonets, and the deputies were glad to make their escape by the windows

and through the adjacent woods. On that evening the Council of the

Ancients and about fifty of the scattered Five Hundred abolished the

directory, and established in its place three consuls, who, with two

committees chosen from each council, were charged with the task of

preparing a new constitution. These consuls were Napoleon, Sieyes,

and Ducos, the men who concerted together to bring about this new

revolution. “Thus the French revolution closed its agitated career

almost in the point from whence it set out—in despotism.” All their

hopes of the blessings of liberty were with one fell blow dashed to the

ground by the conqueror of Egypt and Italy—by one man, and he of men

one of the meanest.

[Illustration: 298.jpg LAST EFFORT OF TIPPOO SAIB]

AFFAIRS OF INDIA.

During this year the power of Tippoo Sultaun was destroyed. Recently he

had been encouraged in his hostility by the French, who eagerly sought

to strike a blow at the commercial prosperity of Great Britain. It was

for this purpose that the Egyptian expedition had been undertaken, and

for this purpose likewise alliances were formed with the native powers

of India. In Tippoo Sultaun the French found an implacable foe to the

English—a foe which was ever ready to unsheathe his sword to destroy

them. In order to crush their power and to regain what he had lost in

the late war, Tippoo Sultaun had sent an embassy to Cabul, to bring the

Affghan tribes down into India; he had negociated with the Nizam of

the Deccan and with other native princes; and in 1797 he had sent two

ambassadors to the Isle of France to propose an alliance with the French

republic, and to request a supply of troops sufficient to enable him to

expel the English from every part of Hindustan. The governor of the Isle

of France had no troops to spare; but he forwarded Tippoo’s letters to

France, and allowed his ambassadors to enrol some Frenchmen for his aid.

Some sixty or seventy of these volunteers proceeded to Tippoo’s capital,

where they first set up a tree of liberty, and next proceeded to

organize a Jacobin club. These proceedings soon became known to

the government at Calcutta; and the Earl of Mornington, then

Governor-general of India, determined to anticipate Tippoo. Troops were

sent under Generals Harris and Stuart; and the sultan was defeated

in the route, and compelled to take refuge in his fortified capital.

Seringapatam was besieged, and on the 4th of May was stormed and

captured. Two of his sons were taken alive; but Tippoo fell near one

of the gates, and was found buried under a heap of dead bodies.

His territories were divided among his enemies; the English kept

Seringapatam with the island on which it is situated, the whole of his

territories on the Malabar coast, the district of Coimbatoor, and all

the country that intervened between the company’s possessions on the

western and those on the eastern coast; the Nizam of the Deccan obtained

a more inland country; and another great tract of country was

conferred upon a descendant of the ancient Hindoo rajahs, who had been

dispossessed by Hyder Ali. Thus ended a dynasty which was founded by a

daring adventurer on the ruins of the Hindoo house of Mysor. It began

and ended its career in spoliation and the shedding of blood.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

The British parliament assembled on the 24th of September. The chief

object of this early meeting Was the introduction of a bill for

facilitating the re-enforcement of our regular army, by allowing

three-fifths of the militia of each county to enlist in the regulars,

for service within Europe. This bill passed into a law on the 4th of

October; the remainder of the session, previous to the Christmas recess,

was occupied by commercial and financial matters. The supplies granted

were between six and seven millions; but these were only for the time

being: parliament again separated on the 12th of October.

PARLIAMENTARY DISCUSSIONS.

{A.D. 1800}

On Christmas day of the preceding year, the first consul, Napoleon,

addressed a letter from the ancient palace of the Bourbons to the King

of Great Britain, indicating a desire of peace in these terms:—“How can

the two most enlightened nations of Europe, powerful and strong beyond

what their safety and independence require, sacrifice to ideas of vain

greatness, the benefits of commerce, internal prosperity, and domestic

happiness? How is it that they do not feel that peace is of the first

importance as well as the first glory? These sentiments cannot be

foreign to the heart of your majesty, who reign over a free people, and

with the sole view of rendering them happy. France and England, by the

abuse of their strength, may still, for the misfortune of all nations,

long retard the period of their exhaustion, but I will venture to say,

that the fate of all civilized nations is attached to the termination of

a war which involves the whole world.” The answer given to this letter

intimated, that the French government afforded no ground for trust;

