To describe the hundreds of illustrated books which the German printers

published before the end of the century belongs to the bibliographer.

Should any one turn to them, he would find in the cuts that they contain

much diversity in character, but little in merit; he would meet at

Bamberg, in the works printed by Pfister, whose Book of Fables,

published 1461, is the first dated volume with woodcuts of figures,

designs so rude that they are generally believed to have been hacked out

by apprentices wholly destitute of training in the craft; he would

notice in the books of Cologne the greater self-restraint and sense of

proportion, in those of Augsburg the greater variety, vivacity, and

vigor, in those of Nuremberg the greater exaggeration and grotesqueness.

In the publications of some cities he would come upon the burning

questions of that generation: the siege of Rhodes by the Turks, the wars

of Charles the Bold against Switzerland, the martyrdom of John Huss;

elsewhere he would see naïve conceptions of mediæval romance and

chivalry, and not infrequently, as in the Boccaccio of Ulm, grossnesses

not to be described; at Strasburg he would hardly recognize Horace and

Virgil with their Teutonic features and barbaric garb; while at Mayence

botanical works, which strangely mingle science, medicine, and

superstition, would excite his wonder, and at Ulm military works would

picture the forgotten engines of mediæval warfare; in the Netherlands,

too, he would discern little difference in literature or in design;

everywhere he would find the unevenness of Gothic taste--one moment

creating works with a certain boldness and grandeur of conception, the

next moment falling into the inane and the ludicrous; everywhere German

realism making each person appear as if born in a Rhine city, and each

event as if taking place within its walls; everywhere, too, an

ever-widening interest in the affairs of past times and distant

countries, in the thought and life of the generations that were gone, in

the pursuits of the living, and the multiform problems of that age of

the Reformation then coming on. It is impossible to turn from this wide

survey without a recognition of the large share which wood-engraving, as

the suggester and servant of printing, had in the progress made toward

civilization in the North during that century. Woltmann does not

over-state the fact when he says: “Wood-engraving and

copperplate-engraving were not alone of use in the advance of art; they

form an epoch in the entire life of mind and culture. The idea embodied

and multiplied in pictures became, like that embodied in the printed

word, the herald of every intellectual movement.”

[Illustration: FIG. 12.--Jews Sacrificing a Christian Child. From

Schedel’s “Liber Chronicarum.” Nuremberg, 1493.]

As typography spread from Germany through the other countries of Europe,

the art of wood-engraving accompanied it. The first books printed in the

French language appeared about 1475, at Bruges, where the Dukes of

Burgundy had long favored the vulgar tongue, and had collected many

manuscripts written in it in their great library, then one of the finest

in Europe. The first French city to issue French books from its presses

was Lyons, which had learned the arts of printing and of wood-engraving

from Basle, Geneva, and Nuremberg, in consequence of their close

commercial relations. If a few doubtful and scattered examples of early

work be excepted, it was in these Lyonese books that French

wood-engraving first appeared. From the beginning of printing in France,

Lyons was the chief seat of popular literature, and the centre of the

industry of printing books in the vulgar tongue, as Paris was the chief

seat of the literature of the learned, both in Latin and French, and

devoted itself to reproducing religious and scientific works.[32] At the

close of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries the

Lyonese presses issued the largest number of first editions of the

popular romances, which were sought, not merely by French purchasers,

but throughout Europe. These books were meant for the middle class, who

were unable to buy the costly manuscripts, illuminated with splendid

miniatures, in which literature had previously been locked up. They were

not considered valuable enough to be preserved with care, and have

consequently become scarce; but they were published in great numbers,

and exerted an influence in the spread of literary knowledge and taste

which can hardly be over-estimated. Woodcuts were first inserted in them

about 1476; but for twenty years after this wood-engraving was practised

rather as a trade than an art, and its products have no more artistic

merit than similar works in Germany. In 1493 an edition of Terence, in

which the earlier rudeness gave way to some skill in design, showed the

first signs of promise of the excellence which the Lyonese art was to

attain in the sixteenth century.

