{GEORGE III. 1796–1798}
Grey’s Motion for Peace, &c. Pitt’s Financial
Measures..... Prorogation of Parliament..... Negociations of
Peace..... Military Affairs on the Continent..... Surrender
of Corsica and the Isle of Elba..... Dutch Attempt to retake
the Cape of Good Hope..... French Expedition to
Ireland..... . Disputes between France and America.....
Meeting of Parliament..... Pitt’s Financial Statement.....
Mission of Lord Malmesbury to Paris..... Stoppage of Cash-
payments at the Bank..... Meeting in the Fleets..... .
Grey’s Motion for Reform, &c. French Descent on
Wales..... Battle of Cape St. Vincent..... Battle of
Camperdown..... The Blockade of Cadiz, &c. War on the
Continent..... Internal History of France..... Meeting of
Parliament
{A.D. 1796}
GREY’S MOTION FOR PEACE, ETC.
After the Christmas recess, on the 15th of February, Mr. Grey moved
an address to the king, praying him to communicate to the executive
government of France his readiness to meet any disposition to negociate
a general peace. Pitt in reply said that there was a sincere desire for
peace, if it could be obtained on honourable terms; but that the country
could not break her faith with her allies that remained true to her, or
consent to any arrangement which should leave the French in possession
of Belgium, Holland, Savoy, Nice, &c. The motion was negatived by
one hundred and ninety against fifty. On the 10th of March the same
honourable gentleman moved that the house should resolve itself into
a committee, to inquire into the state of the nation; in his speech on
which he dwelt upon the enormous expenses and hopeless prospects of
the war, and represented our commerce as declining, and the country as
reduced to a state in which it could not bear any more taxes. Pitt and
his friends insisted, however, that the commerce of the country had
increased, and was increasing, and justified the lavish expenditure,
though much of it was unjustifiable. This motion was also negatived; but
a few weeks later Mr. Grey moved a long series of resolutions, charging
ministers with numerous acts of misappropriation of the public money,
in flagrant violation of various acts of parliament, and of presenting
false accounts, calculated to mislead the judgment of the house. The
order of the day was likewise carried against this motion, by a majority
of two hundred and nine to thirty-eight. On the 10th of May an address
to the king was moved in the upper house by the Earl of Guildford, and
in the lower house by Mr. Fox, declaring that the duty incumbent on
parliament no longer permitted them to dissemble their deliberate
opinion, that the distress, difficulty, and peril, to which this
country was then subjected, had arisen from the misconduct of the king’s
ministers and was likely to increase as long as the same principles
which had hitherto guided these ministers should continue to prevail in
the councils of Great Britain. Fox enlarged much on “that most fatal of
all the innumerable errors of ministers,” their rushing into a ruinous
and unnecessary war, instead of mediating between France and the allied
powers. He contended that his majesty, by undertaking the office of
mediator, would have added lustre to the national character, and have
placed Britain in the exalted situation of arbitress of the world. On
the other hand, Pitt insisted that the king could not have interposed
his mediation without incurring the hazard of involving himself in a war
with that power which should have refused his terms. Pitt enlarged on
the danger arising to all Europe from the revolutionary decree of the
19th of November, and the insult offered to this country in particular,
in the encouragement given to the seditious and treasonable addresses
presented to the convention. He contended, that while negociations were
pending, war was actually declared by France, and that France, and
not England, was therefore the aggressor. This nation, he said, had
no alternative; and he asked if the house, after a war of three years,
which they had sanctioned by repeated votes and declarations, would now
acknowledge themselves in a delusion? whether they would submit to the
humiliation and degradation of falsely arraigning themselves, and of
passing on their own acts a sentence of condemnation? Pitt said that it
was a war of which the necessity and policy were manifest; and that if
the country should at any time suffer a reverse of fortune, he should
still exhort them to surmount all difficulties by perseverance, until
they could obtain safe and honourable conditions of peace. On the other
hand, he added, if success should attend our arms, the prospect of
obtaining further advantages should not be relinquished by a premature
readiness to make peace. These arguments were deemed conclusive: the
motions both of Fox and Lord Guildford were lost by immense majorities.
PITT’S FINANCIAL MEASURES.
In the course of this session two budgets were produced, and two loans
contracted, amounting in the whole to £25,000,000. The total supplies
granted for the year were £13,821,430. In order to meet the expenditure
many taxes were augmented, as those on wine, spirits, tea, coffee, silk,
fruit, tobacco, salt, horses, dogs, hats, and legacies to collateral
relatives; the assessed taxes were also increased by ten per cent.
PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
This session, in which little appears to have been done, terminated on
the 19th of May. In his speech from the throne his majesty expressed the
happy effects experienced from the provisions adopted for suppressing
sedition, and restraining the progress of principles subversive of
all established government; and the highest approbation of the uniform
wisdom, temper, and firmness which had appeared in all then-proceedings
since their first meeting. A few days afterwards parliament was
dissolved.
NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE.
In the course of the debate on Fox’s motion, for an address to the
crown, it was stated by ministers that Mr. Wickham, our envoy to the
Swiss cantons, had already had some communication with Barthélémy, the
French negociator in chief, and they urged that these communications
were quite sufficient to induce the republic to treat, if it really had
any pacific intention. Opposition, however, urged that Mr. Wickham
had not done enough to conciliate the French; and thus urged on, Pitt
considered himself obliged to continue the overtures which had been
made. Mr. Wickham asked Barthélémy whether the directory were desirous
to negociate with Great Britain and her allies on moderate and
honourable conditions, and would agree to a meeting of a congress for
this purpose. Barthélémy replied, that the directory sincerely desired
peace, but that they would insist on keeping Belgium, or all the
Austrian dominions in the Low Countries, as they had been annexed to the
French republic by a constitutional decree that could not be revoked. It
was, however, as clear as the sun at noon-day that the directory did not
desire peace at all; or that, if they did, it would be on terms that
could not be accepted. At this very time they were not only meditating a
blow at the commerce of England, by preventing the admission of English
goods into any port of France and Belgium, and into any of the French
dependencies, but they were fostering and entertaining a number of Irish
revolutionists at Paris, and were contemplating a grand expedition
to Ireland, in order to co-operate with the rebellious there, and to
convert that country, as they had done Holland, Belgium, &c., into a
French dependency. Yet, though it was manifest that the French directory
had no desire for peace, in the autumn of this year, Pitt was induced to
renew his overtures. Government applied for passports for an ambassador
to go to Paris; and Lord Malmesbury arrived there on the 22nd of
October. But all negociation for peace was vain. It-lasted for several
weeks; and then, the directors having required Lord Malinesbury to
define what compensation would be demanded for the restoration of the
French colonies, and to state all his demands within four and twenty
hours, his lordship replied that their requisition precluded all further
negociation; and on the next day his lordship was told that he must quit
Paris within forty-eight hours.