but notwithstanding this repulse, Napoleon made another attempt

at negociation. Talleyrand, in a letter to the British secretary,

vindicated France from the censures contained in this reply; throwing

the blame of war on the league of European powers, and offering a

suspension of arms, that plenipotentiaries might meet at Dunkirk or

elsewhere, as might be agreed upon, for the purpose of making a treaty

of peace. The reply to this communication was equally unsatisfactory as

that made to the letter of the first consul. His majesty expressed his

concern that the unprovoked aggressions of France were defended by her

present ruler; and refused to enter into a refutation of allegations

universally exploded, and, as far as his own conduct was concerned,

utterly groundless. This correspondence was the first subject of

importance which engaged the attention of parliament after its

adjournment; and while the minority animadverted on the precipitancy

by which the door was closed against all hopes of pacification, the

majority approved of what had been done, and it was determined to

prosecute the war with vigour.

On the 17th of February a debate took place on a royal message, in which

his majesty, after stating that he was concerting such engagements with

the Emperor of Germany, the Elector of Bavaria, and other powers of the

empire as might be conducive to the advantage of the common cause in the

course of the ensuing campaign, informed the house that he was desirous

of authorising his minister to make provisionally such advances of money

as might be necessary for this purpose. Pitt declared that £500,000

was all that he required at the commencement; and after some little

opposition, his motion for the grant was carried by a large majority.

Ministers were also equally well supported in a proposal, made by

opposition, for an inquiry into the causes of the disgraces which had

attended the British arms in Holland: it was quashed at once.

The total supplies voted for this year was £47,900,739. The income-tax

was continued; and there was a loan of £21,000,000, including a vote of

credit. For two months 120,000 seamen and 90,000 soldiers were granted,

exclusive of subsidiaries; but for the rest of the year 10,000 were

deducted from each number. On the annual motion for renewing the act for

suspending the _Habeas Corpus_ bill, there was a stormy debate; but

the measure was carried with the usual majorities. An attempt made by

a maniac named Hadfield to shoot the king in Drury-lane theatre, led to

the insertion of two additional clauses in the insanity bill, by which

the privilege of bail to alleged lunatics was abridged, and the personal

safety of the sovereign thereby consulted. Subsequently a committee of

each house was appointed to consider of the most effectual means for

remedying the distress which prevailed at this time, from a scarcity

of corn; and a bill was brought in and passed, prohibiting the sale of

bread which had not been baked twenty-four hours, it being generally

admitted that stale bread satisfied the appetite sooner than new bread.

The Archbishop of Canterbury recommended a series of resolutions in

the upper house, and a voluntary association, by which each of their

lordships should bind himself to lessen the consumption of bread and

flour in his family, by using such articles as might be conveniently

substituted in the place thereof. These resolutions were passed

unanimously in the upper house; and the commons, from a message sent

them from the lords, fully concurred with their lordships. This example

of the lords and commons was followed very generally by the upper

classes throughout the kingdom; and thus effectual relief was afforded

by the simple means of self-denial.

Another measure taken into consideration this session tended to morality

of conduct. Of late the crime of adultery had become very prevalent; and

it was thought by political moralists that intermarriage, permitted to

the offending parties after a divorce, was one fertile source of crime.

A bill was proposed by Lord Auckland to prevent such intermarriage; but

it was rejected by a considerable majority, it being doubted whether

it would prove effectual to the diminishing of the crime to which it

referred.

Among other parliamentary topics discussed this session was that of the

affairs of the East Indies. Mr. Dundas having investigated the state of

its finances, detailed them to the commons; and on the whole, from

his statements, the company’s affairs appeared to be in a flourishing

condition. An act was passed, instituting a high court of judicature for

that of the recorder of Madras.

UNION WITH IRELAND COMPLETED.

