CHAPTER XXVI.

{GEORGE III. 1804—1807}

His Majesty’s Indisposition..... Change in the Ministry:

Pitt Resumes Office..... The Slave-Trade Question.....

Additional Force Act..... Debate on the Corn Laws..... The

Budget: Parliament Prorogued..... Affairs of France:

Napoleon created Emperor..... Naval Affairs..... Coalition

between Pitt and Addington..... Meeting of Parliament.....

Army and Navy Estimates, &c. Debate on the Rupture with

Spain..... Claims of the Catholics..... The Slave Trade

Question..... Impeachment of Lord Melville..... Parliament

Prorogued..... Dissensions in the Cabinet.....

Napoleon crowned King of Italy..... Conquests of Napoleon

in Bavaria..... The Battle of Trafalgar, &c.

Meeting of Parliament..... Death of Mr. Pitt..... The

Grenville Administration..... Negociations for Peace.....

Windham’s Military Plan..... The Budget..... Trial of

Lord Melville..... The Slave-Trade Question.....

Parliament Prorogued, &c. Death of Fox..... Naval

Successes..... Disputes with America..... Affairs of

Sicily..... War between France and Prussia, &c.,..... Meeting

of Parliament.

HIS MAJESTY’S INDISPOSITION.

Parliament had scarcely reassembled after the Christmas recess, before

it became known that the king was suffering from an attack of his old

malady. It was announced by a bulletin on the 14th of February, that his

majesty was much indisposed, and a succession of similar notices left

little doubt as to the nature of the complaint. The attack, however,

was not so serious as to render a suspension of the royal functions

necessary; and on the 14th of March the lord chancellor declared that

“the king was in such a state, as to warrant the lords commissioners in

giving the royal assent to several bills.”

CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY—PITT RESUMES OFFICE.

At this time a systematic attack on ministers was pursued by all parties

in opposition, through the medium of investigations into the military

and naval affairs of the empire. Pitt himself at length appeared in the

character of a direct antagonist to Addington. On the 15th of March he

moved for an address, requesting that his majesty would order to be laid

before parliament an account of the number of ships in commision on the

31st of December, 1793, on the 30th of September, 1801, and on the

31st of December, 1803, specifying the service in which they were

respectively employed. The debate on this motion lasted several hours,

but it was lost on a division, by a majority of two hundred and one

votes against one hundred and thirty. Addington was next attacked by

Fox, who, on the 23rd of April, moved for a committee to revise the

several bills that had been proposed for the defence of the country. Fox

had supported Pitt in his motion, and Pitt now stood forward to support

his ancient rival. There was, indeed, but one point on which these two

eminent men differed on this occasion, and that was, the power vested in

the sovereign of calling all his subjects out to defend the country

in case of an invasion. Fox questioned the royal prerogative in this

particular, while Pitt asserted and maintained the principle. The

concurrence of opinions, on all other points between the two rivals,

however, produced a division, in which ministers had a majority of only

fifty-two in a full house. Two days after the attack was renewed in a

more effective manner; Mr. Yorke moved for the house to resolve itself

into a committee on a bill for suspending the army of reserve act,

and though Pitt resisted this, ministers had a majority of only

thirty-seven. Mr. Addington now resolved, as soon as the financial

concerns of the year could be adjusted, to retire from office. This was

effected on the 12th of May; the supplies granted, being £36,000,000 for

Great Britain alone; and on that day it was announced that Addington had

resigned the office of chancellor of the exchequer, and that Pitt had

been appointed to succeed him. Those of the Addington ministry retained

were the Duke of Portland, president of the council; Lord Eldon,

chancellor; the Earl of Westmoreland, lord privy seal; the Earl

of Chatham, master-general of the ordnance; and Lord Castlereagh,

president, at that time, of the board of control. The new members were

Lord Melville, first lord of the admiralty; Lord Harrowby, secretary for

foreign affairs; Lord Camden, secretary for the department of war and

colonies; and Lord Mulgrave, chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, with

a seat in the cabinet. The government of Ireland was left unchanged,

except that Mr. Wickham, chief secretary, retired on account of ill

health, and was succeeded by Sir Evan Nepean. The appointments made in

the subordinate offices of state, were, Mr. William Dundas, secretary

at war; George Rose and Lord Charles Somerset, joint paymasters of the

forces; the Duke of Montrose and Lord Charles Spencer, joint paymasters

general; Messrs. Huskisson and Sturges Bourne, secretaries to the

treasury; and Mr. Canning, treasurer to the navy. No changes were made

in the law departments of the country, and very few in the household

offices; the most important in the latter was the appointment of the

Marquis of Hertford to be master of the horse.

THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.

On the 30th of May Mr. Wilberforce, who had been labouring in his

vocation session after session, without making any visible progress

in the noble cause he had espoused, moved for the appointment of a

committee to consider the propriety of introducing a bill for the

abolition of the slave-trade, after a time to be limited. Both Pitt

and Fox supported the philanthropist, and his motion was carried by a

majority of seventy-five against forty-nine. A bill was now brought

in for the abolition, and the third reading was carried on the 28th

of June, by a majority of sixty-nine voices against thirty-three. Mr.

Wilberforce began to have hope that his long labour was about to be

rewarded—that the one grand object of his life was now about to be

accomplished. But he was doomed to be disappointed. It was rejected in

the upper house, on the ground, that having been introduced at so late

a period of the session, interested parties would be unable to obtain

substantial justice.

ADDITIONAL FORCE ACT

On the 5th of June Pitt introduced a bill for raising and supporting a

military force, and for a general reduction of the additional militia,

and which was denominated, “The additional force act.” The essential

part of his plan was to increase the permanent strength of the regular

army, to which end he proposed limiting the militia to its usual

amount of 40,000 for England, and 8000 for Scotland, and removing the

difficulties which now stood in the way of recruiting for the regular

army, by destroying the competition existing between those who recruited

for the regular service, and those who recruited for limited service

only. He likewise proposed that the army of reserve should be raised

for five years, and that while it was not to be called out for foreign

service, it should serve both as an auxiliary force to the regular army,

and as a stock from which that army might be recruited. According to

his plan, it was to be joined to the regular army in the way of

second battalions; and he considered that from so close a connexion, a

considerable number of the reserve might be induced to volunteer for the

regular army, Pitt’s bill was opposed by Windham, Fox, Addington, and

others, but it was carried through the commons with small majorities,

and in the lords, by one hundred and fifty against sixty-nine.

DEBATE ON THE CORN-LAWS.

In consequence of a report of the commons, it was thought expedient,

at the close of this session to adopt some new legislative regulations

concerning the corn-laws. From that report, it appeared that though

yielding, on an average, a fair remuneration to the grower, the price

of corn from 1791 to 1803 had been irregular. It was also found that

the effect of high prices had begun to stimulate industry, and to

bring-large tracts of waste land into cultivation. This added to the

last two favourable seasons had occasioned a great depreciation in the

value of grain, and it was thought agriculture would be discouraged

unless immediate relief were afforded. Under this impression, although

£30,000,000 had been paid to foreign countries for the supplies of corn,

it was proposed to annex a bounty to exportation. A bill was introduced

allowing exportation when the price of wheat was at or below forty-eight

shillings a quarter, and importation when the price, in the twelve

maritime counties of England, should exceed sixty-six shillings. This

“bill to starve the poor” passed, and became the law of the land.

THE BUDGET—PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

The budget had been discussed before Pitt’s return to office; but on the

2nd of July, the house of commons resolved itself into a committee

of supply, to which several accounts were referred relative to the

augmentation of the civil list, which was now greatly in arrears. During

the session the total supplies granted were £12,350,600 for the navy;

£6,159,114 for the militia and fencible corps; £3,737,091 for the

ordnance; £4,217,295 for miscellaneous services in Great Britain;

£2,500,000 for miscellaneous services relating to Ireland; £591,842

for discharging arrears and debts on the civil list; and £60,000 for an

additional sum for the better support of his majesty’s household. The

sum total granted was, £53,609,574; to raise which recourse was had to

new taxes and duties, loans, annuities, and to three lotteries. Little

other business of importance was transacted during this session. The

session closed on the 31st of July, when the king expressed a hope that

the exertions of the country might, by their influence on other states,

lead to the re-establishment of a system which would oppose a barrier

against those schemes of ambition which threatened the ancient

monarchies of Europe.

AFFAIRS OF FRANCE: NAPOLEON CREATED EMPEROR.

In the midst of this prosperity Napoleon was not without his enemies;

about this time, indeed; a formidable conspiracy was formed against him

in the heart of France. At the head of this conspiracy was Pichegru, a

French refugee in England. Pichegru, acting with the royalist agents,

corresponded with Moreau, whom Buonaparte had recently slighted, and

entered into a plot with him for overthrowing the consular government.

With them the Chouan leader, George Cadoudal, was also associated.

Pichegru, left England early in the year 1804, to assist in carrying

their plan into effect; but the conspiracy was discovered in February,

and Pichegru and Cadoudal suffered death, while Moreau was banished.

Others of less note were likewise executed for this conspiracy. Coupled

with it stands a fearful deed in the page of Napoleon’s history—the

foul murder of the Duke D’Enghein. This noble youth, who was the last

scion of the house of Condé, inhabited a place called Ettenheim, in the

duchy of Baden. As he was an emigrant, and naturally attached to the

fortunes of his house, it was resolved that he should be sacrificed,

in order to strike terror into the heart of the Bourbons. By Napoleon’s

order he was surprised in his castle, which stood on neutral ground,

conducted to Vincennes, tried by a military commission, and shot in the

fosse of the château, with the grave in which he was to be buried full

in his view. Yet it was immediately after this execrable deed that

Napoleon ascended the summit of his desires—the throne of France. By

it he endeared himself to the old regicidal Jacobin party; and they

promised to support him in his attempt to mount the imperial throne.