In the meantime Pitt had prepared for a vigorous prosecution of the war.
In order to confirm the cabinet in the warlike disposition displayed,
to rouse the national spirit for renewed exertions, and to point out the
dishonour of forming treaties with men notorious for their bad faith, in
the course of this summer Mr. Burke published his celebrated “Letters on
a Regicide Peace.” These letters, and the two others that were published
after his death, are among the most splendid efforts of his mind. In
them he took a different view of the war from Pitt; he thought that
it would be both violent and protracted. At the same time he did not
despair of the final result, provided only a check could be given
to that despondence which had seized upon many minds, and which the
opposition were inculcating and promoting. It was his opinion that
it was essential to success to disclaim all partition of the soil of
France, to distinguish between the government and the nation, and to
declare against the Jacobins, as distinct from the people; that France
ought to be attacked in her own territory, and, in the first instance,
by a British army sent into the Vendée; that it was impolitic to employ
troops and fleets in reducing West Indian islands while the French
armies were overrunning the Continent; and that England, with a force
of nearly 300,000 men, with a navy of 500 ships of war, might make an
irresistible impression on any part of the French territory. This was
the last effort which Burke made to stem the onward torrent of the
progress of the French revolutionists. He had recently endured a severe
calamity in the death of his only son, of whose talents he had formed
the highest expectations, and for whose advancement he had vacated his
seat in parliament; and in the next year he himself was brought to
the grave. He was one of the greatest men of his age; and his views of
political philosophy will go down to posterity as the most enlightened
that ever flowed from a human mind.
MILITARY AFFAIRS ON THE CONTINENT.
During this year France had three objects in contemplation: an invasion
of Germany, another of Italy, and the subjugation of La Vendée.
In Germany the Austrian army was headed by the Archduke Charles of
Austria, with whom was joined the veteran Wurmser. Under them were
175,000 troops, of which 40,000 were the finest cavalry in Europe. They
defended the entrance of Germany on the side of the Rhine; and Jourdan
and Moreau were despatched with 150,000 men against them; the former
approaching the empire by the Upper Rhine, and the latter directing his
course through Suabia. At first the French were eminently successful.
They drove all the Austrian corps back from the frontiers; deprived
them of their magazines, cannon, and arms; and threatened the hereditary
states. Within six weeks the Austrians were reduced by a third of their
original force—partly by loss and partly by drafts out of it for
the service in Italy; and the French armies covered the country from
Stutgard to the Lake of Constance, a line of one hundred and fifty
miles. But at this point their successes ended. Perceiving their error
in thus extending their front, the Archduke Charles narrowed his own,
and gradually bringing nearer to a converging point the separate
forces of Wartensleben and Wurmser, he slowly retreated; watching his
opportunity for striking a blow. At length, when Moreau had captured Ulm
and Donawert, on the Danube, and was preparing to cross the river Leek
into Bavaria, and thence to move onward to the defiles of the Tyrol, the
Archduke Charles fell upon Jourdan at Amberg, and completely defeated
him. This occurred on the 24th of August; and on the 3rd of September
the archduke overtook the republicans again at Maine, where he once more
thinned their ranks. Still pressing on their rear, the republicans fell
into a miserably disorganized state; and on the 16th of September
the archduke came up with them at Aschaffenburg, and drove them with
terrible loss to the opposite side of the Rhine. In the whole, Jourdan
lost 20,000 men, and nearly all his artillery and baggage. Moreau was
too far off to render him any assistance; and he could neither advance
nor maintain himself where he was without him. Under these circumstances
he commenced his retreat with 70,000 men, followed by the imperial
general, Latour, who had not above 24,000 men. Latour, pressing on
Moreau’s rear too closely, suffered a defeat; and the French reached the
banks of the Rhine in safety. Here, however, the Archduke Charles was
ready to meet them with a force equal, or, perhaps, superior to their
own. Moreau was compelled to fight two battles, in both of which he was
defeated; and nothing but a violent storm saved the wreck of his army.
This, and the pitchy darkness of the night, prevented the Austrian
cavalry from acting, and enabled him to get his broken columns on
the safe side of the Rhine. The archduke Charles had therefore saved
Germany.
In Italy the republicans were more successful. The command of the
army there was given to Napoleon Buonaparte; and he arrived at his
head-quarters at Nice on the 26th of March. His army, which was in a
wretched state of discipline, amounted to about 50,000 men, while that
of the Austrians and Piedmontese amounted to about 60,000 men. The
imperial army was under the command of Beaulieu, and was stretched
along the ridge of the Apennines, at the foot of which the French were
advancing. On leading his troops to the Alpine frontier, Napoleon made
the first of his remarkable appeals to his troops:—“Soldiers” said he,
“you are almost naked and half-starved; the government owes you much,
and can give you nothing. Your patience and courage in the midst of
these rocks are admirable; but they reflect no honour on your arms. I am
about to conduct you into the finest plains on earth; fertile provinces,
opulent cities, will soon be in your power; there you will find rich
harvests, honour, and glory. Soldiers of Italy, will you fail in
courage?” Without waiting to be attacked Beaulieu descended from the
heights, and met the advanced guard of the French at Voltri, near Genoa,
which he repulsed. D’Argenteau, who commanded Beaulieu’s centre, at
the same time traversed the mountains of Montenotte, in the hope of
descending upon Savona, and thus take the French in flank; but, when
more than half of his march was completed, he met a French division of
1500 men, who threw themselves into the redoubt of Montelegino, and thus
shut up the road of Montenotte. D’Argenteau attacked this post, but he
was unable to take it; and in the meantime Buonaparte marched round by
an unguarded road to his rear, and attacked and defeated him. This was
the first of a series of victories on the part of the French. Before the
end of April, besides this battle of Montenotte, Buonaparte had gained
those of Millesimo, Dego, and Mondovi, by which he effected a separation
of the Austrian and Piedmontese armies. The King of Sardinia was so
discouraged by his losses, that to procure a cessation of hostilities he
delivered up some of his principal fortresses to the French; and a peace
was shortly concluded, by which he ceded the Duchy of Savoy and the
county of Nice to the conquerors for ever. The reply of Buonaparte
to his negociators was characteristic. He remarked:—“It is for me
to impose conditions: unless you obey, my batteries are erected by
to-morrow, and Turin is in flames.” Having imposed his conditions on
the king of Sardinia, Buonaparte, on the 10th of May, advanced to Lodi,
where he encountered and, after a fierce conflict, defeated Beaulieu.