In Paris, the German printers, who had been invited to the city by a

prior of the Sorbonne, had issued Latin works for ten years before

wood-engraving began to be practised. After 1483, however, Jean Du Pré,

Guyot Marchand, Pierre Le Rouge, Pierre Le Caron, Antoine Verard, and

other early printers applied themselves zealously to the publication of

volumes of devotion, history, poetry, and romance, in which they made

use of wood-engraving. The figure of the author frequently appears upon

the first page, where he offers his book to the king or princess before

whom he kneels; and here and there may be read sentiments like the

following, which is taken from an early work of Verard’s, where they are

inserted in fragmentary verses among the woodcuts: “Every good, loyal,

and gallant Catholic who begins any work of imagery ought, first, to

invoke in all his labor the Divine power by the blessed name of Jesus,

who illumines every human heart and understanding; this is in every deed

a fair beginning.”[33] The religious books, especially the _Livres

d’Heures_ (Fig. 13), were filled with the finest examples of the

Parisian art, which sought to imitate the beautiful miniatures for which

Paris had been famous from even before the time when Dante praised them.

In consequence of this effort the woodcut in simple line served

frequently only as a rough draft, to be filled in and finished by the

colorist, who, indeed, sometimes wholly disregarded it and overlaid it

with a new design. Before long, however, the wood-engravers succeeded in

making cuts which, so far from needing color, were only injured by the

addition of it; but these were considered less valuable than the

illuminated designs, and the wood-engravers were hampered in the

practice of their art by the miniaturists, who, like the guilds at

Augsburg and other German towns, complained of the new mode of

illustration as a ruinous encroachment on their craft.

[Illustration: FIG. 13.--Marginal Border. From Kerver’s “Psalterium

Virginis Mariæ.” 1509.]

Whether with or without color, the engravings in the _Livres d’Heures_

are beautiful. Each page is enclosed in an ornamental border made up of

small cuts, which are repeated in new arrangements on succeeding leaves;

here and there a large cut, usually representing some Scriptural scene,

is introduced in the upper portion of the page, and the text fills the

vacant spaces. Not infrequently the taste displayed is Gallic rather

than pious, and delights in profane legends and burlesque fancies which

one would not expect to meet in a prayer-book. These volumes were so

highly prized by foreign nations for the beauty of their workmanship,

that they were printed in Flemish, English, and Italian. Those which

were issued by Verard, Vostre, Pigouchet, and Kerver were the best

products of the early French art.[34] The secular works which contain

woodcuts are hardly worthy of mention, excepting Guyot Marchand’s La

Danse Macabre, first published in 1485, which is a series of twenty-five

spirited and graceful designs, marked by French vivacity and liveliness

of fancy. In all early French work the peculiar genius of the people is

not so easily distinguishable as in this example, but it is usually

present, and gives a national characteristic to the art, notwithstanding

the indubitable influences of the German archaic school in the earlier

time, and of the Italian school in the first years of the sixteenth

century.

French wood-engraving is remarkable, in respect to its technique, for

the introduction of _criblée_, or dotted work, which has previously[35]

been described, into the backgrounds on which the designs are relieved.

This mode of engraving is probably a survival from the goldsmiths’ work

of the first part of the fifteenth century, and it is not unlikely that,

as Renouvier suggests, these _criblée_ grounds were meant to represent

the gold grounds on which both miniatures and early paintings were

relieved. From an examination of the peculiarities of these engravings,

some authors[36] have been led to maintain that they were taken off

from metal plates cut in relief, and nearly all writers are ready to

admit that this was sometimes, but not always, the case. The question is

unsettled; but it is probable that wood was sometimes employed, and it

would be impossible to determine with certainty what share in these

prints belongs to wood-engraving and metal-engraving respectively. In

general, French wood-engraving, in its best early examples at Paris, was

characterized by greater fineness and elegance of line, and by more

feeling for artistic effects, than was the case with German

book-illustration; but the Parisian chronicles, histories, botanical

works, and the like, possessed no greater merit than similar

publications at Lyons or in the German cities, and their influence upon

the middle classes in furthering the advance of education and taste was

probably much less.

England was far behind the other nations of Europe in its appreciation

of art, and wood-engraving throve there as feebly as did the other arts

of design. The first English book with woodcuts was Caxton’s Game and

Playe of the Chesse, published about 1476, the first edition of which

was issued two years earlier, without illustrations. It is supposed by

some writers that Caxton imported the blocks from which these cuts were

printed, as he did the type for his text; and it is certain that in

later years wood-blocks and metal-plates were brought over from the

Continent for illustrating English books. It is not improbable that the

art was practised by Englishmen as a part of the printer’s craft, and

that there were no professional wood-engravers for many years; indeed,

Chatto doubts whether the art was practised separately even so late as

Holbein’s time. The cuts in Caxton’s works, and in those of the later

printers, Wynkyn de Worde and Richard Pynson, were altogether rude and

uninteresting in design. If the honor of them belongs to foreign rather

than English workmen, no great hurt is done to English pride.

