That these two great orators were originally formed by nature in the

same mould is shown by the similarity of their dispositions. They had

the same ambition, the same love of liberty, and the same timidity

in war and danger. Their fortunes also were similar; both raised

themselves from obscure beginnings to authority and power; both opposed

kings and tyrants; both of them were banished, then returned with

honour, were forced to fly again, and were taken by their enemies; and

with both of them expired the liberties of their countries.

Demosthenes, while a weakly child of seven years, lost his father, and

his fortune was dissipated by unworthy guardians. But his ambition

was fired in early years by hearing the pleadings of the orator

Callistratus, and by noting the honours which attended success in that

profession. He at once applied himself to the practice of declamation,

and studied rhetoric under Isæus; and as soon as he came of age he

appeared at the Bar in the prosecution of his guardians for their

embezzlements. Though successful in this claim, Demosthenes had much to

learn, and his earlier speeches provoked the amusement of his audience.

His manner was at once violent and confused, his voice weak and

stammering, and his delivery breathless; but these faults were overcome

by an arduous and protracted course of exercise in the subterraneous

study which he had built, where he would remain for two or three months

together. He corrected the stammering by speaking with pebbles in his

mouth; strengthened his voice by running uphill and declaiming while

still unbreathed; and his attitude and gestures were studied before a

mirror.

Demosthenes was rarely heard to speak extempore, and though the people

called upon him in the assembly, he would sit silent unless he had come

prepared. He wrote a great part, if not the whole, of each oration

beforehand, so that it was objected that his arguments "smelled of the

lamp"; yet, on exceptional occasions, he would speak unprepared, and

then as if from a supernatural impulse.

His nature was vindictive and his resentment implacable. He was never

a time-server in word or in action, and he maintained to the end the

political standpoint with which he had begun. The glorious object of

his ambition was the defence of the cause of Greece against Philip;

and most of his orations, including these Philippics, are written

upon the principle that the right and worthy course is to be chosen

for its own sake. He does not exhort his countrymen to that which is

most agreeable, or easy, or advantageous, but to that which is most

honourable. If, besides this noble ambition of his and the lofty tone

of his orations, he had been gifted also with warlike courage and had

kept his hands clean from bribes, Demosthenes would have deserved to be

numbered with Cimon, Thucydides, and Pericles.

Cicero's wonderful genius came to light even in his school-days; he

had the capacity and inclination to learn all the arts, but was most

inclined to poetry, and the time came when he was reputed the best

poet as well as the greatest orator in Rome. After a training in law

and some experience of the wars, he retired to a life of philosophic

study, but being persuaded to appear in the courts for Roscius, who was

unjustly charged with the murder of his father, Cicero immediately made

his reputation as an orator.

His health was weak; he could eat but little, and that only late in

the day; his voice was harsh, loud, and ill regulated; but, like

Demosthenes, he was able by assiduous practice to modulate his

enunciation to a full, sonorous, and sweet tone, and his studies under

the leading rhetoricians of Greece and Asia perfected his eloquence.

His diligence, justice, and moderation were evidenced by his conduct

in public offices, as quæstor, prætor, and then as consul. In his

attack on Catiline's conspiracy, he showed the Romans what charms

eloquence can add to truth, and that justice is invincible when

properly supported. But his immoderate love of praise interrupted his

best designs, and he made himself obnoxious to many by continually

magnifying himself.

Demosthenes, by concentrating all his powers on the single art of

speaking, became unrivalled in the power, grandeur, and accuracy of

his eloquence. Cicero's studies had a wider range; he strove to excel

not only as an orator, but as a philosopher and a scholar also. Their

difference of temperament is reflected in their styles. Demosthenes is

always grave and serious, an austere man of thought; Cicero, on the

other hand, loves his jest, and is sometimes playful to the point of

buffoonery. The Greek orator never touches upon his own praise except

with some great point in view, and then does it modestly and without

offence; the Roman does not seek to hide his intemperate vanity.