The most important act of this session was the completion of the union

between Great Britain and Ireland. At first the resolutions which had

passed the British parliament excited much opposition in the Irish

parliament and throughout the country. When the Irish commons debated

on an address proposed by ministers, in answer to the speech from the

throne in January, 1799, it was carried only by one vote; but on the

15th of January, 1800, a motion made in the same house to declare

their disapprobation of the union, was negatived by one hundred and

thirty-eight against ninety-six. Subsequently the measure of the union

was agreed to by a large majority in the Irish parliament, both in

the lords and the commons. On the 27th of March, indeed, the two Irish

houses agreed in a joint address, informing his majesty that they

considered the resolutions of the British parliament as wisely

calculated to form the basis of an incorporation of Great Britain and

Ireland into one kingdom; that they adopted them as their guide; and

that they now laid before his majesty certain resolutions which they had

agreed to, and which, if they should be approved by the two houses of

parliament of Great Britain, they were ready to confirm and ratify, in

order that the same might be established for ever, by mutual consent of

both parliaments. On the 2nd of April this address was made the subject

of a message from his majesty to the British parliament. In addition to

the resolutions adopted by the British parliament, it was proposed by

the Irish parliament, that the number of Irish peers to be admitted to

the house of lords of the United Kingdom should be four lords spiritual,

by rotation of sessions, and twenty-eight lords temporal, elected for

life by the peers of Ireland; and that the number of representatives

to be admitted into the house of commons should be one hundred. Such

a union as this was opposed in the upper house by Lord Holland, on the

grounds that it would not remedy the discontents of the various classes

of society in Ireland; that it would not insure a redress of their

grievances, but would increase the influence of which they now loudly

complained; that it was offensive to the great body of the Irish people;

and that, if carried into effect, it would endanger the connexion

between the two countries, and probably produce mischief. The measure

was defended in the upper house by Lord Grenville; and on a division

eighty-one peers voted with him, and only two with Lord Holland. In the

commons the union was opposed from the supposition that it would injure

our constitution, inasmuch as the influence of the crown, arising from

places in Ireland being to be concentrated upon only one hundred members

instead of three hundred, it must necessarily be augmented. Pitt denied

that the union would, or that he wished it to have such an effect;

and he contended that the system proposed was calculated to favour the

popular interest. The members for Irish counties and principal cities,

he said, would be sixty-eight, the remaning thirty-two members being to

be elected by towns the most considerable in population and wealth; and

that, as the proposed addition would not make any change in the internal

form of representation, it would entail none of those dangers incident

to innovation. If anything could counterbalance the advantages that

must result from the union, he remarked, it would be the necessity of

disturbing in anyway the representation of England; a necessity which

happily did not exist. He continued:—“In stating this I have not

forgotten what I have myself formerly said and sincerely felt upon

the subject of parliamentary reform; but I know that all opinions must

necessarily be subservient to times and circumstances; and that man who

talks of his consistency merely because he holds the same opinion for

ten or fifteen years, when the circumstances under which that opinion

was originally formed are totally changed, is a slave to the most idle

vanity. Seeing all that I have seen since the period to which I allude,

considering how little chance there is of that species of reform to

which alone I looked, and which is as different from the modern schemes

of reform as the latter are from the constitution;—seeing that where

the greatest changes have taken place the most dreadful consequences

have ensued, and which have not been confined to the country where they

originated, but have spread their malignant influence to almost every

part of the globe, shaking the fabric of every government;—seeing

that in this general shock the constitution of Great Britain has alone

remained pure and untouched in its vital principles;—I say, when I

consider all these circumstances, I should be ashamed of myself if any

former opinions of mine could now induce me to think that the form of

representation which, in such times as the present, has been found amply

sufficient for the purpose of protecting the interests and securing the

happiness of the people, should be idly and wantonly disturbed from any

love of experiment or any predilection for theory. Upon this subject I

think it right to state the inmost thoughts of my mind; I think it right

to declare my most decided opinion that, even if the times were proper

for experiments, any, even the slightest, change in such a constitution

must be considered as an evil.” Pitt proposed the adoption of the

resolutions voted by the Irish house of parliament; and after some

opposition, especially from Mr. Grey, who moved an amendment, which was

lost, they were carried without further delay. All proceedings both in

England and Ireland relative to this great measure were concluded in

the month of June; and on the 2nd of July the act of union received the

royal assent. His majesty declared that he ever should consider this

measure as the happiest of his reign. The Irish session, which had been

prolonged till the bill passed in England for the purpose of ratifying

it was dissolved on the 2nd of August, and with it the existence of the

Irish parliament. On the subject of this union Dr. Miller remarks:—“The

whole history of Ireland up to the union presents a series of events

most curiously combined. Its early period, unhappy as it was, prepared

that party of Roman Catholics which, in the struggles terminated by the

English revolution, was opposed as an antagonist force to the Scottish

Presbyterians, and thus assisted in effecting the adjustment of the

English government. When this important function had been discharged,

Ireland had to prepare itself for entering with advantage into the

general incorporation of a united empire; the preceding period of its

history, however beneficial in assisting to adjust the balance of the

English constitution, having been inauspicious to the domestic interests

of the country. Of that preparation it was a necessary condition that

one of the two parties by which it was distracted should suffer a

temporary depression, so entire that the other should not be embarrassed

or obstructed in its efforts to obtain national independence. The

prosperity, however, thus acquired extended its influence even to the

party by whose depression it had been obtained; and the Roman Catholics,

participating in the advantages of Protestants, rose again to a

political importance, in which they were opposed to the ascendancy of

the prevailing party. A short struggle of rebellion, the natural

result of an ungoverned desire of independence among a portion of the

Protestants, aided by the ancient disaffection of the adverse party,

brought the country into a situation in which the minister was able to

consolidate the empire by the union of Ireland.” It was hoped that this

great measure would have the effect of conciliating the Irish Catholics;