The blood of the Duke D’Enghein, indeed, cemented the steps of the

adventurer’s throne. Immediately after the senate prayed him that he

would govern France under the name of Napoleon Buonaparte and with the

title of “emperor;” and on the 18th of May they passed a decree styling

him “Napoleon Buonaparte, Emperor of the French.” The remainder of this

year was spent by Napoleon in making arrangements on assuming his new

title. Excepting England, all the states of Europe were consulted; and

even Austria, his ancient foe, recognised his title. Finally the pontiff

was brought to Paris from Rome in order to consecrate the new dynasty.

He was crowned on the 2nd of December, 1804, on which occasion Pope Pius

VII. in his homily compared himself to Elias and Samuel, and Napoleon to

Hazael, Jehu, David, and Saul.

“Look now on that adventurer who hath paid

His vows to fortune; who, in cruel slight

Of virtuous hope, of liberty, and right,

Hath followed wheresoe’er a way was made

By the Wind goddess—ruthless, undismayed;

And so hath gained at length a prosperous height,

Round which the elements of worldly might

Beneath his haughty feet like clouds are laid.

Oh, joyless power that stands by lawless force

Curses are his dire portion, scorn, and hate,

Internal darkness and unquiet breath;

And if old judgments keep their sacred course,

Him from that height shall heaven precipitate

By violent or ignominious death.”

—WORDSWORTH.

On ascending the throne of France Napoleon surrounded himself with all

the array of courts. His brothers Louis and Joseph were created

princes, and many of his officers dignified with the title of marshals.

Dignitaries of the crown were also appointed, and pages and chamberlains

swarmed in his palace. His court vied with that of the Bourbons in their

most palmy days for its magnificence. “Princes of the house,” it has

been observed, “grand dignitaries without emoluments, without other

functions than the ceremonial of presentation; grand officers of the

empire, officers of the court in manifold gradation, with all the

oriental pageantry, formed a barrier between the sultan and his people.”

Then, indeed, was the proud nation of France humbled. From a nation of

kings they became a nation of slaves to one man, and that one man of men

the meanest. Their one cry had been “Equality and liberty,” and now they

saw themselves under the feet of one of their own order; of one who was

able to keep them in a state of utter and abject subjection.

NAVAL AFFAIRS.

During this year Napoleon made great efforts to acquire the means of

meeting the British navy on equal terms. By a convention with Genoa

he obtained the service of 6000 seamen, with the use of its harbours,

arsenals, and dock-yards; while the Ligurian republic engaged to enlarge

the basin for the reception of ten sail of the line at its own expense.

The fleet of Spain also was now at his own disposal, the Spanish

government being compelled by France to make preparations for the

resumption of hostilities. A Spanish squadron was preparing for action

in the port of Ferrol; and Captain Moore was sent with four frigates

in order to intercept such Spanish vessels of war homeward bound as

contained Dullion or treasure; it being supposed that the Spanish

government waited only for their arrival before they commenced war. In

the month of October Captain Moore fell in with four large frigates, and

an engagement took place, in which one of the Spanish ships blew up, and

the others struck in succession after sustaining considerable loss.

This squadron was from the Rio de la Plata, and it contained about four

millions of dollars, besides merchandise of great value.

Early in this year a gallant action was sustained by the British off the

straits of Malacca. When Admiral Linois, whose departure for the East

Indies has before been noticed, withdrew from the road of Pondicherry,

he captured several East India ships, made a successful descent on

Bencoolen, and then, collecting his whole force, he cruised off the

Straits of Malacca, in expectation of the British homeward-bound fleet

from Canton. As he had with him one ship of the line, three frigates,

and a brig, and as our merchant-vessels had no men-of-war to convoy

them, he made sure of a rich prize. On the 14th of February he fell

in with his expected prey. But by this time the company’s ships were

generally armed and well officered, and Captain Dance, who was acting

as commodore to the fleet of traders, gallantly hoisted his colours and

offered him battle. The French admiral, however, stood aloof; and Dance

formed in order of sailing and pursued his course. Linois now followed

him; and on the 15th Dance finding that the enemy’s intention was to cut

off his rear, made the signal to tack, and bear down on them, and engage

in succession. The “Royal George” bore the brunt of the action, being

ably seconded as they came up by the “Ganges,” “Warley,” “Alfred,” and

the “Earl Camden.” The action lasted nearly one hour, and then, before

any of the other ships could come up, the enemy hauled away to the

eastward with all the sail they could set. This was two o’clock in the

day, and Dance pursued Linois till four in the afternoon; when fearing

that a longer pursuit would carry him too far from the Straits of

Malacca, he made the signal to tack, and by eight in the evening they

all anchored safely in a situation to enter the strait next morning.

Nothing more was seen of Linois; and the squadron returned safely to

England, when Dance was knighted by the king, and with his brave crew

rewarded by the East India Company. Liberal sums were also given him and

to the officers and crews by the committee of the “Patriotic Fund.”

During the autumn of this year, after various attempts to destroy

the French flotillas in their own harbours had failed, Lord Keith

was directed to make an experiment with the catamaran flotilla. The

catamaran’s were copper vessels filled with combustibles, and so

constructed as to explode at a given time by clock-work. They were to be

fastened to the bows of the vessels by the aid of a small raft rowed by

one man who, being up to the chin in water, was expected in the darkness

of the night to escape discovery. Sir Sidney Smith with other able

officers were selected for this perilous enterprise; and the attack was

to be covered by Lord Keith’s squadron. The expedition anchored about

a league and a half from Boulogne on the 2nd of October; and soon

after nine at night a detachment of fire-ships was launched. But this

enterprise proved signally abortive. The catamarans sent exploded

with an awful noise, and created a great alarm, not only in the French

flotilla, but also in the shore batteries; but the explosion only

wounded some half-dozen Frenchmen, while they blew up nothing but

themselves. In the whole affair, which lasted till four o’clock in the

morning, the French had only fourteen killed and seven wounded, while

the English had not a single man hurt. This catamaran expedition,

indeed, from which mighty things were expected by the whole nation,

ended only in laughter and derision. It brought disgrace not only on the

projectors, but to our national character, it being a plan unworthy OF

men of valour. It had been projected by the Addington administration;

but as it was tried under the present cabinet, the admiralty won for

themselves the dishonourable appellation of “The Catamaran Admiralty.”

As for Napoleon, it served him for a pretext for disseminating the most

bitter invectives against the English throughout the continent; and

many, even in England, were induced to believe that he had not adopted

his own violent measures without the means of justification.

{GEORGE III. 1804—1807}

COALITION BETWEEN PITT AND ADDINGTON.

At the close of this year Pitt felt his ministerial condition to be one

of extreme difficulty. Under these circumstances he was compelled to

make peace with Addington, who had carried with him a considerable force

to the mixed opposition. It is said that the king insisted upon this

reconciliation; and it appears to be proved, not only by expressions

used by Pitt himself in hisletters to Wilberforce, but from the fact

that Addington was raised to the peerage as Viscount Sidmouth of

Sidmouth. He was brought into the cabinet as president of the council,

in the room of the Duke of Portland, who resigned office on account

of age and infirmity. At the same time Lord Mulgrave was appointed

secretary of state for the foreign department, in the place of Lord

Harrowby, who was suffering from a severe illness; and the Earl of

Buckinghamshire took Lord Mulgrave’s post, as chancellor of the Duchy of

Lancaster.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1805}

Parliament was opened by the king in person on the 15th of January. In

his speech the king announced that preparations for invasion were still

carried on by France with unceasing activity; and that Spain, under

French control, had declared war against this country. But his majesty

was still confident of ultimate success; for after referring to the

skill and intrepidity of the British navy, the formidable state of the

army, and the general ardour manifested by all classes of his subjects,

he characterized the intended invasion as “presumptuous and desperate.”

The usual addresses were passed unanimously in both houses.

ARMY AND NAVY ESTIMATES, ETC.

On the 23rd of January the commons voted 120,000 men, including marines,

for the service of the navy during the present year. A few days after

the secretary at war moved the army estimates, which amounted to

£12,395,490 for 312,000 men under various heads of service; on which

occasion lie stated that in the United Kingdom there were 600,000 men

in arms, including volunteers, of whom 240,000 were fit for active and

immediate service. The budget was opened on the 13th of February,

when the supplies stated amounted to £44,500,000 for Great Britain and

Ireland. The ways and means comprised a loan of £20,000,000 for Great

Britain, and £2,500,000 for Ireland; and a considerable addition was

made to the war-taxes. Thus the income-tax was raised to six and a

quarter per cent., and the salt-duty was augmented by one-half. The new

taxes were estimated at £1,000,000; yet Pitt, while thus adding to

the public burden, and while war menaced England on every hand,

congratulated the house on the increasing prosperity of the country.

At this time, however, the prime minister had lost much of his usual

confidence, arising partly from his declining health. Although in the

prime of life, Pitt, from the task which he had undertaken, and which he

so energetically performed, was now in constitution a worn-out man.

The burden of office was too great for his strength; and it had become

manifest that he would never arrive at the allotted age of man.

DEBATE ON THE RUPTURE WITH SPAIN.

In the month of February a debate took place on the rupture with Spain.

Opposition endeavoured to prove that it arose from our attack on its

frigates, before recorded. Ministers, they said, had rushed into this

war unnecessarily; and Lord Grenville reprobated the act of attacking

the frigates of Spain, as contrary to all the laws of civilized warfare.

“No capture of treasure,” he remarked, “could wash away the stain of

innocent blood thus brought on our arms.” Ministers replied that Spain,

by her treaties with France, in which she bound herself to furnish, on

demand and without demur or inquiry into the justice or policy of the

war, a certain aid of ships and men to France, became a principal in

the war—an argument which could not be refuted. It was plain to all

the world, indeed, that Spain intended to declare war as soon as her

treasure-ships arrived at Cadiz; she had, in truth, no alternative,

for the Spanish government was under the vassalage and dictation of the

ruler of France.

CLAIMS OF THE CATHOLICS.