Both of these men had high political abilities; but while the former

held no public office, and lies under the suspicion of having at times

sold his talent to the highest bidder, the latter ruled provinces as a

pro-consul at a time when avarice reigned unbridled, and became known

only for his humanity and his contempt of money.

MADAME DE STAËL

On Germany

Madame de Staël's book "On Germany" (De l'Allemagne) was finished

in 1810. The manuscript was passed by the censor, and partly

printed, when the whole impression was seized by the order of the

Emperor and destroyed. Madame de Staël herself escaped secretly,

and came eventually to London, where, in 1813, the work was

published. She did not long survive the fall of her tremendous

enemy, Napoleon, but died in her beloved Paris on July 14, 1817.

When it is considered that "On Germany" was written by other

than an inhabitant of the country, and that Madame de Staël did

not travel far beyond her own residences at Mainz, Frankfort,

Berlin, and Vienna, the work may be reckoned the most remarkable

performance of its kind in literature or biography (Mme. de

Staël, biography: see Vol. VIII, p. 89).

_I.--Germany, Its People and Customs_

The multitude and extent of the forests indicate a still new

civilisation. Germany still shows traces of uninhabited nature. It is

a sad country, and time is needed to discover what there is to love in

it. The ruined castles on the hills, the narrow windows of the houses,

the long stretches of snow in winter, the silence of nature and men,

all contribute towards the sadness. Yet the country and its inhabitants

are interesting and poetical. You feel that human souls and imagination

have embellished this land.

The only remarkable monuments in Germany are the Gothic ones which

recall the age of chivalry. Modern German architecture is not worth

mentioning, but the towns are well built, and the people try to make

their houses look as cheerful and pleasing as possible. The gardens

in some parts of Germany are almost as beautiful as in England, which

denotes love of nature. Often, in the midst of the superb gardens of

the German princes, æolian harps are placed; the breezes waft sound

and scent at once. Thus northern imagination tries to construct Italian

nature.

The Germans are generally sincere and faithful; they scarcely ever

break their word and are strangers to deception. Power of work and

thought is another of their national traits. They are naturally

literary and philosophical, but their pride of class affects in some

ways their _esprit_ adversely. The nobles are lacking in ideas, and

the men of letters know too little about business. The Germans have

imagination rather than _esprit_.

The town dwellers and the country folk, the soldiers and the

workmen, nearly all have some knowledge of music. I have been to

some poor houses, blackened with tobacco smoke, and not only the

mistress, but also the master of the house, improvise on the piano,

just as the Italians improvise in verse. Instrumental music is as

generally fostered in Germany as vocal music is in Italy. Italy has

the advantage, because instrumental music requires work, whilst the

southern sky suffices to produce beautiful voices.

Peasant women and servants, who are too poor to put on finery, decorate

their hair with a few flowers, so that imagination may at least enter

into their attire.

One is constantly struck in Germany with the contrast between sentiment

and custom, between talent and taste; civilisation and nature do not

seem to have properly amalgamated yet. Enthusiasm for art and poetry

goes with very vulgar habits in social life. Nothing could be more

bizarre than the combination of the warlike aspect of Germany, where

soldiers are met at every step, with the indoor life led by the people.

There is a dread of fatigue and change of air, as if the nation were

composed only of shopkeepers and men of letters; and yet all the

institutions tend towards giving the nation military habits.

Stoves, beer, and tobacco-smoke crate around the German people a kind

of heavy and hot atmosphere which they do not like to leave. This

atmosphere is injurious to activity, which is at least as necessary

in war as in courage; resolutions are slow, discouragement is easy,

because a generally sad existence does not engender much confidence in

fortune.

Three motive powers lead men to fight: love of the fatherland and

of liberty, love of glory, and religious fanaticism. There is not

much love of the fatherland in an Empire that has been divided for

centuries, where Germans fought against Germans; love of glory is not

very lively where there is no centre, no capital, no society. The

Germans are much more apt to get roused by abstract ideas than by the

interests of life.