It was after gaining this victory, as he himself said many years
afterwards, that the idea first flashed across his mind that he might
become a great actor in the world’s drama. In order to obtain the ends
of his ambition, Buonaparte now stretched every nerve. In five days
after the action at Lodi he made his triumphant entry into Milan; and
all Lombardy was at the feet of the conqueror, except Mantua. At Milan
the French had many converts and partisans, and Napoleon received an
enthusiastic welcome; but, notwithstanding all this, he levied immense
contributions, not only on the Milanese, but on Parma and Modena, as the
price of an armistice. Thus the Milanese were compelled to contribute
20,000,000 francs; the Duke of Parma was made to pay 1,500,000 francs;
and the Duke of Modena 6,000,000 francs in cash, 2,000,000 more in
provisions, cattle, horses, etc., and to deliver up some of his choicest
paintings. This regular plunder was called for by the five directors at
the Luxembourg, who were perpetually demanding of Napoleon, money, more
money. How effectually he responded to their demand is shown by his own
statements; for he says, that besides clothing, feeding, and paying the
army during the first Italian campaign, he remitted 50,000,000 of francs
to the Luxembourg. But these harsh terms of the French fraternisation
produced their fruits in an extensive revolt in Lombardy; and at Pavia,
whither Napoleon was compelled to return, it could only be quelled by
energetic measures. With the artillery he battered down the gates
and cleared the streets; after which he gave up the city to plunder,
debauchery, and every species of violence and crime which his republican
army were capable of committing.
Napoleon advancing southward now overran Tuscany, where he showed
how the French directory respected neutrality by taking possession of
Leghorn, and seizing all the goods belonging to the English, Portuguese,
and others, in the warehouses of that great free port. Subsequently
he plundered the states and possessions of the pope; and when Pius VI.
dispatched envoys to sue for terms, he granted an armistice only at
the following price:—15,000,000 francs in cash, and 6,000,000 in
provisions, horses, &c.; a number of paintings, ancient statues and
vases, and five hundred manuscripts from the Vatican; the cession of the
provinces of Bologna and Ferrara; the cession of the port and citadel of
Ancona; and the closing of all the papal ports to the English and their
allies. The spoiler was recalled from this work by intelligence that old
Wurmser was marching against him from the Valley of Trento, with an army
consisting of nearly 60,000 men. Napoleon was besieging Mantua when he
heard of the approach of the German veteran; and drawing his army from
thence, he hastened to meet his enemy. Unhappily for Wurmser’s success,
he had divided his forces; while he himself moved with the larger
portion along the eastern shore of the lake of Guarda, he sent
Quosnadowich with the other division along the western bank. This was
a fatal error. Buonaparte instantly threw the entire weight of his
concentrated forces upon Quosnadowich and crushed him at Lonato; and
then sought Wurmser with a force nearly double to that of the
Austrians; and in two battles, fought on the 3rd and 5th of August, near
Castiglione, defeated him, and drove him back into the Tyrol, with the
loss of his artillery and several thousand men. But though defeated, the
Austrian general was not subdued. Striking across the mountains to the
east of Trento, and descending the valley of the Brente, the old general
again entered Italy, and advanced to Bassano. Here he was joined by some
reinforcements from Carinthia; but Napoleon followed hard after him, and
he was compelled to throw himself into the fortress of Mantua. It was
on the 14th of September that Wurmser shut himself up in Mantua; and
shortly after two fresh Austrian armies, raised chiefly through another
subsidy from England, descended into Italy; one of which, under Marshal
Alvinzi, descended from Carinthia upon Belluno, and the other, under
Davidowich, moved down from the Tyrol. Had these forces been united
they would scarcely have been a match for Buonaparte, whence there
cannot be any wonder that the result was disastrous to the Austrian
arms. Taking advantage of this error, Napoleon, with the mass of his
forces, rushed to meet Alvinzi; and after a series of battles, in which
the French suffered great loss, he finally succeeded in defeating the
Austrian general at Areola. Alvinzi made his retreat upon Vicenza and
Bassano; and on the same day that he commenced this retreat on the left
side of the Adige, Davidowich came down on the right side of that river,
and entered the plains between Pescheira and Verona. His defeat was
inevitable: Napoleon turned against him with forces flushed with
victory; and he was driven back to Ala, Reverodo, and the steep hills
that hang over the pass of the Tyrol. This action concluded what has
been aptly called “the third Italian campaign of the year 1796.”
SURRENDER OF CORSICA AND THE ISLE OF ELBA.
At this time Napoleon felt that the conquest of all Italy was within
his reach. Treaties and the rights of foreign powers, whether neutral or
friendly, were little regarded by him. Thus, in open contempt of both,
he had invaded Tuscany, and had taken possession of Leghorn, his excuse
being the dislodgement of the English. In consequence of this movement
Nelson blockaded that port, and landed a force in the isle of Elba, in
order to secure Porto Ferrajo. Moreover, as Genoa, taking the part of
France, had excluded the English from its ports, Nelson seized on the
island of Capraia, which had formerly belonged to Corsica. But the
British admiral’s vigour was not seconded by the British government;
orders were given for even the evacuation of Corsica itself; and soon
after the British fleet, in consequence of peace being made between
Naples and France, left the Mediterranean station, and proceeded to the
support of Portugal.
DUTCH ATTEMPT TO RETAKE THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.