In the debate on the address in the commons, Pitt had been reminded that

he had done nothing to redeem the pledge which he was understood to have

given to the Roman Catholics. In his reply the prime minister stated,

that on a future occasion he should have an opportunity of explaining

what had induced him to let their claims remain unsatisfied, and that he

had no doubt the house would then, for the reasons he should give, give

him credit for consistency. Notwithstanding this assurance, petitions,

praying relief from civil disabilities, were presented by Lord Grenville

in the lords, and by Fox in the commons. Pitt, however, declared that

existing circumstances were unfavourable to their request; and it was

accordingly rejected by large majorities. As he resigned office because

he could not compel the king to grant the claims of the Roman Catholics,

and as he resumed it with an acquiescence in their disabilities, Pitt’s

character has been vehemently attacked on this question—he stands

charged with sacrificing principle to ambition. There is no good reason

for such a charge: it is evident that Pitt did intend bringing this

question before the house whenever a favourable moment should arrive.

That moment did not arrive during the present session; and before the

next was two days old Pitt was dead. It is unreasonable therefore to

stigmatize his memory as unprincipled, on a subject which he had no

opportunity of bringing forward; for, from the time of his resuming

office till the day on which he died, his mind was wholly occupied in

providing for the safety of his country.

THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.

During this session, contrary to the advice of Pitt, the question of the

slave-trade was again brought forward by Wilberforce. His bill was read

the first time on the 10th of February, and the second reading was fixed

for the 28th. He seemed to have nothing to fear in the house of commons;

but on the 28th his constancy in the righteous cause he had undertaken

was severely tried. On “that fatal night,” as he called it, not one of

his usual supporters, excepting Fox, spoke in its favour; and several

who had been neutral in the last session now voted against him. The

Irish members also were either absent or hostile, although they had

hitherto been warm in his favour. His bill was lost by seventy-seven

against seventy.

IMPEACHMENT OF LORD MELVILLE.

Early in this session Lord Melville was threatened with impeachment.

In February Wilberforce wrote, “Rumour has for some time impeached Lord

Melville’s integrity. I have had much talk with George Rose about him.

Rose is confident that Pitt will defend him, though he tells me some

stories, and strong ones, of jobs which have fallen under his own view.”

The storm which menaced Melville fell upon his head in April. In 1803

a bill had been passed, appointing commissioners to make inquiries into

the abuses of the naval department. These commissioners produced many

reports, the truth of which appeared to implicate Lord Melville, who,

while he filled the office of treasurer of the navy, had illegally

retained balances of the public money. This report was brought under

the consideration of the commons by Mr. Whitbread, who exhibited three

charges against Lord Melville:—first, his application of the public

money to other uses than those of the naval department, in express

contempt of an act of parliament;—secondly, his connivance at a system

of peculation in an individual, for whose conduct he was officially

responsible;—and, thirdly, his own participation in that system.

This second charge had reference to Mr. Trotter, who, it was said,

appropriated the public money to private purposes, at the express

connivance of Lord Melville. In making these charges Whitbread

remarked:—“To the honour of public men, charges like the present have

seldom been exhibited; and it is a remarkable circumstance that the

only instance, for a long-period, is one that was preferred against

Sir Thomas Rumbold by this noble lord himself, on the ground of

malversations in India.” With respect to the first point of accusation,

it appeared from the report that there had been for several years

deficiencies in the accounts of the treasurer of the navy, to the amount

of £600,000 a year and upwards. When Lord Melville was asked a plain

question respecting the appropriation of this money, he, as well as

Trotter, professed total ignorance of the deficiencies; but presently,

beginning to recover his recollection, he confessed that from the year

1788 down to the period of his examination, he had been in the habit

of drawing out public money, and placing it in the hands of his own

bankers. When the commissioners extended their inquiries a little

further, he had the assurance to declare that they had no right to

interfere in his private affairs. In a letter to the commissioners he

acknowledged the fact of advances having been made to him, but said that

he could not give the other information required, because he could not

disclose state secrets, and because he was not in possession of the

accounts of advances made to other departments, having himself committed

them to the flames. And not only had the noble lord destroyed the

papers, but he had actually lost all recollection of the whole

transaction. This was the principal charge against the noble lord; and

Mr. Whitbread concluded by moving thirteen resolutions, founded on the

circumstances which he developed in making the whole of his charges.

Lord Melville was defended by Pitt, who observed that neither the report

nor Mr. Whitbread himself alleged that any loss had proceeded from the

transactions set forth to the public. The subject, he said, was of a

grave and solemn nature; and that if, in a great pecuniary department,

irregularities had been committed, though unattended with loss, the

house might justly set a mark on such proceedings. As, however, all

the circumstances of the case were not before them in the report, he

contended that till they were the house could not be in a situation

to come to any vote. Pitt moved the previous question; and after some

observations from the attorney-general, Mr. Canning, the master of the

rolls, and Lord Castlereagh, in support of Pitt’s views,—and from

Lord Henry Petty, Messrs. Ponsonby, Fox, and Wilberforce in support of

Whitbread’s resolutions, the house divided. On a division there were

two hundred and sixteen votes for, and an equal number against Mr.

Whitbread’s motion, and the speaker gave a casting vote in its favour.

This led to Lord Melville’s retirement from office. On the 10th of April

the house was informed that he had tendered his resignation to the king,

and that it had been accepted. On the 6th of May Mr. Whitbread

proposed the erasure of the delinquent’s name from the list of the

privy-councillors; but as Pitt observed that the measure was generally

considered expedient, no motion was made on that subject. Later in the

session, after a long and able speech, he moved that “Lord Viscount

Melville be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors;” and this measure

was adopted on the 25th of June, Mr. Whitbread being appointed manager.

On the next day, in company with a great number of members, Whitbread

impeached Lord Melville at the bar of the house of lords; and

subsequently he brought a bill into the commons to avoid those

differences of opinion which had arisen in the case of Warren Hastings,

or to prevent the proceedings in the impeachment of Lord Melville from

being affected by any prorogation or dissolution of parliament. This

bill was carried without a division; but here the proceedings rested for

the present. Before any further progress could be made in them, Pitt,

on whose health and strength they had operated unfavourably, was laid in

Westminster Abbey.

PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

Parliament was prorogued by commission on the 12th of July. On that

occasion, his majesty sent a message to the lords and commons, stating

that the communications which had taken place, and were still depending

between him and some of the powers on the continent, had not yet been

brought to such a point, as to enable him to lay the result of them

before the house, or to enter into any further explanation with the

French government consistently with the sentiments he uttered at the

opening of the session. At the same time he recommended parliament to

consider the propriety of making provision for enabling him to take

such measures, and entering into such engagements, as the exigencies

of affairs might require. A sum, not to exceed £3,500,000 was instantly

voted by the commons, for the purposes stated in the message.

DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET.

Soon after the Easter recess, Lord Sidmouth had suggested the propriety

of removing Lord Melville from the privy-council, but Pitt imagined that

the country would be satisfied with the resignation of his office, and

therefore refused to comply. Lord Sidmouth was also offended by the

premier’s refusal to place his friend, the Earl of Buckinghamshire, at

the head of the admiralty; and expressed his intention of retiring from

office, together with the Earl and Mr. Vansittart. This intention

was delayed by the erasure of Lord Melville’s name from the list of

privy-councillors, and the vote of impeachment which followed; but

the breach made was too wide to be thus healed. Two days before the

prorogation, Lord Sidmouth and the Earl of Buckinghamshire resigned,

and were succeeded by Lords Camden and Harrowby, while Lord Castlereagh

obtained Earl Camden’s place of secretary for foreign affairs. These

dissensions, as well as the loss of so able a colleague as Lord

Melville, occasioned deep anxiety to Pitt, and contributed to oppress

and wear down a constitution already on the decline. His anxiety was

further increased by the uncertain state of affairs on the continent.

NAPOLEON CROWNED KING OF ITALY

An Italian historian, writing of Napoleon’s character at this period,

says: “The nature of Napoleon was restless, disordered: constant only in

ambition. He never remained long at the same point, changing continually

to rise the higher. It appeared, and it was even solemnly, and with

magnificent words, said by him, and by Melzi, the vice-president of the

Cisalpine republic, that the regulations made at Lyons with the Italian

consulta, were to be unchangeable and eternal; but before two years

those regulations were described as defective, insufficient, and not

conducive to anything good or lasting. All this signified, that he who

had made himself an emperor in France, must be made a king in Italy. It

was not without a design that so many Italians of note had been invited

to Paris, to attend, in the name of the Cisalpine republic, the imperial

coronation and ceremonies. Melzi, the vice-president, the councillors

of state, together with deputies from colleges, &c., obeyed the summons,

and remained some considerable time in France. They were given to

understand, that the emperor must be king on the other side of the Alps;

that the Italian republic was an anomaly; and that the proceedings

at Lyons must be condemned and reversed.” This plain language was

understood by the state consulta of the Italian republic, and they chose

the powerful monarch of France King of Italy. On the 26th of May in

this year Napoleon placed the iron crown of Charlemagne upon his head

in Milan, and appointed Eugene Beauharnois, his step-son, viceroy. By

a stroke of his pen he also annulled the constitution of the Ligurian

republic, and incorporated Genoa with the French empire. Three

departments, Genoa, Moulenotte, and the Apennines were formed out

of this republic; and the incorporation of Parma and Piacenza was

subsequently formed by an imperial decree. About the same time, the

people of Lucca having expressed a wish to be governed by a prince of

the house of Napoleon, the emperor gave them his brother-in-law,

Pascal Felix Bacciochi, for hereditary prince. Moreover, in Batavia the

republican principle became incompatible with the interest of the

new imperial state, and that country had to accommodate itself to the

monarchic form; its government was dissolved, and superseded by a grand

pensioner, elected for five years, and invested with almost unlimited

power. By incorporating Genoa with the empire, Napoleon said that he had

only one end in view—that of obtaining 15,000 seamen, for the purpose

of venturing a great naval struggle, in which, if he proved victorious,

he should then invade England. His plan was to distract the British

government; to scatter its fleets, by despatching his own squadrons,

some to the West Indies, and others to the Spanish ports; and then

to effect a junction of all, and collect such a force as would ensure

success in a naval combat. This, however, could not have been his

principal object. At this time he could not have been ignorant of the

coalition forming against him, which it was his interest to provide

against. So many violations of treaties, and such unbounded desire of

aggrandizement this year promoted the formation of a third coalition

against him, of which England was the centre. Sweden first, then Russia,

and next Austria, joined themselves with the British government in

a league against France; and though Prussia stood neutral, yet she

secretly approved the spirit of this coalition. But its ruin was

nevertheless induced by the policy of Russia. Austria was exposed alone

to the blows of the enemy; the aid of Russia was too remote, and England

fought only with money and vessels. The treaty aimed at nothing less

than a league of all the European states against France, and the

re-establishment of all the relations that existed before the war of

the revolution. But these designs were frustrated, and that chiefly by

Prussia’s remaining neutral; without the accession of this power, it

was scarcely possible to make an effectual attack on the enemy. Its

neutrality was, in fact, a protection to the northern half of the French

empire.