IV.

_EARLY ITALIAN WOOD-ENGRAVING._

[Illustration: P FIG. 14.--From Ovid’s “Metamorphoses.” Venice, 1518

(design, 1497).]

Previous to the time of Dürer wood-engraving in the North, as has been

seen, was little more than a trade, and has its main interest to the

scholar as an agent of civilization; in Italy it first became a fine

art, a mode of beautiful expression. The Italians, set in the midst of

natural loveliness and among the ruins of ancient art, had never wholly

lost the sense of beauty; they may have paid but slight attention to

what was about them, but they lived life-long in the daily sight of fair

scenes and beautiful forms, which impressed their senses and moulded

their nature, so that, when with the revival of letters they felt the

native impulses of humanity toward the higher life stirring once more in

their hearts, they found themselves endued with powers of perception and

appreciation beyond any other people in the world. These powers were not

the peculiar possession of a well-born class; the centuries had bred

them unobserved into the nature of the race, into the physical

constitution of the whole people. The artisan, no less than the prince,

took delight in the dawn of art, and welcomed it with equal worship. Nor

was this artistic instinct the only common acquisition; the enthusiasm

for letters was likewise widely shared, so that some of the best

manuscripts of the classics have come down to modern times from the

hands of humble Florentine workmen. Italy, indeed, was the first country

where democratic civilization had place; here the contempt of the

Northern lord for the peasant and the mechanic had never been

wide-spread, partly because mercantile life was early held to be

honorable, and partly because of peculiar social conditions. The long,

uninterrupted intercourse with the remains of Roman civilization in the

unbarbarized East, the contact with Saracenic civilization in the South,

the culture of the court of the Two Sicilies, and the invariably

levelling influence of commerce, had made Italy the most cosmopolitan of

European countries; the sharp and warlike rivalry of small, but

intensely patriotic, states, and the necessity they lay under of

utilizing for their own preservation whatever individual energy might

arise among them, perhaps most of all the powerful example of the

omnipresent Church in which the son of a swineherd might take the Papal

Throne, had contributed to make it comparatively easy to pass from lower

to higher social ranks; the aristocratic structure of society remained,

but the distinction of classes was obscured, and the excellence of the

individual’s faculties, the energy and scope of his powers, were

recognized as the real dignities which were worthy of respect. In this

recognition of the individual, and this common taste for art and

letters, lay the conditions of new and vigorous intellectual life; they

resulted in the great age of Italy. It was this in the main that made

possible the popular fervor for the things of the mind in the Italian

Renaissance, to which nothing else in the world’s history is comparable

but the popular enthusiasm of the modern Revolution for liberty. Dante

gave his country a native language, the Humanists gave it the literature

of Rome, the Hellenists the literature of Greece; poets sang and artists

painted with a loftiness and dignity of imagination, a sweetness and

delicacy of sentiment, an energy and reach of thought, a music of verse

and harmony of line and color, still unsurpassed. The gifts which these

men brought were not for a few, but for the many who shared in this

mastering, absorbing interest in the things of the mind, in beauty and

wisdom, which was the vital spirit of the Italian Renaissance.

[Illustration: FIG. 15.--The Creation. From the “Fasciculus Temporum.”

Venice, 1484.]

[Illustration: FIG. 16.--Leviathan. From the “Ortus Sanitatis.” Venice,

1511.]

Thus it happened that when the German printers brought over the Alps the

art which was to do so much toward civilizing the North, they found in

Italy a civilization already culminated, hastening on, indeed, to a

swift decline; they found the people already in possession of the

manuscripts which they came to reproduce and multiply, and the princes,

like Frederick of Urbino,[37] “ashamed to own a printed book” among

their splendid collections, where every art seemed to vie in making

beautiful their volumes of vellum and velvet. Wood-engraving, too, which

here as elsewhere accompanied printing, could be of no use in spreading

ideas and preparing the way for a popular knowledge and appreciation of

art; it was to receive rather than bestow benefits; it was to be made a

fine art before it could perform any real service. The printers,

however, proved the utility of their art, and were soon busily employed

in all the Italian cities in reproducing the precious manuscripts with

which Italy was stored; and from the first they called wood-engraving to

their aid. It is true that the earliest Italian woodcuts--which were,

however, Germanic in design and execution--were as rude as those of the

Northern workshops. They appeared for the first time in an edition of

Cardinal Turrecremata’s Meditations, published at Rome by Ulric Hahn, in

1467. In Venice, although without much doubt the art had been practised

there by the makers of cards and prints long before, woodcuts were first

introduced by the German printers. The accompanying cuts are fair

examples of their work (Figs. 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21), and at the same