The Dutch government having determined not to suffer the loss of
the Cape of Good Hope without a struggle to regain it, fitted out an
expedition for that purpose. This expedition anchored on the 2nd of
August in the bay of Saldanha; and at the moment when General Craig was
marching down the coast to meet the invaders, a British fleet was seen
advancing, with a fair wind, to the mouth of the harbour. The English
admiral, Elphinstone, anchored within gunshot of the enemy, and sent a
summons to the Dutch admiral; and seeing that resistance was useless,
he delivered up his squadron without having fired a gun. The prizes
were two sail of the line, three smaller ships of war, and three armed
vessels.
FRENCH EXPEDITION TO IRELAND.
In Ireland the Papists had long sought to overthrow the Protestant
supremacy, while the liberals were anxiously seeking the triumph of
their principles. The disposition which prevailed among these two
powerful parties was known to the French directory; and they were
encouraged thereby to attempt the striking of a blow of no common
magnitude in that quarter. On the 20th of December General Hoche
embarked at Brest with 15,000 troops, to co-operate with the Irish
insurgents; but the fleet, which was under the command of Vice-admiral
Morard de Galles, had scarcely left the harbour when it was dispersed by
a storm. Only eight sail out of eighteen ships of the line reached the
Irish coast, and the weather was so stormy that the French could not
land; and the whole expedition, after having suffered great loss,
was obliged to return to France. One of the line-of-battle ships was
attacked, before she could reach a port, by two English frigates, and
was finally driven on shore, where she went to pieces, and many of the
crew perished in the sea. In the whole, the French lost three ships of
the line and three frigates from the adverse elements; and they narrowly
escaped the attack of a British fleet, under Lord Bridport, who arrived
off the Irish coast immediately after their departure. During the whole
of this year, indeed, the maritime power of France suffered greatly;
and her remaining commerce was much diminished by the exertions of the
British cruisers. Upwards of seventy sail of armed vessels belonging
to the enemy were captured; among which were five ships of the line
and twelve frigates. On the other hand, the French made a successful
expedition to Newfoundland, where shipping and merchandise to a large
amount were captured or destroyed.
DISPUTES BETWEEN FRANCE AND AMERICA.
The new government of France had scarcely commenced operations when it
became involved in a quarrel with America. This dispute arose from the
treaty recently executed between America and Great Britain; which treaty
the directory supposed was inimical to France, and incompatible with
the idea of neutrality. By the treaty of 1778, which was still in force,
the Americans had guaranteed to France their West Indian colonies; but
by the treaty of 1795 they consented that even supplies of provisions
sent to those islands should be treated as illegal commerce. In
consequence of this, the directory affected to regard the Americans as
enemies, and made such depredations on their commerce as amounted to
almost open war. An _arrêt_ also was issued, on the third of July,
ordering French ships of war to observe such conduct towards the vessels
of neutral nations as they had hitherto suffered from the English. Thus
began that oppressive system by which neutral powers were doomed to be
persecuted in the future progress of the war. Towards the close of this
summer, Mr. Monroe, the American ambassador at Paris, was recalled; and
the directory not only refused to receive a successor, but suspended M.
Adet, French resident at Philadelphia, from his functions. Such was the
situation of the foreign relations of the United States in the year when
Washington finally retired from the cares of government, to enjoy repose
in the shades of Mount Vernon, on the banks of the Potowmac.
MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
The British parliament had been dissolved by proclamation soon after
the close of the last session; and ministers had, in consequence, been
chiefly occupied by the elections. The new parliament was opened by
the king in person on the 6th of October. In his speech, his majesty
repeated his anxious wish for an honourable peace; announced the
intended mission of Lord Malmesbury to Paris for that purpose; and made
allusion to the success of our arms in the East and West Indies, and to
the brilliant campaign of Archduke Charles. Some difference of opinion
existed between ministers and their supporters, on the propriety of
entering upon a negociation with republican France; but, nevertheless,
the usual addresses passed without a division. A clause in his majesty’s
speech declared apprehension of an invasion; and therefore Pitt
recommended the adoption of measures to repel the attempt. He proposed a
plan for augmenting the national force by a levy of 15,000 men from
the parishes, to be divided between the sea and land service; and by
a supplementary levy of 60,000 men for the militia, and 20,000 men for
irregular service, not to be called out immediately, but enrolled and
gradually trained. This plan, after some bitter remarks made by the
habitual opponents of government, and after the alteration of a clause
which proposed to convert gamekeepers into soldiers, passed without a
division. A bill was also brought in and carried by Mr. Dundas, to raise
a militia in Scotland. The total number of land-forces voted for the
year 1797 was 195,694; that of seamen, 120,000.
PITT’S FINANCIAL STATEMENT.
Pitt opened the budget on the 7th of November. The money he required was
£27,945,000; and among the ways and means which he proposed was a loan
of £18,000,000. There seems to have been a universal spirit of loyalty
in the house, for all that was said by Pitt as to the courage and
resources of the nation, and our capability of withstanding the power
of France and our various enemies, was loudly cheered, while Fox, who
opposed him, was heard in dead silence. The propositions were agreed
to, and this loan was soon followed by a second of equal amount, and
including a vote of three millions for the Emperor of Austria. On
opening the budget, Pitt stated that ministers had made an advance of
£1,200,000 to the emperor; and on the 13th of November, Fox moved “That
his Majesty’s ministers, having authorised and directed at different
times, and without the consent and during the sitting of parliament, the
issue of various sums for the services of his Imperial Majesty, and
also for the service of the army under the Prince of Condé, have acted
contrary to their duty, and to the trust reposed in them, and have
thereby violated the constitutional privileges of this house.” At first
Pitt admitted that it was an irregular act, but afterwards he attempted
to bring what he had done within the authority of the ordinary vote of
credit, and endeavoured to find a principle in other discretionary and
indefinite expenditures. Pitt was manifestly in a dilemma; but he was
rescued by the Hon. Charles Bathurst Bragge, who moved as an amendment
to Fox’s resolution, to the effect that the advance made to the Emperor,
“Though not to be drawn into precedent but upon occasions of special
necessity, was, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, a
justifiable and proper exercise of the discretion vested in his
Majesty’s ministers by the vote of credit, and calculated to produce
consequences which have proved highly advantageous to the common cause,
and to the general interests of Europe.” This amendment was carried by a
majority of two hundred and eighty-five to eighty-one.
MISSION OF LORD MALMESBURY TO PARIS.