CONQUESTS OF NAPOLEON IN BAVARIA.

Certified of the nature and extent of the coalition formed against him,

Napoleon hastened to secure Bavaria to himself, by the promise of a

large aggrandizement of territory. In consequence of this, Austria

advanced her troops, peremptorily requiring the elector to join the

imperial standard. This he refused to do, and then the Austrian army was

ordered to occupy Munich. On his return from Italy, Napoleon had spoken

of the invasion of England as an enterprise fully determined upon; but

on the 28th of August he announced that “the army of England” was to

become “the army of Germany.” Forthwith, the 150,000 men collected at

Boulogne, and along that coast, struck their tents, and forming

into five separate corps, marched for the Rhine. He affected great

disappointment in abandoning his scheme of invasion; but it is doubtful

whether he ever really intended to take such a step. The readiness,

indeed, with which he dictated his masterly plan for a continental

campaign, proves that it had been the subject of a long and mature

reflection, and would indicate that this was in reality his grand

design. At the same time, such was his mortal hatred to England, that,

if he had discerned the remotest chance of success, there is little

doubt but that he would have engaged in the desperate enterprise. But

England was freed from all fears, and the armies destined to act against

her took another route. The five great columns which marched from

Boulogne were led by Marshals Soult, Davoust, Ney, Lannes, and Murat;

but in the month of September Napoleon took the command of the whole in

person. He prefaced his departure for the “Grand Army” by going in

state to the senate, and there delivering a speech on the causes of

the present war. He remarked: “The wishes of the eternal enemies of the

continent are at-last fulfilled; war is begun in the middle of Germany.

Austria and Russia have joined England; and our generation is again

plunged into the calamities of war. The Austrian army has crossed the

Inn; the elector of Bavaria has been driven away from his capital: all

my hopes of the preservation of peace have vanished. In this instance,

the wickedness of the enemies of the continent has fully revealed

itself. They feared the manifestations of my deep love for peace—they

feared that Austria, at the sight of the abyss they have dug under her

feet, might return to sentiments of justice and moderation, and they

have hurried her into war. I sigh in thinking of the blood that this

will cost Europe; but the French name shall derive a lustre from it.

Senators, when, at your request, at the voice of the whole French

people, I assumed the imperial crown, I received of you, and of all

citizens, a solemn engagement to preserve it pure and without stain. My

people will rush to the standard of their emperor and of his army, which

in a few days will have crossed the frontiers. Magistrates, soldiers,

citizens, are all determined to keep our country free from the influence

of England, who, if she should prevail, would grant us none but an

ignominious peace, the principal conditions of which would be,

the burning of our fleets, the filling up of our harbours, and the

annihilation of our industry.” At the time Napoleon joined his “Grand

Army” at Mayence, and when the Austrians commenced operations, the

Russians had scarcely arrived in Gallicia. The Austrian army was

commanded by Field-marshal Mack, who, notwithstanding his shameful

discomfiture in the south of Italy, in the year 1799, still passed with

the Aulic Council as a great military genius. Under him were 80,000

men, with which army he took post at Ulm, thinking that Napoleon must

of necessity take the same route which Moreau had formerly taken. The

French emperor, however, finally divided his immense army into seven

corps; and before Mack was aware, an overwhelming force was in his rear.

Retreat was impossible; Mack was defeated on every hand, and he shut

himself up in Ulm, where he was soon compelled to capitulate. An

imperial bulletin announced the capture of 60,000 prisoners, two hundred

pieces of cannon, and eighty stand of colours, in a campaign of fifteen

days. Nothing now arrested the onward march of the French. Although the

Russians, commanded by Kutosow, had finally arrived on the banks of

the Ister, they were unable to arrest the enemy’s progress. The

French, attended by continual victory, arrived at Vienna on the 13th of

November; and on the same day they crossed the Danube, on the left bank

of which the Russians were marching to Moravia. Napoleon concentrated

his forces at Bruma; and on the 27th of November the forces of Austria

and Russia, under the command of their respective emperors, who had

united at Olmutz, marched against him. The battle of Austerlitz was now

fought and lost. On the 1st of December Francis and Alexander saw the

destruction of thirty thousand of their soldiers, the capture of fifteen

thousand more, and the wild flight of those who escaped the slaughter;

one hundred cannon and a rich booty fell likewise into the hands of

the French. In the meantime the Austrian army in Italy, under Archduke

Charles, and another in the Tyrol, under the Archduke John, had been

compelled by the French to retreat; and having united, they marched

towards Vienna. But the Emperor of Austria had now lost all heart.

Prussia had recently made peace with France; and two days after the

battle of Austerlitz Francis repaired in person to the camp of Napoleon,

near Saroschuez, and entered into a preliminary convention relative to

an armistice and peace. Finally, a treaty was signed at Presburg,

on December the 26th, which broke the power of Austria, and gave the

continent into the hands of France. By this treaty, all the countries

usurped by Napoleon before the war were ratified to him, and Austria

likewise ceded the Venetian territory on both sides of the sea to his

“Kingdom of Italy;” to Bavaria, Tyrol, Vorarlberg, Eichstaedt, and

a part of Passau; and to Bavaria, Wurtemburg, Baden, the Suabian

territories, and the Breisgau. In return, Austria received Salzburg, and

Berchtesgaden; and the dignity of Grand Master of the Teutonic order

was to be assigned, hereditarily, to an Austrian prince. By this treaty,

likewise, the electors of Bavaria and Wurtemburg were acknowledged as

kings, and the elector of Baden as independent. The Emperor of Russia

was invited to become a party in this treaty, but he disdained it, and

led his forces into his own dominions. It was not merely the loss of

territory that made the peace of Presburg, humiliating to Austria: the

moral effects of a fall of such unexampled rapidity, and the complete

change of all relations in Germany, made it still more depressing.

South Germany, hitherto the vassal realm of Austria, now acknowledged

the rule of France. The German imperial dignity no longer possessed

importance; and the whole system of the European states was overthrown.

The smaller German States of the Rhine, were formed by the conqueror

into what was called “the Confederation of the Rhine;” the old Germanic

empire was therefore dissolved, and the influence of the French fully

established over a great part of Germany. Very soon after this treaty,

indeed, the Emperor Francis formally renounced his title of Elective

Emperor of Germany, and assumed that of Hereditary Emperor of Austria.

The conquests of Napoleon were followed by the aggrandizement of his

house. Less than three weeks after signing the treaty of Presburg,

Eugene Beauharnois married the daughter of the King of Bavaria, and

shortly after, Princess Stephanie Beauharnois, Eugene’s cousin, was

given in marriage to the son and heir of the Grand Duke of Baden.

Another matrimonial alliance was also contemplated with the family of

the King of Wurtemburg.

{GEORGE III. 1804—1807}

THE BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR, ETC.

Though successful on the Continent, the power of Napoleon by sea was

this year broken. Nelson had been appointed to the command of the

Mediterranean fleet in the autumn of the year 1803. In the first

month of the present year, while at anchor off Sardinia, he received

intelligence that the Toulon fleet had put to sea. Nelson instantly

weighed, and after beating about the Sicilian seas for ten days, he ran

for Egypt, under the impression that they were bound for that country.

Subsequently he discovered that the enemy had put back to Toulon; and,

in the hope of tempting it out to sea, he bore away for the coast

of Spain, and ran down as far as Barcelona. This stratagem failed of

effect; but on the last day of March he received intelligence that

Villeneuve had put to sea, with eleven ships of the line and seven

frigates, and when last seen was steering towards the coast of Africa.

Under the impression that the enemy was bound for Egypt, Nelson covered

the channel between Sardinia and Barbary, and when he found that he

was mistaken, he bore up for Palermo, and despatched cruizers in all

directions, lest it should pass to the north of Corsica. At length,

feeling that Villeneuve was not gone toward the Levant, he despatched

frigates to Gibraltar, to Lisbon, and to Admiral Cornwallis, off Brest,

beat up against contrary winds, and arrived in sight of Gibraltar, on

the 30th or April; but being unable to pass through the Straits, by

reason of a strong westerly gale, he anchored off the coast of Barbary.

In the mean time the French admiral had hastened on to Cadiz, and

Sir John Orde, who commanded the blockading squadron, retired at his

approach. Villeneuve was joined at Cadiz by six Spanish, and two French

ships of the line; making his whole force, eighteen line-of-battle

ships, six frigates of forty guns each, and four smaller vessels. The

united squadrons now sailed for the West Indies, and Nelson having

discovered their place of destination, set sail with ten ships of the

line, and three frigates, in pursuit of them. It has been supposed that

Nelson would not have engaged his enemy, had he met with them, his force

being so disproportionate: but it is clear from his own words that he

would have fought had he come up with them. “Take you each a Frenchman,”

he observed to his officers, “and leave the Spaniards to me: when I

haul down my colours, I expect you to do the same.” But Nelson was again

doomed to be disappointed in his search. He sought the enemy at Tobago,

Trinidad, and Grenada, but not being able to discover or to gain any

certain intelligence of them, he came to Gibraltar, where he went

on shore for the first time since June, 1803. While at Gibraltar, he

communicated with Admiral Collingwood, who, with a detached squadron,

had taken his station off Cadiz, to prevent any progress of the

Spaniards, and who had divined that the enemy’s intention, or at least a

part of it, was to invade Ireland. Subsequently Nelson sought the

enemy off Cape St. Vincent, at Cadiz, in the Bay of Biscay, and on

the north-west coast of Ireland. Frustrated in all his hopes, after a

pursuit which exhibited the most indomitable ardour, and which scarcely

has its parallel in history, he judged it best to re-enforce the

Channel-fleet, and accordingly, on the 15th of August, he joined Admiral

Cornwallis, off Ushant. While off Ushant, Nelson received orders

to proceed with the “Victory,” his own ship, and the “Superb,” to

Portsmouth. It was at Portsmouth that he first received certain

intelligence of the enemy’s movements. Sir Robert Calder, who had been

sent out to intercept their return, fell in with them on the 22d of

July, sixty leagues west of Cape Finisterre; and though his force

consisted only of fifteen ships of the line, and two frigates, he boldly

attacked the enemy, who now numbered twenty-seven of the line, three of

fifty guns, and two frigates; and after a combat of four hours succeeded

in capturing two ships of the line, and defeated the greatest and best

combined project ever formed by the genius of Napoleon. The French

admiral sought refuge in Ferrol, and then threw himself into Cadiz.