The love of liberty is not developed with the Germans; they have learnt

neither by enjoyment, nor by privation, the prize that may be attached

to it. The very independence enjoyed by Germany in all respects made

the Germans indifferent to liberty; independence is a possession,

liberty a guarantee, and just because nobody was crossed in Germany

either in his rights or in his pleasures, nobody felt the need for an

order of things that would maintain this happiness.

The Germans, with few exceptions, are scarcely capable of succeeding

in anything that requires cleverness and skill; everything troubles

them, makes them nervous, and they need method in action as well as

independence in thought.

German women have a charm of their own, a touching quality of voice,

fair hair, and brilliant complexion; they are modest, but not as shy

as the English. One can see that they have often met men who were

superior to them, and that they have less cause to fear the severity of

public judgment. They try to please by their sensibility, and to arouse

interest by the imagination. The language of poetry and of the fine

arts is known to them; they flirt with enthusiasm, just as one flirts

in France with _esprit_ and wit.

Love is a religion in Germany, but a poetic religion, which willingly

tolerates all that may be excused by sensibility. The facility of

divorce in the Protestant provinces certainly affects the sanctity of

marriage. Husbands are changed as peacefully as if it were merely a

question of arranging the incidents of a play. The good-nature of men

and women prevents any bitterness entering these easy ruptures.

Some German women are ever in a state of exaltation that amounts to

affectation, and the sweet expressions of which efface whatever there

may be piquant or pronounced in their mind and character. They are not

frank, and yet not false either; but they see and judge nothing with

truth, and the real events pass before their eyes like phantasmagoria.

But these women are the exception. Many German women have true

sentiment and simple manners. Their careful education and natural

purity of soul renders their dominion gentle and moderate; every day

they inspire you with increased interest for all that is great and

noble, with increased confidence in every kind of hope. What is rare

among German women is real _esprit_ and quick repartee. Conversation,

as a talent, exists only in France; in other countries it only serves

for polite intercourse, for discussion and for friendship; in France it

is an art.

_II.--On Southern Germany and Austria_

Franconia, Suabia, and Bavaria were, before the foundation of the

Munich Academy, strangely heavy and monotonous countries; no arts

except music, little literature; an accent that did not lend itself

well to the pronunciation of the Latin languages, no society; great

parties that resembled ceremonies rather than amusement; obsequious

politeness towards an unelegant aristocracy; kindness and loyalty in

all classes, but a certain smiling stiffness which is neither ease nor

dignity. In a country where society counts for nothing, and nature for

little, only the literary towns can be really interesting.

A temperate climate is not favourable for poetry. Where the climate

is neither severe nor beautiful, one lives without fearing or hoping

anything from heaven, and one only takes interest in the positive facts

of existence. Southern Germany, temperate in every respect, keeps up a

state of monotonous well-being which is as bad for business activity as

it is for the activity of the mind. The keenest wish of the inhabitants

of that peaceful and fertile country is to continue the same existence.

And what can one do with that one desire? It is not even enough to

preserve that with which one is contented.

There are many excellent things in Austria, but few really superior

men, because in that country it is not much use to excel one's

neighbour; one is not envied for it, but forgotten, which is still more

discouraging. Ambition turns in the direction of obtaining good posts.

Austria, embracing so many different peoples, Bohemians, Hungarians,

etc., has not the unity necessary for a monarchy. Yet the great

moderation of the heads of the state has for a long time constituted a

strong link.

Industry, good living and domestic pleasures are Austria's principal

interests. In spite of the glory she gained by the perseverance and

valour of her troops, the military spirit has really never got hold of

all classes of the nation.

In a country where every movement is difficult, and where everything

inspires tranquility, the slightest obstacle is an excuse for complete

idleness of action and thought. One might say that this is real

happiness; but does happiness consist of the faculties which one

develops, or of those which one chokes?