As intimated by the King in his speech on opening the new parliament,
during the course of the autumn. Lord Malmesbury was sent to Paris to
treat for peace. At this time, however, peace was not easily obtained;
the republicans were too much elated by their success in Italy and their
hopes from Ireland to listen to any pacific overtures with complacency;
and moreover an envoy, despatched about the same time to the court of
Berlin, with an intent, as was supposed, of drawing Prussia again into a
coalition, excited considerable jealousy in the minds of the directors.
Lord Malmesbury’s mission was in fact a complete failure. On his return
his Majesty sent a message to parliament, declaring that the rupture of
the negociation did not proceed from the want of a sincere desire on his
part for the restoration of peace, but from the excessive pretensions
of the enemy—pretensions which were incompatible with the permanent
interests of this country and the general security of Europe. On the
next day the British ministry also published a manifesto, enlarging
on their own pacific dispositions, and setting forth the malignant
hostility of the French republicans. Copies of all the memorials and
other papers relating to the negociation were likewise laid before
parliament, and on the 30th of December the King’s massage was taken
into consideration in both houses. In the commons, Pitt asserted that
the rupture of the negociations was wholly due to the directory, who
demanded, not as an ultimatum, but as a preliminary, to retain all
territories of which the war had given them possession; and respecting
which they had thought proper to pass a decree, annexing them
unalienably to the republic. He continued, “And not content with thus
abrogating the law of nations, as well as previous treaties, they have
offered a studied insult to his majesty by ordering his ambassador to
quit Paris, and proposing to carry on the negociation by reciprocal
couriers. The question then is, not how much you will give for
peace, but how much disgrace you will suffer at the outset; how much
degradation you will submit to as a preliminary? Shall we then persevere
in the war with a spirit and energy worthy of the British name and
character; or shall we, by sending couriers to Paris, prostrate
ourselves at the feet of a stubborn, supercilious government? I hope
there is not a hand in his majesty’s council that would sign the
proposal; that there is not a heart in this house which would sanction
the measure; and that there is not an individual in this realm that
would act as courier.” In private, Fox confessed that this would be the
very worst moment for making a peace with France; but, nevertheless, he
moved an amendment to the address to be returned to the king’s message,
replete with inculpations of ministers for not having concluded a treaty
with the French republic. His friend, Lord Guildford, moved a similar
amendment in the Lords; but both were negatived by large majorities.
{A.D. 1797}
STOPPAGE OF CASH PAYMENTS AT THE BANK.
At the commencement of this year the aspect of public affairs wore a
gloomy appearance. The directors of the Bank of England had recently, on
several occasions, represented to the chancellor of the exchequer their
inability of supplying his increasing demands; and the dread of an
invasion had produced a run upon the bank for specie; so that when Pitt
requested a further advance, early in this year, of £1,500,000 as a loan
to Ireland, he was informed that a compliance with this request would
most likely cause the directors to shut their doors. In this state of
affairs the privy council, on the 26th* of February, sent an order,
prohibiting the directors of the Bank from issuing any cash or specie
in payment till the sense of parliament could be taken, and measures be
adopted for supporting public credit.
*This was on a Sunday; and it was the first time, during the
reign of the present monarch that business had been
transacted on that day.
This decisive step was announced by a royal message to parliament on the
next day; and the subject was immediately taken into consideration.
It was thought by the opposition that this would crush Pitt; and Fox
exultingly gave notice that he would move for an inquiry into all the
past transactions between the Bank and the minister; and Sheridan,
Whitbread, and others made motions all having one end in view—Pitt’s
overthrow. But Pitt was too firmly seated to be overthrown by his
opponents, however ardently they might seek his downfall. The first step
taken was to appoint two secret committees for ascertaining the assets
of the Bank beyond its debts; and their reports stated that these
amounted to the sum of £3,826.890, exclusive of a permanent debt of
£11,666,800 in the three per cent, stock, due from government; and
also that the demands which occasioned this drain of cash had of late
increased, and that they were likely to go on increasing until the Bank
would be deprived of its means of supplying that cash to government
which it might require. The committees added, that it, was proper
to continue the measures already taken for such time and under such
limitations as should seem expedient to parliament. This report was
taken into consideration by a committee of the whole house; and Pitt
moved for leave to bring in a bill to continue and confirm for a limited
time the restriction of the issue of specie by the Bank of England;
and after various clauses, added by the ministers themselves, this
bill passed. The Bank was authorized to issue specie to the amount of
£100,000, for the accommodation of private bankers and traders; and
bank-notes were to be a legal tender to all, except to the army
and navy, who were to be paid in cash. From this time till 1819 the
circulation of gold coin in a great measure ceased, and notes of one
pound and upwards became the general medium of commercial intercourse.
Pitt’s bill was, indeed, limited in its operation to the 24th of June;
but the restriction was afterwards continued from time to time by a
succession of new acts, so that the return to cash payments did not take
place till the above date, when Sir Robert Peel carried his well-known
bill on that subject.
{GEORGE III. 1796–1798}
MUTINY IN THE FLEETS.
During the sitting of parliament mutinies broke out in the fleet, which
gave far greater alarm than the suspension of cash payments by the
Bank. For some time great dissatisfaction had prevailed among the seamen
respecting their pay and provisions; and in the month of February Lord
Howe received several anonymous letters, praying for his lordship’s
influence towards obtaining an increase of pay, and an improvement in
the quality and quantity of food. At the same time a correspondence was
established between the crews of the different ships, and a committee
of delegates was appointed to obtain a redress of grievances. These
proceedings were conducted with great secrecy; and it was not till Lord
Bridport made a signal to prepare for sea, in April, that they became
known. Then, instead of weighing anchor as the signal imported, the
seamen of the admiral’s ship ran up the shrouds, and saluted the
surrounding ships’ crews with three cheers, to which a long and loud
response was given. It became manifest that the spirit of disobedience
was general; and this was soon shown by action as well as by the voice.