Nelson was now once more appointed to the command of the fleet, and once

more he went in search of the enemy. He considered the enemy’s fleet,

which he had so long pursued, his own proper game, the price and reward

of his long and anxious search. In this feeling, also, his country

joined.

Describing his departure from Portsmouth, his biographer remarks:—“Many

were in tears, and many knelt down before him, to bless him as he

passed. All men knew that his heart was as humane as it was fearless;

that there was not in his nature an alloy of selfishness or cupidity,

but that he served his country with a perfect and entire devotion;

therefore they loved him as truly and fervently as he loved England.”

Nelson arrived off Cadiz on the 29th of September, the very day on which

the French admiral received orders to put to sea the first opportunity.

That it might not be known to the enemy that the hero of the Nile was

watching them, Nelson did not suffer his flag to be saluted, and took

every precaution of keeping his arrival secret, as well as the numerical

force of his fleet. He took his station fifty miles westward of Cadiz,

near Cape St. Mary, where he prepared his plan of attack, which he sent

to Admiral Collingwood, who was blockading all the small ports between

Cadiz and Algesiras, in order that Villeneuve might finally be compelled

for want of provision to set sail. Nelson’s plan was to be nearly that

of sailing, which was in two lines, with an advanced squadron of eight

fast-sailing two-deckers: the second in command, having the direction of

his line, was to break through the enemy about twelve ships from their

rear, and Nelson himself was to lead through the centre, while the

advanced squadron was to cut off three or four ahead of it. This plan

received Collingwood’s cordial approbation; and Nelson then called his

admirals and captains together, and thus addressed them:—“The enemy’s

fleet is supposed to consist of forty-six sail of the line, the British

forty; if either is less only a proportionate number of the ships are to

be cut off. British to be one fourth superior to the enemy they cut off.

Something must be left to chance. Nothing is sure in a sea-fight; shot

will carry away the masts and yards of friends as well as of foes; but

I look with confidence to a victory before the van of the enemy could

succour their rear; and then that the British fleet would most of them

be ready to receive their twenty sail of the line, or to pursue them

should they endeavour to make off. If the van of the enemy tack, the

captured ships must run to leeward of the British fleet; if the enemy

wear, the British place themselves between the enemy and the captured

and disabled British ships; and should the enemy close I have no fear

for the result. The second in command will, in all possible things,

direct the movements of his line by keeping them as compact as the

nature of the circumstances will admit. Captains are to look to their

particular line as their rallying point; but in case signals cannot be

seen clearly or understood, no captain can do very wrong if he places

his ship alongside that of an enemy.”

[Illustration: 317.jpg YARMOUTH: NELSON’S MONUMENT]

At length the day which Nelson had long looked for arrived. On the 19th,

signal was made by the “Mars,” first, that the enemy were coming out

of port, and then that their fleet was at sea. On that day they were

narrowly watched by the British fleet, as they were through the night;

and on the morning of the 20th the combined fleets, consisting of

thirty-three sail of the line and seven large frigates, were seen ahead

in a close line of battle, on the starboard tack, about twelve miles to

leeward, and standing to the south. On board the enemy had four thousand

troops, and numerous Tyrolese riflemen were dispersed through the ships.

The British admiral had with him only twenty-seven sail of the line and

four frigates; six ships of the line having been dispatched to Gibraltar

for provisions and water. With this force he resolved to attack

the enemy on the next day; and soon after daylight he called Captain

Blackwood on board the “Victory,” the last words he uttered to whom

were:—“God bless you, Blackwood; I shall never see you more.” He had

a presentiment that, while he was certain of victory, it would,

nevertheless, be gained at the price of his own life. Yet, with this

prospect before him, appalling as it must have been to his mind, he was

calm and serene. His whole attention was fixed on Villeneuve, who was

wearing to form the line in close order upon the larboard tack, thereby

to bring Cadiz under his lee, and to facilitate, if necessary, his escape

into that port. This induced Nelson to steer somewhat more to the north,

and telegraph Collingwood, “I intend to pass through the van of the

enemy’s line, to prevent his getting into Cadiz.” Villeneuve’s movements

had also produced another danger, for they had brought the shoals of San

Pedro and Trafalgar under the lee of both fleets; and to guard against

this danger Nelson made a signal for the British fleet to anchor at the

close of day. All things prepared, the hero of the Nile gave his last

signal:—“England expects every man to do his duty!” which was greeted

with three cheers on board of every ship in the fleet. “Now,” said

Nelson, “I can do no more; we must trust to the Great Disposer of all

events and to the justice of our cause: I thank God for this grand

opportunity of doing my duty.” While gradually approaching the enemy,

whose ships had fallen into a crescent form, Nelson dressed himself,

putting on the coat which he had usually worn for weeks, and on which

the order of the Bath was embroidered. The captain of the “Victory,”

Hardy, suggested that this might become a mark for the enemy; to which

Nelson replied, “He was aware of it; but that, as in honour he had

gained his orders, so in honour he would die with them.” The battle

commenced about ten minutes after the hour of noon, when Admiral

Collingwood, in the “Royal Sovereign” engaged the “Santa Anna,” the

flag-ship of Vice-Admiral Alava, the second in command. Ship after ship

followed his example, and the battle waged fiercely on every hand. The

“Victory,” in which Nelson was, singled out the “Santissima Trinidad,” a

huge four-decker, which he had encountered before, and which he was wont

to call his old acquaintance. At the same time seven or eight French and

Spanish ships opened a fire on the “Victory.” Mr. Scott, his secretary,

was killed, Captain Hardy was wounded in the foot, and fifty sailors

perished before the “Victory” returned a shot. At length orders were

given to fire; and as it had been discovered that the French admiral,

who hoisted no colours, was in the “Bucentaure,” of eighty guns,

Nelson’s terrible sixty-eight pounder carronade from the “Victory’s”

forecastle was turned chiefly against that ship. In two minutes nearly

four hundred men were killed or wounded in this ship; twenty of her guns

were dismounted, and she was almost disabled. The next ship which the

“Victory” encountered was the “Redoubtable,” against which she ran foul,

the anchor of the one striking the spare anchor of the other, and the

hooks and boom-irons getting intermixed or catching in the leash of the

sails, holding the two ships together. Again the starboard carronade was

fired, which cleared the French ship’s gangway in a moment. At the

same time the “Victory’s” larboard guns did fatal execution in the

“Santissima Trinidad,” now engaged likewise. At length the “Redoubtable”

took fire, and the flames spread to the “Victory.” The English

sailors put out their own fire, and threw buckets of water into the

“Redoubtable” to help the French to extinguish theirs. In the midst of

this terrific scene Nelson—the brave, undaunted Nelson—fell: a rifle

or musket-ball from the mizen-top of the “Redoubtable” passed through

him, and he fell on his knees on the very spot where his secretary had

before him breathed his last. “They have done for me at last,” said

he to Hardy, who was anxiously bending over him, “my backbone is shot

through.” He was carried down to the cockpit, which was crowded with

the wounded and the dying, and where it was too soon discovered that his

wound was mortal, the ball had entered his left shoulder, through the

forepart of the epaulette, and had lodged in his spine. In the meantime

the battle raged with fury. In the midst of the roar of cannon and the

shrieks of the wounded and the dying, the crew of the “Victory” ever

and anon by their shoutings announced that some ship of the enemy had

struck. On hearing their shouts, joy sparkled in the eyes of the

dying Nelson; and he sent for Captain Hardy to inquire how the battle

proceeded. It was some time before Hardy could leave the scene of

carnage on the quarter-deck; but on reaching the side of the dying

Nelson he informed him that twelve or fourteen of the enemy’s ships had

struck, but that five of their van had tacked and shown an intention

of bearing down upon the “Victory,” and that he had called two or three

ships round it to guard against the clanger. Hardy then returned to the

quarter-deck; but in less than an hour he returned, and congratulated

his dying friend on having obtained a brilliant and complete victory:

fourteen or fifteen of the enemy’s ships, he said, were captured.