but experience has proved that they are still dissatisfied with the rule

of England. It is evident, in fact, that ages will elapse before

the Irish consider themselves to be “one and indivisible” with the

English—before they are satisfied with the sway of the house of

Brunswick.

{GEORGE III. 1798—1801}

PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of July. His majesty’s speech

expressed peculiar satisfaction at the effecting of an entire union

between England and Ireland, he being persuaded that it would tend to

their mutual interests. There were other less cheerful notes in the

royal speech; for the campaign of this year, which had been commenced

with success, had by a sudden reverse ended in defeat.

CAMPAIGN IN ITALY.

It has been seen that the Russian troops had plucked the laurels which

the French had gained in Italy from their brows. Thus situated the

French government sent Massena across the Alps, together with generals

Soult, Oudinot, and Brune, to refix the national banners on the banks

of the Po. Their efforts were vain; Massena was finally driven by the

Austrians within the ramparts of Genoa. Assisted by a British squadron

the Austrians formed the siege of Genoa; and Massena had in a little

time no other alternative but to force his way through the enemy or to

surrender. In this emergency Soult attempted to open the blockade, and

leading on his division he attacked their fortified post of Monte

Creto, and penetrated into the enemy’s camp. But his career was checked.

Recovering from their surprise, the Austrians met the French with

firmness, and they were put to flight. Massena was obliged to

capitulate, and Genoa was evacuated. But here the success of the allied

armies was checked. Giving the command of the Rhine to Moreau, Napoleon

assumed the direction of the army of Italy. A battle was fought in

the plain of Marengo, which annihilated the fruit of all the Austrian

victories in the preceding campaign, and put Italy again under the

power of France. Melas saw himself forced, by the hopelessness of

his position, to the proposal of an armistice as the only means of

deliverance; and it was granted upon these conditions:—that the

Austrians should retreat beyond the Mincio; and that Genoa, Tortona,

Alessandria, Turin, Arona, Coni, Ceva, Savona, Milan, and several

other-cities, with all Piedmont and Liguria, and nearly all Cis-alpinia

should be given up to the French government. The star of Napoleon shone

more brilliant than ever; and leaving the Italian army under Massena, he

returned to Paris to reap the fruit of his conquest.

In the meantime the Austrians had been likewise defeated in Germany.

On the 25th of April Moreau crossed the Rhine upon six points; and

in several battles at Enger, Stockach, and Moesskirch, defeated

Field-marshal Kray, who was now at the head of the Austrian troops. Kray

was compelled to retreat before him; and Moreau finally occupied a large

part of Bavaria as well as Munich. Lecourbe also drove the Austrians

from the Grisons and entered the Tyrol; while on the left another army

of French and Batavians were preparing to penetrate into Franconia

and Bohemia. The court of Vienna now sued for an armistice, which was

granted; and on the 28th of July preliminaries of peace, on the basis

of that of Campo Formio, were signed at Paris. The world now expected

peace. The emperor, however, having received his subsidy from England,

and concluded a new treaty with that power, again unsheathed his sword.

He declared the truce at an end; and both sides prepared again for the

strife. The emperor putting himself at the head of his army, endeavoured

to rouse the whole force of Germany; but the north was kept inactive

by the neutrality of Prussia, and other princes were overawed by the

invaders. Another armistice was purchased by him for the short space of

forty-five days, by the delivery of Philipsburg, Ulm, and Ingoldstadt;