time interesting reflections of popular fable. The views of Venice are

examples of the very common attempts to represent the actual appearance

of the great cities, which possess sometimes an historic value. This

Germanic work is but slightly different from that already noticed; but

as soon as the art became naturalized, and was practised by the Italian

engravers, it was characterized at once by beauty of design. There is

something more than promise in an edition of Æsop’s Fables, published at

Verona in 1481, as may be seen from these examples (Figs. 22, 23),

taken from a Venetian reprint of 1491. An Ovid, printed at Venice in

1497, is adorned with several excellent woodcuts, such as this of The

Contest of Apollo and Pan (Fig. 19); and there are other works of

similar merit belonging to the same period. The finest example of

Italian wood-engraving before it reached its highest perfection in the

Hypnerotomachia Poliphili, or Dream of Poliphilo, is a volume which

contains the epistles of St. Jerome, and a description of cloistral

life. This is adorned with a large number of small woodcuts of simple

beauty, marked by grace and feeling, and full of reminiscences of moods

and sentiments which have long ceased to hold a place in human hearts

(Figs. 24, 25, 26). Here is pictured the religious life; the monk’s cell

is barely furnished, but it is seldom without shelves of books and a

window opening upon a distant prospect; the teacher expounds to his

pupils the great volume on the desk before him; the priest administers

consolation to the dying and the bereaved, and encourages the feeble of

spirit and the sinful; the preacher discourses to his brethren and the

crowding people the Blessed Word; the nuns of the sisterhood perform

their daily offices of religion, the panel of the confessional slides

back for them, they wash the feet of the poor, they sit at table

together; all the pieties of their life, which knew no close human

relation, which knew only God and mankind, are depicted; and now and

then there is a thought, too, of the worldly life outside--here the

beautiful youths stop to gaze at the convent gates barred against them.

There are other cuts, also, of landscape, towers, and cities. The great

themes of religion are not forgotten--the Resurrection and the Judgment

unfold their secrets of justice and of the life eternal. In all the

religious spirit prevails, and gives to the whole series a simple and

sweet charm. One may look at them long, and be content to look many

times thereafter.

[Illustration: FIG. 17.--The Stork. From the “Ortus Sanitatis.” Venice,

1511.]

[Illustration: FIG. 18.--View of Venice. From the “Fasciculus Temporum.”

Venice, 1484.]

[Illustration: FIG. 19.--The Contest of Apollo and Pan. From Ovid’s

“Metamorphoses.” Venice, 1518 (design, 1497).]

[Illustration: FIG. 20.--Sirens. From the “Ortus Sanitatis.” Venice,

1511.]

[Illustration: FIG. 21.--Pygmy and Cranes. From the “Ortus Sanitatis.”

Venice, 1511.]

[Illustration: FIG. 22.--The Woman and the Thief. From “Æsop’s Fables.”

Venice, 1491 (design, 1481).]

[Illustration: FIG. 23.--The Crow and the Peacock. From “Æsop’s Fables.”

Venice, 1491 (design, 1481).]

This volume of St. Jerome was, however, only a worthy forerunner of the

Dream of Poliphilo, in which Italian wood-engraving, quickened by the

spirit of the Renaissance, displayed its most beautiful creations. It

was written by a Venetian monk, Francesco Columna, in 1467, and was

first printed by Aldus, in 1499. It is a mystical work, composed in

Italian, strangely mingled with Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and Arabic, and

its theme, which is the praise of beauty and of love, is obscured by

abstruse knowledge and by much varied learning. It recalls Dante’s poem

in some ways. The Renaissance Dominican, too, was a lover with a human

Beatrice, of whom his dream is the memorial and the glory; like Dante,

he seems to symbolize, under the beauty and guardianship of his gracious

lady, a body of truth and a theory of life; and, as in Dante’s poem

Beatrice typified Divine Wisdom and theology, his Polia stood for the

new gospel of this world’s joy, for the loveliness of universal nature

and the perfection of ancient art; in adoring her he worships them, and

in celebrating her, as alike his goal and his guide through the mazes of

his changing dream, he exalts the virtue and the hope that lay in the

Renaissance ideal of life. There is, perhaps, no volume where the

exuberant vigor of that age is more clearly shown, or where the

objects for which that age was impassioned are more glowingly described.