“That’s well,” replied Nelson; “but I bargained for twenty;” then in a

louder tone he exclaimed, “Anchor, Hardy, anchor!” Hardy suggested

that Admiral Collingwood would now take upon himself the direction of

affairs: but Nelson, endeavouring to raise himself from his bed, replied

that he would command while he lived, and gave imperative orders to

anchor. It is supposed that he meant, in case of his surviving until all

resistance was over, he would anchor the ships and prizes, as the surest

means of saving them, should a gale of wind arise. Soon after this

the hero’s gallant spirit fled: his last words, thrice repeated, were,

“Thank God, I have done my duty.” The victory was complete; and Admiral

Collingwood, who now succeeded to the command of the fleet, and who had

largely contributed to gain the battle, distinguished himself no less

by his skill after it was gained, than by his undaunted bravery in the

action. The number of ships captured was nineteen; and Villeneuve and

two Spanish admirals fell into the hands of the British. One French ship

blew up after her surrender, two hundred of the crew of which were saved

by our tenders. The total number of prisoners taken amounted to nearly

12,000 men; the total British loss was 1,587, including many officers

and the gallant Nelson. Out of eighteen sail of the line the French

only preserved nine; and out of fifteen sail of the line the Spaniards

preserved only six. Most of the captured vessels, however, were

subsequently lost at sea through stress of weather; four only were saved

and carried to Gibraltar. “Our own infirm ships,” says Collingwood,

“could scarce keep off the shore: the prizes were left to their fate;

and as they were driven very near the port, I ordered them to be

destroyed, that there might be no risk of their again falling into the

hands of the enemy.” Thus ended the greatest naval victory recorded in

history, whether in ancient or modern times. By it England was rescued

from all chances of invasion, and left sole mistress of the seas. And

the moral effect of the victory was as great as the physical one; the

marine force of Napoleon might be said to be annihilated. It was, in

fact, a glorious set off to his successes on the continent; and deep

must have been his chagrin on hearing the news. In England the joy was

great, and was only damped by the consideration that posthumous honours

alone could be awarded to him who was instrumental in gaining the

victory. These honours were with gratitude heaped on his memory. His

brother was made an earl, with a grant of £6000 per annum; £10,000

were voted to each of his sisters; and £100,000 for the purchase of an

estate. As for the hero himself, a public funeral and a public monument

in St. Paul’s was decreed to him, and statues, columns, and other

monuments were voted in most of our principal cities. Nor did the

gratitude of the nation stop at the moment. Recently a noble monument

has been erected to his memory in Trafalgar Square, chiefly by private

contributions. His name will live in the history of England and the

memories of his grateful countrymen down to the latest period of time.

Faults and errors in private life may have stained his character;

but his memory will nevertheless be precious in the sight of admiring

posterity.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

{A.D. 1806}

Parliament met on the 21st of January. The speech was delivered by

commission, and it dwelt upon our great naval successes, and attempted

to alleviate regret for the disasters of our allies on the continent,

with the assurances the Russian emperor had given that he would still

aid us in the strife. It mentioned also that £1,000,000 accruing to

the crown from the droits of admiralty should be applied to the public

service; and concluded with a strong recommendation of vigilance and

exertion against the common enemy. Amendments were read in both houses;

but they were not moved in consequence of the intelligence that Pitt was

at the point of death.

DEATH OF MR. PITT.

When parliament reassembled, Pitt, who at the close of last session was

obliged to relinquish all exertions and retire to Bath, was lying in

a state of debility and exhaustion at Putney, whither he had recently

returned. Two days after the meeting of parliament, on the 23rd of

January, he expired, in the forty-seventh year of his age; a young

man in years, but aged in constitution from incessant toil and

mental anxiety. On the motion of Mr. Henry Lascelles he was buried

in Westminster Abbey, at the public expense, and a monument, with a

suitable inscription, was erected to his memory. As he had died in debt,

a sum not exceeding £40,000 was voted for the payment of his creditors,

without any opposition. “Never had a minister that ruled the country for

twenty long years, or for half or fourth of that time, done so little

to enrich himself and family—never had statesman and dispenser of

patronage and places been more indifferent to his private interests.”

These sentences speak volumes as to the character of this eminent

statesman. In politics he may often have erred; but not even his

bitterest foe can impeach his integrity. “I allow,” said his inveterate

opponent, Fox, “I allow that a minister is not to be considered as

moderate and disinterested, merely because he is poor during his life

or at his death; but when I see a minister who has been in office above

twenty years, with the full command of places and public money, without

any peculiar extravagance and waste, except what might be expected from

the carelessness that perhaps necessarily arose from the multiplicity

of duties to which the attention of a man in such a situation must be

directed,—when I see a minister under such circumstances using his

influence neither to enrich himself nor those with whom he is by

family ties more particularly connected, it is impossible for me not to

conclude that this man is disinterested.”

THE GRENVILLE ADMINISTRATION.

The death of Pitt, at the particular crisis in which it took place,

was considered a virtual dissolution of the administration. The post of

premier was offered to Lord Hawkesbury; but he deemed it too arduous,

and chose rather to retire from office with the sinecure of the

cinqueports. Lord Sidmouth also declined the task; and his majesty was

compelled to repress his personal antipathies, and to seek the aid

of Lord Grenville. The new arrangements were completed on the 3rd of

February; and the ministry embraced the leading members of two parties,

known as the old and new opposition, together with the party led by Lord

Sidmouth. The arrangement stood thus:—Lord Grenville, first lord of

the treasury; Fox, secretary of state for foreign affairs; Viscount

Sidmouth, lord privy seal; Earl Fitzwilliam, lord resident of the

council; Lord Howick, first lord of the admiralty; Earl of Moira,

master-general of the ordnance; Earl Spencer, secretary of state for the

home department; Windham, secretary for the colonies; Lord Henry Petty,

chancellor of the exchequer; Erskine, lord high chancellor; and Lord

Minto, president of the board of control. Among the minor appointments,

Sheridan obtained that of the treasurer of the navy; Lord Auckland, the

presidency of the board of trade; Earl Temple and Lord John Townshend,

the joint paymastership of the forces; General Fitzpatrick, the

secretaryship of war; and Sir Arthur Pigott and Sir Samuel Romilly, the

posts of attorney and solicitor-general. As Lord Grenville’s office of

auditor of the exchequer was thought incompatible with that of first

lord of the treasury, and as his lordship was unwilling to resign

that lucrative office, a bill was subsequently brought into parliament

empowering him to name a responsible trustee for holding auditorship

so long as he should continue premier. Law, who had been created Baron

Ellenborough in 1802, was appointed to this place, with a seat in the

cabinet; an act which created strong prejudices in the minds of the

people at large against the new administration. But his lordship’s

parliamentary interest was considered essential to the support of the

new ministry, and the murmurs of the people were hence not regarded.

Such a sweeping ministerial change as this had not taken place for

years; all places were swept clean and new men put into them. The

administration, however, was made of discordant materials. In it were

Grenvillites, Foxites, Wind-hamites, Lansdownites, Addingtonians or

Sidmouthites, &c. and this division brought so many expectations,

hopes, and pretensions in their several trains, that it was easy to

foresee that there would soon be quarrelling, and strife, and splittings

among them. They had no general political creed; and their interests,

like their theories, lay wide asunder. Moreover, it was soon found

that it was on very few questions they could command anything like a

respectable majority. They were triumphant, indeed, when it was moved

in the lords and commons “that it was highly inexpedient, and tended

to weaken the administration of justice, to summon to any committee or

assembly of the privy council any of the judges of his majesty’s

courts of common law,” in allusion to the recent appointment of Baron

Ellenborough; but beyond this the present motley ministry could only

command majorities of the narrowest kind; and sometimes during this

session they were even left in a minority. Wearying and worrying

debates, and all to little or no purpose, became the order of the day.

Sheridan on one occasion, indeed, suggested that ministerial members,

distributed in parties of twenty, should go home to rest in the midst of

debate, and then come back to rest after they had slept and breakfasted.

The house sometimes sat till seven o’clock in the morning, and then

separated without having effected anything of importance.

NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE.

At the death of Mr. Pitt the state of Europe rendered it difficult for

Great Britain to negociate with France for a safe and honourable

peace. As Mr. Fox, however, had succeeded to power, there were some who

entertained expectations of peace, and he was thought to have undertaken

the foreign department with that end in view. France manifestly desired

peace; and but a short time elapsed before the government contrived to

bring about some negociations, in order to ascertain what terms of peace

the new ministry would be likely to allow. Before ten days elapsed from

the appointment of the new administration an agent of that government

arrived at Gravesend without a passport, and acquainted Fox by letter,

that he had a very important communication to make. Fox sent him a

passport, and admitted him to an interview; but indignantly repelled

his disclosure, true or false, of a plot to assassinate Napoleon. Fox

detained his man in custody, and communicated his designs, if they were

really entertained by him, to the French government; and this led to

a communication between him and Talleyrand. It appeared, from the

negociations which took place, that the greatest obstacle was the

determination of Napoleon to obtain Sicily for his brother Joseph, in

addition to Naples. Fox, however, had sufficient penetration to discover

that he had other ambitious demands to be satisfied, should this be

complied with—that he would demand Holland for his brother Louis,

etc.; and therefore he determined to break off the negociations, and

to continue the war. He made this determination fully known, when he

rejected the treaty of Amiens as a basis, and insisted on the Emperor of

Russia being admitted as a party. Yet the French Government seem to have

considered that England would one day soon consent to peace, even on

the hard terms proposed. Negociation was renewed in June, when Lord

Yarmouth, who had been released from prison at Fox’s intercession, was

invited to a conference with Talleyrand. At this interview it was said

that the Emperor was willing to restore Hanover, as well as to gratify

the British court in other respects, while France asked for nothing.

Pleased with this intelligence, the King sent a commission to Lord

Yarmouth, but desired him to withhold the communication of his full

powers, until it was promised that Sicily should not be alienated from

the house of Bourbon. It was replied that Napoleon was anxious to obtain

Sicily for his brother Joseph, and would procure the Hanstowns for

Ferdinand; but this answer was not deemed satisfactory, and the

negociations were still held in abeyance. The Russian Government, at

this time, having become acquainted with the negociations in progress,

sent an agent to act on Russia’s behalf, and to watch proceedings. The

arrival of this agent was what the French desired, for they knew that

they could soon cause a rupture between England and Russia. In a short

time, indeed, through French intrigue, D’Oubril, the Russian agent,

suspected the good faith, of Lord Yarmouth, and Lord Yarmouth suspected

the good faith of D’Oubril. A quarrel ensued between them, and then

Talleyrand raised his demands and abated his proffered concessions.

D’Oubril returned to Petersburgh, but Fox still persevered in seeking

peace. An accredited agent, in the person of Lord Lauderdale, was now

sent over to Paris, and negociations lasted from the 9th of August to

the 6th of October; when they were broken off by a demand for passports.