and when this period expired, late as the season was, both parties took

the field. The contest was soon decided. On the 2nd of December a battle

was fought at Hohenlinden, between the rivers Iser and Inn, in which the

Austrians, under Archduke John, were utterly defeated. Moreau advancing

occupied Saltzburg; and the road to Vienna was not only open to his

army, but also to the armies of Brune and Macdonald. In this emergency

the Emperor Francis was compelled to sue for a separate peace, and

the British government obliged to release him from the terms of his

alliance. A treaty was signed in the ensuing February, which ratified

all the conditions of the treaty of Campo Formio, and included several

new articles of an humiliating nature to the house of Austria. Tuscany

was taken away from the Grand Duke Ferdinand and bestowed upon Louis,

son of the Duke of Parma; and the emperor again acknowledged the

independence of the Cisalpine and Ligurian republics, renouncing all

right or pretension to any of those Italian territories, A new and

extended frontier also was drawn for the Cisalpines, the line of the

Adige being taken from where that river issues from the Tyrol down to

its mouth on the Adriatic. Piedmont was for the present left to the King

of Sardinia; and shortly after this monarch, through the mediation of

the Czar Paul, obtained a peace, agreeing on his part to close his ports

against the English, withdraw some troops sent into the Roman states,

and to give up the principality of Piombino, with some other detached

territories on the Tuscan coast. Through the same mediation Italy was

treated by Napoleon with leniency; and Pope Pius VII., recently elected

to the Pontificate, was allowed to retain the reins of government.

CAPTURE OF MALTA.

During this year the island of Malta, which had been blockaded for

more than two years, was surrendered to Major-general Pigot. The French

troops who had defended it were permitted to return to France, on

condition of not serving till regularly exchanged. This was a great

prize, for Malta is the citadel of the Mediterranean, as Gibralter is

its key: from this time it became a pillar of the British throne.

NAVAL OPERATIONS.

The naval operations of England this year were various, though no very

important results accrued therefrom. The small island of Goree on the

western coast of Africa surrendered to Sir Charles Hamilton; and the

British captured the Dutch island of Curaçoa. A squadron was sent under

Sir Edward Pellew to the peninsula of Quiberon; but all that was done

was to destroy some brigs, sloops, gun-boats, and a few trading vessels.

This armament proceeded to the coast of Spain to destroy the arsenal and

the shipping at Ferrol; but it was attended with the same ill-success.

The land forces accompanying it under Sir James Pulteney then joined to

those of Sir Ralph Abercrombie, who, with the Mediterranean fleet under

Lord Keith, was to make an attack upon Cadiz, and to capture or destroy

the Spanish fleet. But this enterprise was given up as impracticable;

and soon after General Pulteney was sent to Lisbon for the defence of

Portugal, now threatened by Spain; and General Abercrombie received

information that his troops were to be employed in Egypt. The year,

however, was now far spent, and it was the middle of December before the

armament arrived as far as Malta.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

In the midst of these foreign reverses—for such many of the events

may be termed—the scarcity of grain still continued in England. The

national spirit was greatly depressed by these circumstances, and

notwithstanding the hand of charity was active in the alleviation of

distress, several riots took place throughout the kingdom. London was

much agitated: but the Lord Mayor, Mr. Combe, by the aid of volunteers,

succeeded in repressing the commotion without bloodshed. In order to

obtain relief, the city of London and other places petitioned the King

to convene parliament; and it assembled in the month of October, and

passed in rapid succession a number of acts, granting bounties on the

importation of foreign corn, enjoining the baking of mixed and inferior

flour, &c. The distillation of spirits from grain was also suspended.

But the hand of private charity did more good than all this legislation:

it was opened wide, and the sufferings of the poor were thereby greatly

alleviated.

MOTIONS FOR PEACE, ETC.

On the 1st of December, after sundry attacks on the foreign policy of

the ministers, Sheridan moved for an address to his Majesty, praying

him to enter into a separate négociation with France, for a speedy and

honourable peace. This was negatived; and on the 4th of December, Mr.

T. Jones moved another address, imploring his Majesty to dismiss his

present ministers; but this was likewise rejected. The supplies voted

were for three lunar months only; 120,000 men were granted for the

service of the navy, from the 1st of January to the 1st of April, 1801.

The king closed the session of parliament on the last day of the year.

His majesty said that the time fixed for the commencement of the union

of Great Britain and Ireland necessarily terminated their proceedings,

and that the Imperial Parliament—as the united parliament was to be

denominated—was appointed to meet on the 22nd of January, 1801. Before

he retired, his majesty ordered the chancellor to read a proclamation,

declaring that the individuals who composed the expiring parliament,

should be members on the part of Great Britain, of the New or Imperial

Parliament.

The History of England in Three Volumes, Vol.III. From the Accession of George III. to the Twenty-Third Year of the Reign of Queen Victoria · 第 28 / 75 章