The next step of the delegates was to assemble in the cabin of the
admiral’s ship, and to place the officers in custody, in order to
prevent them from going on shore. A petition to the admiral was drawn
up, and presented on the spot; accompanied with a declaration that, till
the prayer of the petition was granted, till their pay was increased and
their provisions altered, they should not quit their present station,
“unless the enemy was known to be at sea.” On discovering this mutinous
spirit, a committee of the admiralty, with Earl Spencer at their head,
repaired to Portsmouth, with a view of inducing the seamen to return
to their duty. This was on the 18th of April; and five days later the
admiral returned to his ship, when, after hoisting his flag, he informed
the crew that he had brought with him a redress of all their grievances,
accompanied by his majesty’s pardon for their offence. These offers
were cheerfully accepted, and every man returned to his duty. There was
reason for believing that all cause of dissatisfaction was removed; but
there was still mischief lurking behind. On the 7th of May, when Lord
Bridport again made the signal to put to sea, every ship at St. Helen’s
refused to obey, the seamen being under the impression that government
would not fulfil its promises. A meeting of delegates was convened to
be held on board the “London;” but Vice-admiral Colpoys, having
determined to prevent the illegal assembly from being held on board his
ship, ordered the marines to fire upon the boats as they approached; and
five seamen were killed. Irritated by this resistance on the part of
the admiral, the crew of the “London” now turned their guns towards
the stern, and threatened to blow all aft into the water, unless the
commander submitted; and Admiral Colpoys and Captain Griffiths were
both taken into custody by their crew, and confined for several hours in
separate cabins. Such was the state of affairs on the 14th of May, when
Lord Howe arrived from the admiralty with plenary powers to settle all
differences; and as his lordship was the bearer of an act of parliament,
which had passed on the 9th, granting an additional allowance of pay to
the seamen, and also of his majesty’s proclamation of pardon, the flag
of insurrection was struck, and the fleet prepared to put out to sea.
The dangerous spirit of disaffection, however, was not yet subdued.
While these things were transacting at Portsmouth, a fresh mutiny broke
out at Sheerness. This gave little alarm at first, it being supposed
that the terms which had been offered Lord Bridport’s ships, and which
were to be extended to all ships and fleets whatsoever, would satisfy
those fresh mutineers. It was not so. On the 20th of May, many of the
ships lying at the Nore, and soon afterwards nearly all those belonging
to the North Sea fleet, hoisted the red flag, chose two delegates from
every ship, and elected a president, who styled himself “President
of the floating republic.” The demands made by these mutineers were
a greater freedom of absence from ships in harbour; a more punctual
discharge of arrears of pay; a more equal distribution of prize-money;
and a general abatement of the rigours of discipline. Compliance to
these concessions was demanded as the only condition upon which they
would return to their duty. The admiralty, however, gave a decided
negative to their demands; and, with a promise of pardon, insisted that
they should return to their duty and proceed to sea in search of the
enemy. The delegates now demanded that some of the board of admiralty
should come down to Sheerness to negociate with them; and the mutineers
of the “Sandwich,” of ninety guns, Vice-admiral Buckner’s ship, in which
“President Parker” was serving, struck the admiral’s flag, and hoisted
the red flag in its stead; and then all the ships of war which lay near
Sheerness dropped down to the great Nore. Pardon was again offered
them and again rejected on the 24th; and on the 29th a committee of the
admiralty went down to Sheerness, and sent for the delegates, and tried
to conciliate them without yielding to any of their new demands. But
all their endeavours were fruitless. The delegates behaved with great
insolence to the commissioners; and as soon as they returned to the
fleet, the mutineers moored their ships in a line across the river, and
detained every merchant vessel bound up or down the Thames. This was in
effect blockading the port of London; and two vessels, laden with
stores and provisions, were seized and appropriated to the use of the
mutineers. On the 4th of June the whole fleet celebrated the king’s
birthday by a royal salute; and on the 6th they were joined by four
ships of the line from Admiral Duncan’s squadron, making in the whole
twenty-four sail, consisting of eleven ships of the line and thirteen
frigates in a state of mutiny.
In the meantime government was not inattentive to the perilous state of
the country. His majesty’s pardon was offered to such of the mutineers
as should immediatety return to their duty; two acts of parliament were
passed for restraining the intercourse between the revolted crews and
the shore, and for the punishment of any attempt to seduce seamen or
soldiers into mutinous conduct; all the buoys at the mouth of the Thames
were removed; and batteries were erected along shore for firing red-hot
shot. Government was assisted in their efforts to quell the rebellion by
the two divisions of the fleet lying at Portsmouth and Plymouth, each
of which addressed an exhortation to the mutineers, urging them to be
content with the indulgences granted, and to return to their duty. But
their warnings were all ineffectual. The mutineers sent Lord Northesk,
who had been confined on board his ship, the “Monmouth,” with conditions
to his majesty, on which alone, they said, they were willing to
surrender the ships. The terms they demanded were submitted to the king
in council, and were instantly rejected; and all hopes of accommodation
being thus at an end, preparations were made to enforce obedience to
the laws. The bold tone which government assumed, being seconded by
the voice of the people, at length had its effect. Several of the ships
deserted the rebels; in those that remained the well-disposed rose upon
the refractory, and some lives were lost; and by the 13th of June every
red flag had disappeared. President Parker and some of the delegates
were executed, some were flogged through the fleet, and others left
under sentence on board prison-ships, while the mass received his
majesty’s free pardon. This general pardon was proclaimed in October,
after Admiral Duncan’s victory off Camperdown, which will be noticed in
a subsequent article.
GREY’S MOTION FOR REFORM, ETC.
While the country was agitated by the mutiny of the fleets, Mr.
Grey rose in the house of commons to move “for a sweeping reform in
parliament.” This motion was seconded by Fox and others of his party;
but it was lost by a majority of two hundred and fifty-eight against
ninety-three. Not one of the Foxites could have expected that the motion
would pass; but pretending to despair of succeeding in their plan of
reform, Fox and most of his friends seceded from parliament, declaring
that their attendance there was useless. Some of them returned
subsequently to their seats, but none of them attended during Parker’s
mutiny; and from this time till the year 1800 Fox spoke only three or
four times in the house. Sheridan refused to secede; and when the debate
took place concerning the rebellion at the Nore, in defiance of his
party he strengthened the hands of government. The Foxites asserted that
he was acting under selfish motives, and that he was seeking a seat on
the treasury bench with some well-paid place. They might be correct; for
all history shows that the true and disinterested patriot, is of rare
occurrence; all have their own self-interest at heart. No other business
worthy of historical note occurred till the 20th of July, when his
majesty prorogued parliament by a speech from the throne, in which he
declared that he was again engaged in a negociation for peace, and
that nothing should be wanting on his part to bring it to a successful
termination.
FRENCH DESCENT ON WALES.