France still insisted that Sicily should be given up to Joseph

Buonaparte; and this could not be conceded, so the negociations finally

failed. About that time Fox died, and the French government attributed

publicly the failure of these negociations to his death. But the truth

was, Fox had long ago expressed his convictions that peace would be

unattainable; and after he had commenced the negociations, he had said

in the house of commons:—“My wish, the first wish of my heart, is

peace; but such a peace as shall preserve our connexions and

influence on the continent, as shall not abate one jot of the national

honour,—and such only:” how then could his death have been an obstacle

to peace? Fox, with all his faults, had a heart glowing with love for

his country, and he would not have lightly sacrificed her honour and her

interest at the shrine of French ambition.

{GEORGE III. 1804—1807}

WINDHAM’S MILITARY PLAN.

On the 3rd of April Windham brought forward a plan for altering the

military system, and particularly the mode of recruiting the army. His

plan was that the soldier should enlist for a certain term of years;

that this term should be divided for the infantry into three periods of

seven years each; and for the cavalry and artillery, the first period to

be ten years, the second six, and the third live years; and that at

the end of each of these periods a man might have a right to claim his

discharge, and that his privileges, pensions, etc., should be augmented

in proportion to the length of his services. As a preliminary step

to the introduction of this bill he moved for a bill to repeal Pitt’s

Additional Force bill, which raised a storm of opposition from the

friends and admirers of the deceased minister. His views were especially

combated by Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning; but the repeal bill was

finally carried, and then Windham’s plan was adopted: it was introduced

and carried as a clause in the Annual Mutiny bill. A bill for the

training of a certain number of persons, not exceeding 200,000, out of

those that were liable to be drawn for the militia; a bill to suspend

the ballot for the militia in England for two years, with a reserved

power to government for recurring to it in order to supply the vacancies

of any corps which should be reduced below its quota; a bill called

the Chelsea Hospital bill, to give security to invalid, disabled, and

discharged soldiers, for such pensions as they were entitled to; and a

bill for settling the relative rank officers of yeomanry, volunteers,

militia forces, and troops of the line, completed Windham’s system, and

were all carried, though not without much opposition. An increase was

also voted to the pay of sergeants, corporals, privates of the line, to

the Chelsea pensions, and to the pensions of officers’ widows: similar

benefits were also voted to the navy, and the Greenwich Hospital

allowances to out-pensioners were increased.

THE BUDGET.

The budget was opened by Lord Henry Petty on the 28th of March. From

his statement it appeared that the unredeemed debt of Great Britain and

Ireland was about £566,000,000, of which the annual interest was about

£27,500,000. The supplies of England and Ireland for the year were

estimated at £62,187,465; and among the ways and means, were a loan of

£18,000,000 and an augmentation of the new taxes to £19,500,000, to be

effected principally by raising the income-tax from six and a half to

ten per cent. The new Chancellor of the Exchequer also imposed a duty

of forty shillings a ton on pig-iron; an additional duty on beer and

spirits, in Ireland; and a paltry tax on appraisements. The duty

on pig-iron and the increase of the income-tax raised a storm of

opposition; but they were nevertheless decreed. As the burdens of the

people were so increased, it was deemed expedient that some attempt

should be made to prevent the misapplication of the money raised from

the public. It was proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that,

beside the five commissioners to whom the task of general investigation

had hitherto been confided, particular auditors should be appointed;

and though this new arrangement was to cost from £28,000 to £42,000

per annum, his proposition was agreed to. Some slight improvements were

likewise made in the acts regulating commercial intercourse between

Great Britain and Ireland; and a law was passed for permitting the

free interchange of grain of every kind between the two islands. By the

burdensome imposts of this year the new ministry obtained much odium,

the friends of Pitt taking care to enhance their disgrace in the sight

of the nation by ridicule and reproach. Mr. Canning, in particular,

assailed them both by his oratory and his pen, impugning even their

motives. “All the talents,” as this ministry was called, indeed, stood

in no very enviable position in the sight of the country at large.

TRIAL OF LORD MELVILLE.

The trial of Lord Melville commenced in Westminster-hall, on the 29th

of April, before the lords, the members of the house of commons being

present in a committee of the whole house. Although there were ten

charges preferred against him, there were only three in substance. These

were:—“That as treasurer of the navy, Lord Melville had applied

divers sums of public money to his private use and profit. That he had

permitted his paymaster, Trotter, to take large sums of money from the

Bank of England, issued to it on account of the treasurer of the navy,

and to place it in his own name, with his private banker; and that he

had permitted Trotter to apply the money so abstracted to purposes

of private emolument, and had himself derived profit therefrom.” Lord

Melville pleaded “not guilty” to these charges, and then Whitbread

produced his evidence to prove his guilt. In this, however, he failed as

regard’s Melville’s personal delinquency. All that was made clear in

the course of the trial was that Mr. Trotter had increased his salary by

deriving profit from the banking-house of Coutts, on the deposits; and

that while Lord Melville had made use of some sums of money, he had

nevertheless repaid those sums with interest. The trial lasted sixteen

days, and then the lords voted on the several charges, acquitting

the accused of every charge. “Henry Viscount Melville,” said the

Lord Chancellor to him, “I am to acquaint your lordship, that you are

acquitted of the articles of impeachment exhibited against you by the

commons, for high crimes and misdemeanours, and of all things contained

therein.” Melville made a low bow, and then retired; and the Chancellor

having announced that the impeachment was dismissed, the lords and

commons retired to their respective chambers. A motion of thanks to the

managers was subsequently voted in the commons, and thus this business,

which had cost the country some thousands of pounds, ended. This

impeachment, however, was not without its moral effects: while the

impeachment of Hastings set limits to the exercise of a too arbitrary

power in India, that of Melville taught ministers to be more careful of

their public accounts at home.

THE SLAVE-TRADE QUESTION.

The glory of this session and this ministry was a blow struck at the

slave-trade. A bill was introduced by the attorney-general prohibiting,

under a strict penalty, the exportation of slaves from the British

colonies, after the 1st of January, 1807. This bill was carried, and

then Mr. Fox proposed that, as it was contrary to the principles of

justice, humanity, and sound policy, effectual measures should be taken

for putting an end to the slave-trade, in such a manner and at such

a period as might be deemed advisable. The mover of this motion

remarked:—“If during almost forty years I have enjoyed a seat in

parliament, I had been so fortunate as to accomplish this, and this

only, I should think I had done enough, and should retire from public

life with comfort, and conscious satisfaction that I had clone my

duty.” This motion was carried by one hundred and fourteen votes against

fifteen; and a similar motion, made by Lord Grenville in the upper

house, was adopted by forty-one against twenty. The last step taken

on this subject during the present year was a joint address from both

houses, beseeching his majesty that he would take measures for obtaining

the concurrence of foreign powers, in the abolition of this abominable

traffic. That amiable philanthropist, Wilberforce, was delighted at the

success of his labours; and he expressed a hope that during next year he

and his coadjutors in this noble work would witness the termination

of all their toils and anxieties. On the fact that Fox was mainly

instrumental in carrying his wishes into effect, he writes:—“How

wonderful are the ways of God! Though intimate with Pitt all my life,

since earliest manhood, and he most warm for abolition, and really

honest, yet now my whole dependence is placed on Fox, to whom this life

has been opposed, and on Grenville to whom I have always been rather

hostile till of late years, when I heard he was more religious.” It has

been assumed, because Pitt did not make this a cabinet question, that he

was lukewarm in the cause of abolition; but it is clear if he had done

so, he could not have carried it before parliament, and the country were

prepared for it. Up to this period the temper of the public mind may be

discovered in these noble sentiments of the poet Cowper:—

“Canst thou, and honoured with a Christian name,

Buy what is woman born, and feel no shame?

Trade in the blood of innocence, and plead

Experience as a warrant for the deed?

So may the wolf whom famine has made bold,

To quit the forest and invade the fold:

So may the ruffian, who, with ghostly glide,

Dagger in hand, steals close to your bedside;

Not he, but his emergence forced the door—

He found it inconvenient to be poor.

Has God then given its sweetness to the cane—

Unless his laws be trampled on—in vain?

Built a brave world, which cannot yet subsist,

Unless his right to rule it be dismissed?

Impudent blasphemy! so Folly pleads,

And, avarice being judge, with case succeeds.”

At this time, however, the labours of Wilberforce, Clarkson, and their

friends had prepared the majority of the country and of parliament for

alleviating the sufferings of the human race; some there were still

whose avarice led them to defend the inhuman system of trafficking in

the blood, bones, and sinews of man; but the many now saw its iniquity,

and were prepared to wipe the foul stain from the annals of England.

PARLIAMENT PROROGUED, ETC.

Various discussions arose during this session, financial and general,

respecting the affairs of India. Mr. Paul, with the assistance of Sir

Philip Francis, “that adventurous knight” prepared charges against

the administration of the Marquis Wellesley; but on the 4th of July

he declared that he was not ready to go into these charges, and it

was agreed that this business should stand over till next session.

Parliament was prorogued on the 23rd of July.

[Illustration: 321.jpg PORTRAIT OF CHARLES JAMES FOX]

DEATH OF FOX.

This session had been a harassing one to Fox. Canning, bound by the

chains of party, assailed him and his colleagues on every measure

brought forward, whether excellent or otherwise. Ministers, moreover,

were not only harassed by his bitter sarcasms, but also by Percival’s

legal knowledge, and by Lord Castlereagh’s prolixity. These were thorns

in their sides; and as this active opposition had rendered Mr. Fox’s

appearance in his place necessary, it told with great effect upon his

constitution at this time: indeed, Fox was dying from the effects of

disease augmented by the cares of office, and a laborious attendance on

the house; and though this was visible, no mercy was shown him by his

opponents. He did not long survive after the session was closed: he died

on the 13th of September, and was buried by the side of his great rival,

Pitt, in Westminster Abbey. His character as a politician has been seen

in previous pages; as a man, he seems to have been loved in life and

lamented in his death. Unhappily, however, a large portion of the

affection with which he was regarded by his contemporaries, was bestowed

on qualities which impaired the dignity of his moral character, and

rendered his talents less acceptable to the public. He was what is

called “the delight of society;” but his fascinating manners by no means

made up for his unsteady principles, and inconsistency of opinion.