Vienna is situated in a plain amid picturesque hills. It is an old

town, very small, but surrounded by very spacious suburbs. It is said

that the city proper within the fortifications is no larger than it

was when Richard Cœur-de-Lion was put into prison not far from its

gates. The streets are as narrow as in Italy; the palaces recall a

little those of Florence; in fine, nothing here resembles the rest of

Germany except a few Gothic buildings, which bring back the Middle Ages

to the imagination. First among these is the tower of St. Stephen's,

around which somehow centres the whole history of Austria. No building

can be as patriotic as a church--the only one in which all classes of

the population meet, the only one which recalls not only the public

events, but also the secret thoughts, the intimate affections which the

rulers and the citizens have brought within its precincts.

Every great city has some building, or promenade, some work of art

or nature, to which the recollections of childhood are attached. It

seems to me that the _Prater_ should have this charm for the Viennese.

No other city can match this splendid promenade through woods and

deer-stocked meadows. The daily promenade at a fixed hour is an Italian

custom. Such regularity would be impossible in a country where the

pleasures are as varied as in Paris; but the Viennese could never do

without it. Society folk in their carriages and the people on their

feet assemble here every evening. It is in the Prater that one is most

struck with the easy life and the prosperity of the Viennese. Vienna

has the uncontested reputation of consuming more food than any other

equally populous city. You can see whole families of citizens and

artisans starting for the Prater at five o'clock for a rustic meal as

substantial as dinner in any other country, and the money they are able

to spend on it proves their industry and kindly rule.

At night thousands of people return, without disorder, without

quarrel. You can scarcely hear a voice, so silently do they take their

pleasures. It is not due to sadness, but to laziness and physical

well-being. Society is here with magnificent horses and carriages.

Their whole amusement is to recognise in a Prater avenue the friends

they have just left in a drawing-room. The emperor and his brothers

take their place in the long row of carriages, and prefer to be

considered just as ordinary private people. They only use their rights

when they are performing their duties. You never see a beggar: the

charity institutions are admirably managed. And there are very few

mortal crimes in Austria. Everything in this country bears the impress

of a paternal, wise, and religious government.

_III.--On the German Language_

Germany is better suited for prose than for poetry, and the prose is

better written than spoken; it is an excellent instrument if you wish

to describe or to say everything; but you cannot playfully pass from

subject to subject as you can in French. If you would adapt the German

words to the French style of conversation you would rob them altogether

of grace and dignity. The merit of the Germans is to fill their time

well; the talent of the French is to make us forget time.

Although the sense of German sentences is frequently only revealed at

the very end, the construction does not always permit to close a phrase

with the most piquant expression, which is one of the great means to

make conversation effective. You rarely hear among the Germans what

is known as a _bon-mot_; you have to admire the thought and not the

brilliant way in which it is expressed.

Brilliant expression is considered a kind of charlatanism by

the Germans, who take to abstract expression because it is more

conscientious and approaches more closely to the very essence of

truth. But conversation ought not to cause any trouble either to the

listener or to the speaker. As soon as conversation in Germany departs

from the ordinary interests of life it becomes too metaphysical;

there is nothing between the common and the sublime; and it is just

this intermediate region that is the proper sphere for the art of

conversation.

WEIMAR

Of all the German principalities, Weimar makes one best realise the

advantages of a small country, if the ruler is a man of fine intellect

who may try to please his subjects without losing their obedience. The

Duchess Louise of Saxe-Weimar is the true model of a woman destined

for high rank. The duke's military talents are highly esteemed; his

conversation is pointed and well considered; his intellect and his

mother's have attracted the most distinguished men of letters to

Weimar. Germany had for the first time a literary capital.

Herder had just died when I arrived at Weimar, but Wieland, Goethe,

and Schiller were still there. They can be judged from their works,

for their books bear a striking resemblance to their character and

conversation.