Early in this year the French sent an expedition of about 1500 men,
mostly criminals and vagabonds, attired as French troops, who landed in
Cardigan Bay. The Welsh peasantry, animated by the gentry, armed with
scythes, sickles, and pitchforks, marched forth to meet the invaders;
and Lord Cawdor assembled a mixed force of seven hundred militia,
fencibles, and yeoman cavalry. This was sufficient. The French
commander, after a short negociation, capitulated to Lord Cawdor; while
the two frigates which accompanied the expedition, were captured
on their return to Brest. Such was the result of this long-menaced
invasion; but in other quarters preparations were made on a more
formidable scale.
BATTLE OFF CAPE ST. VINCENT.
“The year of mutinies” was not altogether inglorious to the British
navy. It was proposed by the republic that the fleets of Holland and
Spain should join the French fleet at Brest, and that the whole armada
should bear down for the coast of England. In order to frustrate this
design, Sir John Jervis was directed to blockade the port of Cadiz,
while Admiral Duncan was sent to watch the Dutch in the Texel. Sir John
Jervis fell in with the great Spanish fleet, under the command of Don
José de Cordova, off Cape St. Vincent, The Spanish fleet consisted of
twenty-seven sail of the line, and the English of only fifteen; but the
greater part of the Spanish crews were inexperienced, and Nelson was
with the English admiral, so that there was no hesitation in engaging.
Four Spanish ships of the line were captured, and all the rest were
driven into Cadiz, and there blockaded. Intelligence of this victory
occasioned great joy throughout the nation; and while the fleet was
honoured with the thanks of both houses of parliament, Sir John Jervis
was created Earl St. Vincent; Nelson was invested with the order of the
Bath; Captain Robert Calder was knighted; and gold medals and chains
were presented to all the captains. The victory was due to the prompt
and daring conduct of Nelson, whose watchword, as he went into the
battle, was “Westminster Abbey or victory.”
BATTLE OFF CAMPERDOWN.
The most complete naval action of this year happened off Camperdown.
On the 11th of October Admiral Duncan, with sixteen sail of the line,
attacked a Dutch fleet, commanded by Admiral De Winter, of eleven sail
of the line and four fifty-six gun ships. The Dutch fought in a very
different style from the Spaniards, ardently contending for the victory.
Admiral De Winter, whose ship was attacked by Admiral Duncan’s, did not
strike his flag before all his masts fell overboard, and half his crew
were either killed or wounded; and when the battle terminated, almost
every Dutch ship was found to be in a disabled state. Eight ships of the
line, two fifty-six gun ships, and two frigates remained as trophies
of victory to the English. This action excited great joy at home; and
Duncan was elevated to the peerage, by the title of Viscount Duncan of
Camperdown. In consideration of this and the other signal victories
that had crowned our fleets, his majesty ordered a general thanksgiving
throughout the kingdom, which took place on the 19th of December.
THE BLOCKADE OF CADIZ, ETC.
After the battle off Cape St. Vincent, Nelson was employed in the
blockade of Cadiz, which he bombarded on the 23rd of June and 3rd of
July. This bombardment, however, produced but little effect; and soon
afterward, owing to an unfounded report that the viceroy of Mexico had
arrived at Teneriffe with treasure ships, Nelson proceeded thither in
search of them. He made an unfortunate attack on Santa Cruz in that
island, which ended in the loss of his own right arm, and also of
about two hundred men. Previous to this, the Spanish island of Trinidad
capitulated to an expedition of six sail of the line, with troops on
board, under the command of Sir Ralph Abercrombie and Admiral Harvey;
but the same commanders were subsequently defeated in an attempt to take
Porto Rico.
WAR ON THE CONTINENT.
At the commencement of this year, Alvinzi, the Austrian general,
re-enforced with 50,000 troops, made great efforts to recover the
fortune of the war. In this he was aided by the pope, who raised troops
for his support. But again Alvinzi had the temerity to divide his
forces; the principal division marching, under his own command, by
the old route from the Tyrol, and the other taking a circuit down the
Brenta, to relieve Mantua. In order to impede his progress Napoleon
posted himself at Rivoli, on a lofty plain above the Adige, between that
river and the Alpine Montebaldo. In this position he was attacked
by Alvinzi; but the Austrian general was repulsed on all sides, and
compelled to take refuge in flight. The other division of the Austrian
army fought its way to the walls of Mantua, but Wurmser sought in vain
to form a junction with it; and in February Mantua was captured by
Napoleon. The conqueror’s vengeance next fell upon his holiness the
pope. Not tarrying even to receive the sword of Wurmser, Napoleon headed
his legions and marched towards Rome. Within eight days one half of the
states of the church were conquered, and the pope had no hope but in
submission. The conqueror granted him political existence, on condition
that he should cede to the republic Wignon, Venaissin, and the legations
of Bologna, Ferrara, and Romagna: he was compelled to pay, also, a
contribution of thirty millions, and to give up more works of art.
The directory saw that another victory would place Austria at its feet;
and in order to ensure this consummation, Bernadotte was dispatched with
30,000 men to re-enforce Napoleon, while Hoche was sent to supersede
Pichegru, on the lower Rhine. Napoleon crossed the Alps early in March;
and he was opposed by the Archduke Charles. But opposition was vain; for
his legions were yet incomplete, and unable to withstand his victorious
enemy. The French penetrated on the one side into Tyrol, and on the
other over the Paive, towards the Carinthian passes. Victory followed
victory; and the conquerors entered Klagenfurt and Laubach, and stood in
Tyrol, at the foot of the Brenner mountains. The main army, driving the
Austrians before them, finally marched into Leoben; and the archduke
retreated as far as Styria. The enemy was now only thirty-six leagues
from the Austrian capital; and the inhabitants were seized with terror
and consternation. But here the victories of Napoleon were stopped for a
season. Jealous of his success, or deterred by dissensions which raged
in Paris, the directory stayed the progress of the armies of the Rhine,
without whose co-operation it would have been imprudent in that of Italy
to advance. Under these circumstances Napoleon sent to the archduke
proposals of peace; and after some delay a preliminary treaty was signed
at Leoben, on the 18th of April. By this treaty Austria ceded to the
republic Belgium and the countries of Italy as far as the Oglio; for
which she was to receive in return the Venetian territory from the Oglio
to the Po and the Adriatic Sea, Venetian Istria, and Daimatia; and when
general peace should be re-established, Mantua and Peschiera. “This
peace,” says Rotteck, “concluded when the hour of great decision was
approaching: more yet, its conditions, unexpectedly favourable to the
vanquished, proved the mutual fear of those that made peace. For
Austria, the fall of Vienna would have been a severe and humiliating
blow. But could Buonaparte advance so far after he actually stood in
danger of being surrounded, and, perhaps, annihilated by the swelling
masses of the enemy? On the one side approached the Hungarian
insurrection army, on the other and around, the Austrian land-storm. But
in Venice a general revolt had broken out against the French, which the
aristocratic government had excited out of hatred towards the democratic
revolutionary system. In this situation a reverse might be ruinous to
Buonaparte: he therefore concluded peace.”