This romantic and fantastic rhapsody mirrors every aspect of nature and

art in which the Italians then took delight--peaceful landscape, where

rivers flow by flower-starred banks and through bird-haunted woods;

noble architecture and exquisite sculpture, the music of soft

instruments, the ruins of antiquity, the legends of old mythology, the

motions of the dance, the elegance of the banquet, splendor of apparel,

courtesy of manners, even the manuscript, with its covers of purple

velvet sown with Eastern pearls--everything which was cared for and

sought in that time, when the gloom of asceticism lifted and disclosed

the wide prospect of the world lying, as it were, in the loveliness of

daybreak. Poliphilo wanders through fields and groves bright with this

morning beauty, voyages down streams and loiters in gardens that are

filled with gladness; he is graciously regaled in the palace, he attends

the sacrifice in the temple, where his eyes are charmed by every

exquisite ornament of art; he encounters in his progress triumphal

processions, as they wind along through the pleasant country,

bewildering the fancy with their lavish magnificence as of an Arabian

dream; chariots that are wrought out of entire precious stones, carved

with bass-reliefs from Grecian fables, and drawn by half-human centaurs

or strange animals,--elephants, panthers, unicorns, in trappings of silk

and jewels, pass before him, bearing exalted in their midst sculptured

figures, Europa and the Bull, Leda and the Swan, Danaë in the shower of

gold, and, last and most wonderful, a vase, beautifully engraved and

adorned, out of which springs a golden vine, with leaves of Persian

selenite and grapes of Oriental amethyst; and about all are groups of

attendant nymphs, fauns, satyrs, mænads, and lovely women, crowned with

flowers, with instruments of music in their hands, chanting the praise

of Valor and of Pleasure; again, he lingers among ancient ruins and

remembers their perished glory, and falls into reflection, like that of

the traveller whom he describes, “among those venerable monuments which

still make Rome the queen of cities; where he sees,” thinks Poliphilo,

“the hand of Time, which punishes the excess of pride; and, seeking then

on the steps of the amphitheatre the heads of the legions and that

conquering eagle, that Senate whose decrees made and unmade the kings of

the world, those profound historians, those eloquent orators, he finds

there only a rabble of beggars, to whom an ignorant and ofttimes lying

hermit preaches, only altars without honor and saints without a

believer; the artist reigns alone in that vast enclosure; pencil in

hand, rich with memories, he sees the whole of Rome, her pomp and her

glory, in one mutilated block which a fragment of bass-relief adorns.”

Inspired by these thoughts, Poliphilo delays among like relics of the

past, and reads on shattered tombs the brief inscriptions which tell the

history of the lost lovers who lie beneath, while the pagan burden of

their sorrow, and the pagan calm of the “adieu” with which each

inscription ends, fill him with tender sentiment. So his dream drifts on

through ever-shifting scenes of beauty and ever-dying moments of delight

to the hour of awakening. These scenes and these moments, which

Francesco Columna called out of his imagination, are pictured in the one

hundred and ninety-two designs (Figs. 27, 28, 29, 30) which adorn his

book; here in simple outline are the gardens, groves, and streams, the

noble buildings, the bath, the palace and the temple, the feast, the

allegory of life, the thronging triumphs, the sacrifices, the ruins, the

tombs, the lover and his beloved, the priestess and the goddess, cupids,

bacchanals, and nymphs--a profusion of loveliness, joy, and revel; here,

too, among the others, are some dramatic scenes: the lion and the

lovers, Poliphilo fainting before Polia, and his revival at the touch of

her lips; altogether, they are a precious memorial of the Renaissance

spirit, reflecting alike its passion for the new learning, passing into

useless and pedantic knowledge, and its ecstacy of the senses passing

into voluptuous delight.

[Illustration: FIG. 24.--The Peace of God. From “Epistole di San

Hieronymo Volgare.” Ferrara, 1497.]

[Illustration: FIG. 25.--Mary and the Risen Lord. From “Epistole di San

Hieronymo Volgare.” Ferrara, 1497.]

[Illustration: FIG. 26.--St. Baruch. From the “Catalogus Sanctorum.”

Venice, 1506.]

[Illustration: FIG. 27.--Poliphilo by the Stream. From the

“Hypnerotomachia Poliphili.” Venice, 1499.]

[Illustration: FIG. 28.--Poliphilo and the Nymphs. From the

“Hypnerotomachia Poliphili.” Venice, 1499.]

[Illustration: FIG. 29--Ornament. From the “Hypnerotomachia Poliphili.”

Venice, 1499.]

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