Life in small towns has never appealed to me. Man's intellect seems to

become narrow and woman's heart cold. One feels oppressed by the close

proximity of one's equals. All the actions of your life are minutely

examined in detail, until the ensemble of your character is no longer

understood. And the more your spirit is independent and elevated, the

less you can breathe within the narrow confines. This disagreeable

discomfort did not exist at Weimar, which was not a little town, but a

large castle. A chosen circle took a lively interest in every new art

production. Imagination, constantly stimulated by the conversation of

the poets, felt less need for those outside distractions which lighten

the burden of existence but often dissipates its forces. Weimar has

been called the Athens of Germany, and rightly so. It was the only

place where interest in the fine arts was, so to speak, rational and

served as fraternal link between the different ranks.

_IV.--Prussia_

To know Prussia, one has to study the character of Frederick II. A man

has created this empire which had not been favoured by nature, and

which has only become a power because a soldier has been its master.

There are two distinct men in Frederick II.: a German by nature, and a

Frenchman by education. All that the German did in a German kingdom has

left lasting traces; all that the Frenchman tried has been fruitless.

Frederick's great misfortune was that he had not enough respect

for religion and customs. His tastes were cynical. Frederick, in

liberating his subjects of what he called prejudices, stifled in

them their patriotism, for in order to get attached to a naturally

sombre and sterile country one must be ruled by very stern opinions

and principles. Frederick's predilection for war may be excused on

political grounds. His realm, as he took it over from his father, could

not exist, and aggrandisement was necessary for its preservation. He

had two and a half million subjects when he ascended the throne, and he

left six millions on his death.

One of his greatest wrongs was his share in the division of Poland.

Silesia was acquired by force of arms. Poland by Macchiavellian

conquest, "and one could never hope that subjects thus robbed should be

faithful to the juggler who called himself their sovereign."

Frederick II. wanted French literature to rule alone in his country,

and had no consideration for German literature, which, no doubt, was

then not as remarkable as it is to-day; but a German prince should

encourage all that is German. Frederick wanted to make Berlin resemble

Paris, and he flattered himself to have found among the French

refugees some writers of sufficient distinction to have a French

literature. Such hope was bound to be deceptive. Artificial culture

never prospers; a few individuals may fight against the natural

difficulties, but the masses will always follow their natural leaning.

Frederick did a real wrong to his country when he professed to despise

German genius.

BERLIN

Berlin is a large town, with wide, long, straight streets, beautiful

houses, and an orderly aspect; but as it has only recently been

rebuilt, it contains nothing to recall the past. No Gothic monument

exists among the modern dwellings, and this newly-formed country is in

no way interfered with by the past. But modern Berlin, with all its

beauty, does not impress me seriously. It tells nothing of the history

of the country or the character of its inhabitants; and these beautiful

new houses seem to be destined only for the comfortable gatherings of

business or industry. The most beautiful palaces of Berlin are built of

brick. Prussia's capital resembles Prussia herself; its buildings and

institutions have the age of one generation, and no more, because one

man alone is their creator.

THE "GERMANIA" OF TACITUS

Customs and Peoples of Germany

"Germania," the full title of which is "Concerning the Geography,

the Manners and Customs, and the Peoples of Germany," consists

of forty-six sections, the first twenty-seven describing the

characteristics of the peoples, their customs, beliefs, and

institutions; the remaining nineteen dealing with the individual

peculiarities of each separate tribe. As a record of the Teutonic

tribes, written purely from an ethical and rhetorical standpoint,

the work is of the utmost importance, and, on the whole, is

regarded as trustworthy. Its weak point is its geography, details

of which Tacitus (see Vol. XI, p. 156) no doubt gathered from

hearsay. The main object of the work was not so much to compose

a history of Germany, as to draw a comparison between the

independence of the Northern peoples and the corrupt civilisation

of contemporary Roman life. Possibly, also, Tacitus intended to

sound a note of alarm.

_I.--Germany and the German Tribes_

The World's Greatest Books — Volume 20 — Miscellaneous Literature and Index · 第 20 / 26 段