The insurrection in Venice had not been commenced by the aristocracy,
but by the democracy. It broke out in the towns of Brescia and
Bergamo, and the senate, in its turn, raised the mountaineers and the
anti-revolutionary peasants, who proceeded to every species of atrocity:
their watchword being “Death to Frenchmen and Jacobins.” On Easter
Monday more than four hundred Frenchmen are said to have been massacred
at Verona. But the knell of Venice itself was rung. Napoleon having made
peace at Leoben, brought his cannon to the edge of the lagoons, and the
panic-stricken senate and cowardly doge, passed a decree to dissolve
their ancient constitution, and to establish a species of democracy.
Venice fell after a political existence of more than one thousand years.
The aristocracy of Genoa, also, succumbed to the same storm; but they
were permitted to retain an independent government, under the name of
“the Ligurian republic.”
The definitive treaty between the Emperor of Austria and the French
republic was signed on the 17th of October, at Campio Formio, near
Udina. Its conditions were somewhat different from those of the first
treaty: Austria, in recompense for the Netherlands, receiving the
Venetian provinces to the Adige, and not to the Oglio; and Mantua being
retained by the French. In return for these possessions, France obtained
the Netherlands; the Greek islands belonging to Venice in the Adriatic;
an acknowledgment of the Cisalpine republic; and an indemnification for
the Duke of Modena in Brisgau. Some secret conditions were annexed
to this treaty; and it was agreed that a congress should be held at
Radstadt, for settling the peace of the empire.
By these victories France remained in possession of Savoy, Nice,
Avignon, and Belgium. She was also mistress of Italy and Holland,
and could reckon on the dependence of the German empire, owing to the
cession of the left bank of the Rhine. The German empire, abandoned by
Austria, likewise was at her mercy, and tremblingly expected its fate;
while the government of the church and the kingdom of Naples were
tottering to their very foundations. Spain, moreover, with all its
resources, was wholly in the hands of the French. England now stood
alone in the contest; and though she remained mistress of the ocean,
it was deemed advisable to renew pacific negociations with France. Lord
Malmesbury was again sent on this mission; and the city of Lisle was
fixed on by the directory for a conference. But the directory were
not inclined for peace; after continuing at Lisle until September,
exchanging useless notes and receiving many insults, Lord Malmesbury was
ordered to quit the place within four and twenty hours. It was demanded
by the French negotiators that the Cape of Good Hope, and every island
or settlement, French, Dutch, or Spanish, in the possession of Great
Britain, should be given up without receiving any compensation. Such
terms as these were incompatible with the nation’s interests and
safety; whence the failure of this mission. Moreover, there was a
belief existing in France that England was on the verge of ruin; and the
directory fondly imagined that they would one day triumph over her as
they had done over the nations on the Continent.
INTERNAL HISTORY OF FRANCE.
During this year the harmony between the directory and the legislative
councils vanished. The new elections produced this change; for men of a
different spirit were returned by the communes. The royalist party had,
indeed, obtained the control of elections; and the newly elected
third entered the chambers of the representatives with plans of
counter-revolution. The directory had the mortification of seeing the
emigrants allowed to return, the re-establishment of priests, and a vote
of censure passed upon the conduct of their emissaries in the colonies.
The directory were, in fact, shorn of power, and there was a faint
prospect of the whole work of the revolution being set aside. But
the nation was not yet prepared for such a step. As the plans of the
royalists, which were concocted in the club of Clichy, became disclosed,
the government regained strength. From fear of the return of the old
order of things, the patriots of 1791 united with the party of the
convention; and the club of Salm was got up in opposition to that of
Clichy. A contest soon followed. The directory relied upon the armies,
and they assembled some troops in the neighbourhood of Paris; while the
councils decreed the restoration of the national guards. The directory,
however, by one fell blow, annihilated the hopes of their enemies.
On the 10th Fructidor, answering to the 4th of September, troops were
brought to the capital under pretence of a review, and placed under the
disposal of Augereau. These troops surrounded the Tuileries, which
was protected by the guards of the legislative body, which, upon the
question of Augereau, “Are you republicans?” immediately laid down their
arms. The contest was then decided. Augereau took possession of the
palace, and arrested the opposition deputies. Barthélémy and Carnot,
with forty members of the “Council of Five Hundred,” eleven of the
“Council of the Ancients,” and ten other persons of note were condemned
to be deported to Cayenne. Most of these underwent their punishment;
but some escaped, and others were pardoned. Thirty-five journalists
were likewise sentenced to deportation; and the elections of forty-eight
departments were declared null. In the whole one hundred and forty-nine
members were excluded, and the vacancies were filled up by the
directory, with men willing to give them their support. The laws enacted
in favour of priests and emigrants were revoked, and the oath of hatred
to royalty renewed. Thus a revolutionary government returned; and
the constitution was trodden underfoot by men who ostensibly were its
supporters. And all this they called “Liberty.”
MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.
The British parliament met on the 2nd of November. In his speech his
majesty dwelt on the excessive pretensions of the French; the failure
of the negociations at Lisle; the flourishing state of trade and the
revenue; our naval victories, and our new conquests in the West Indies:
and recommended those exertions which could alone ensure peace. As Fox
and the other great orators of the opposition still absented themselves
from parliament, there was little interest in the debate which followed,
or in any of the debates during this session. The army and navy
estimates were readily passed, and supplies were early voted, to the
amount of £25,000,000. Among the ways and means adopted was the trebling
of all the assessed taxes. This measure met with strenuous opposition
from a few members; but the bill passed by a large majority.