The death of Fox involved some changes in the ministry. His nephew and

pupil, Lord Holland, was brought into the cabinet as privy seal, and Fox

was succeeded in the foreign department by his friend Lord Howick. The

other ministerial changes were simply these:—Mr. T. Grenville became

first lord of the admiralty, instead of Lord Howick; Tierney, president

of the board of control, instead of Grenville; and Sidmouth became

president of the council, in lieu of Earl Fitzwilliam, who resigned.

Lord Holland, therefore, was the only new member brought into the

cabinet.

NAVAL SUCCESSES.

The successes of the British fleets during this year were various, and

very encouraging to the nation to persevere in the struggle. Operations

were, indeed, naval and military, extended to the south of Italy and

Sicily, Portugal, the Cape of Good Hope, the East and West Indies, and

South America. At the close of the preceding year Admiral Villauruez,

accompanied by Joseph Buonaparte, succeeded in escaping from port

with eleven sail of the line, and a number of frigates. This fleet

subsequently separated: five ships of the line, two frigates, and

a corvette steered, under the command of Admiral Le Seigle, for

St. Domingo; but they were attacked off Ocoa Bay by Admiral Sir T.

Duckworth, and after a furious action three ships struck, while the

other two were driven on shore and burnt; the smaller vessels escaped.

The other squadron, under Villauruez, steered first to the coast of

Brazil, and afterwards to the West Indies: but it was driven from thence

by the fury of the elements; and, finally, three ships were destroyed

on the American coast, one reached the Havannah, and then escaped

into Brest, and a third, which was commanded by Jerome Buonaparte, was

stranded on the coast of Brittany. A third squadron of French ships,

under Admiral Linois, had long been carrying on a predatory warfare in

the Indian Seas, and the Isle of France had been the grand depot of his

plunder; but this year he was overtaken by Sir J. B. Warren, who had

been sent in pursuit of Jerome Buonaparte, and after a running fight

of three hours the French were compelled to strike. Another squadron

of five French frigates and two corvettes was encountered at sea by Sir

Samuel Romilly, and four of the frigates were captured; Romilly lost his

arm in the action. During this year, also, an expedition was sent, under

the command of Sir David Baird, with a naval force commanded by Sir Home

Popham, against the Cape of Good Hope, and that country was added to

the English possessions; the enemy was compelled to retreat, and the

governor-general, Janseus, surrendered, on condition of his forces being

conveyed to Holland at the expense of the British government, and not

considered as prisoners of war. Finally, in the course of this year, Sir

Home Popham undertook an expedition against Buenos Ayres, which he took

from the Spaniards: but it was afterwards recaptured; and as Sir Home

undertook this enterprise without orders, he was recalled by government

and tried by a court-martial, which adjudged him to be severely

reprimanded. It is clear, however, that if Popham had been successful he

would have been acquitted of all blame; for on hearing that Buenos Ayres

was taken, the nation was intoxicated with joy; and it was not till

the news arrived that the Spaniards had recaptured it that the voice of

censure was heard against him. So fickle is public favour: the man

who is held in high estimation to-day, may, by one unfortunate action,

become the object of contempt to-morrow.

DISPUTES WITH AMERICA.

At this time disputes, which threatened war, arose between England and

America. The Americans complained of impressing British seamen on board

their merchant vessels on the high seas; of their violation of their

right as neutrals, in seizing and condemning their merchantmen, though

engaged in lawful commerce; and of the infringement of their maritime

jurisdiction on their own coasts. As an amicable arrangement of these

differences was desirable, a special mission was despatched to England,

and the disputes were finally settled by an assurance, on the first

point, that the right of impression should be exercised with caution,

and redress afforded for any act of injustice; and by establishing a

rule defining the difference between a continuous and an interrupted

voyage to the colonies of the enemy, and stipulating that on

re-exportation there should remain, after the drawback, a duty to be

paid of one per cent., _ad valorem_, on all European articles, and not

less than two per cent, on colonial produce. The maritime jurisdiction

of the United States was guaranteed, and some commercial stipulations

framed for the reciprocal advantage of the two countries.

AFFAIRS OF SICILY.

It has been seen that Napoleon coveted Sicily for his brother Joseph,

and that England would not consent to the overtures made on this

subject. This, however, did not prevent him from adding it to his

numerous conquests. Whilst yet at Schoenbrunn in December. 1805,

Napoleon declared war against Naples; his grand plea being, that the

king of that country had, in contempt of the treaty of neutrality,

recently received an English-Russian army landing there with friendship.

His decree was, “the royal house of Naples had ceased to reign;” and he

immediately sent his troops to put it into execution. The army sent

was commanded by Massena and Joseph Buonaparte; and by the month

of February, this year, it marched into the capital, and Joseph was

appointed by Napoleon hereditary King of Naples and Sicily. The new king

was to remain a French prince, and retain his rights of inheritance in

France; but this was only a preliminary step to future operations.

The two crowns were, however, never to be united upon one head. By the

reduction of Gaeta, in July, this revolution was consolidated. Soon

after this, a Batavian deputation appeared at Paris, and implored Louis

Napoleon for Regent, and that prince was proclaimed King of Holland,

upon the same conditions as his brother Joseph, King of Naples.

Moreover, Prince Eugene Beauharnois was appointed to the throne of

Italy, which kingdom was increased by the incorporation of the rich

countries once forming the State of Venice. Finally, Napoleon gave

Cleves with Berg, purchased of Bavaria, to Joachim Murat, the husband of

his sister, Caroline Annunciade, upon the same conditions as those upon

which he had given Naples and Holland to his two brothers.

WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND PRUSSIA, ETC.

This year Prussia awoke from her fatal blindness. That country resolved

upon war with France; and England and Sweden became reconciled with her

king, while Russia promised him powerful aid. It was in October that

a mutual declaration of war took place, and hostilities commenced

immediately. A Prussian army, 120,000 strong, was assembled round

Erfurt; but though it was composed of valiant soldiers, it was ill

commanded, and, therefore, unfit to meet such a master of war as

Napoleon. Two battles were fought at Jena and Auerstadt, by which the

Prussian power was overthrown; more than 50,000 men were slain. These

battles were followed by the capture of Erfurt, Span-dau, Potsdam,

Berlin, Luben, Stettin, Kuestrin, Hameln, Nienburg, and Magdeburg; and

by victories over Prince Hohenlohe, near Prenzlow; and over the reserve

army of Brucher, towards the lower Elbe. Within six weeks after the

battle of Jena, all the country, from the Rhine to the other side of

the Oder, with a population of nine millions, fell into the hands of

Napoleon. The French troops occupied Brunswick and Hesse Cassel, the

Hanseatic cities, and finally Mecklenburg and Oldenburg. North Germany

groaned under the scourge of the victor; and South Germany paid him

homage, and gave him troops and gold. The houses of Brunswick and Hesse

Cassel ceased to reign; the electors were dispossessed. The King of

Prussia sought refuge with his Russian ally: his sudden fall was an

object of terror and grief. With Prussia, the grand bulwark of

Russia fell; Napoleon entertained, indeed, a project of raising up an

independent throne on the very frontiers of the northern power. The

injured Poles were summoned to insurrection, and an auxiliary army was

formed in Prussia-Poland. Hopes of success in this enterprise were well

founded, because at this time war broke out, through the intrigues of

the French ruler, between Russia and the Porte. Operations followed

on the Danube, which caused a powerful diversion of the Russian force,

which might otherwise have extended a more efficient aid to the Prussian

monarch.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

The new session of parliament was opened by commission, on the 19th of

December. The speech dwelt on the calamities of war; the progress of the

arms of France; the failure of pacific negociations through the

ambition of the French ruler; and the necessity of union, firmness, and

courageous endurance in the nation, to meet the peculiar exigencies

of the crisis. In the debates on the address, Lord Hawkesbury in

the lords, and Mr. Canning in the commons, took a very active part,

censuring the actions of the cabinet ever since it had been in office.

No amendment, however, was moved in either house, so that the addresses

passed without a division. Canning’s speech on this occasion, though

in some parts it exhibited a show of candour, was, nevertheless, one of

unrelenting hostility to the government. Thus, after strongly condemning

the policy of breaking with Prussia for Hanover, he remarked: “Prussia,

unable to resist France, encroached on us; we had, however, the option

to pass over a just cause of complaint, and to leave untouched the

only state in Europe which appeared capable of forming the germ of an

alliance hostile to the ambitious views of France; but the conduct of

ministers was the converse of their policy. By that conduct Prussia had

been compelled to act without our advice or assistance, and to plunge

into a war, of which, if our advice could not have prevented it, our

assistance might at least have meliorated the termination. Would any man

of common reflection say, that, for the restoration of Hanover, it was

worth while to make war on Prussia? The British government, however,

continued at war with her as long as the resources of Prussia were

unimpaired, and her strength unexhausted; but as soon as there seemed a

prospect of war between Prussia and France, an ambassador was sent to

Berlin, with instructions adapted to all possibilities, except that

which was most probable; namely, the actual commencement of war: for

that no provision had been made. As soon, however, as Lord Morpeth

returned, our government began to see their error, and to think that

there really was something like war between the two powers, from the

trifling circumstance, that the Prussian army was annihilated: and when

the Prussian monarchy shall be destroyed, they will perhaps send

an army.” In equally bitter terms Mr. Canning censured the foreign

diplomacy of the country, instancing the case of one minister being at

Paris to negociate peace, while another at Berlin was instigating war

for the same object. Canning also adverted to the letter which Fox had

sent to Talleyrand, observing that the insertion in it, that the British

government were beginning a new cause, as illustrated by the transaction

alluded to, was false, since the British government had never been

stimulators of assassination. The character of Fox was powerfully

vindicated by Lord Howick, who endeavoured to prove that the deceased

statesman was wholly free from any imputation on his integrity or his

political wisdom. Three days after this Lord Grenville presented to the

house of lords papers relative to the late negociations with Buonaparte;

and on the same day the thanks of both houses were voted to the British

officers who had commanded in the plains of Maida, in Calabria, where,

though inferior in numbers, they had defeated the French with great

slaughter. But, notwithstanding this defeat, as before seen, the French

made the conquest of the kingdom of Naples.