It is to be hoped that, the last difficulties having been removed, the

Commercial Treaty may be signed within a few days. The Clauses of the

Portorose Conventions, signed and not ratified by the contracting

parties, will be included in it. The Chancellor has asked that the small

Austrian properties in Italy and the historical Austrian Institute in

Rome should be restored to Austria, as was done for Germany. While I

declared myself favourable to his requests, I have, for my part,

reminded him of the situation of Italian property in Austria and have

obtained from the Chancellor satisfactory assurances concerning this and

other subjects. With reference to the Conventions signed at the

Conference of Rome, some of which have notable importance for Italy, the

Chancellor has promised to proceed to their ratification without further

delay.

_The Commercial Relations with Austria._ The negotiations with Austria

are being conducted with a spirit of the greatest good-will on both

sides, in order to arrive in a short space of time at an agreement which

should establish regular and profitable relations between the two

countries and also after the first period, during which the economic

relations between the two States are regulated by the Treaty of St.

Germain. If some difficulty still remains, this is due in the first

place to the fact that it is not the case of negotiating pacts which,

with regard to their application and their consequences, could remain

restricted to the exchanges between the two neighbouring States, but are

destined to have a repercussion also on our relations with the other

States which, for their imports into Italy, enjoy the “most favoured

nation” clause.

This fact, independently of the specially favourable conditions by which

certain important industries, competing with ours, are working in

Austria, compels us to be very cautious in adhering to the many Austrian

requests, and all the more that, for financial and other reasons,

Austria is herself not in a position to meet our demands to the extent

which is essential to us. The two Delegations have, however, already

arrived at an agreement on most of the questions which have been the

subject of reciprocal demands, and now certain controversies remain to

be solved which, although they offer the greatest interests for both

sides, it is to be hoped may be solved with satisfaction to all.

Special attention has been paid by the two Delegations to the study of

the questions relative to the traffic through the port of Trieste and

the regulation of the frontier traffic for the protection of the

interests of the populations of the zone near the frontier of the two

States. On this subject agreement may be said to be complete.

_The Commercial Treaty with Yugoslavia._ The negotiations with

Yugoslavia, which should lead to the regulation of all the economic and

financial questions still pending between the two States, have been

conducted so far on the Treaty of Commerce, which, except for the part

concerning the Italian proposals on the tariffs, may be said to be

already agreed upon by the two Delegations. With reference to the other

subjects under examination, of which only a small part has been possible

to discuss at the same time as the negotiations for the Commercial

Treaty, the Yugoslav Delegation is now awaiting further instructions

from Belgrade. Besides the commercial negotiations I have mentioned,

there are others proceeding for a Commercial Treaty with Spain.

Negotiations will shortly be opened for commercial agreements with Siam,

Finland, Esthonia, Lithuania, Lettonia and Albania.

(After a short discussion, in which several Ministers participated, the

Cabinet approved the declarations of the Prime Minister.)

“MINE IS NOT A GOVERNMENT WHICH DECEIVES THE PEOPLE”

Speech delivered at the Palazzo Municipale on 2nd June 1923, to the

_contadini_ of Rovigo.

Fascisti,—How shall I find adequate words to thank you for this

magnificent welcome? A few moments ago your mayor gave voice to the

greeting of the city and the province. To-day I have passed through your

fertile lands, furrowed by rivers, exploited by your tenacious work. All

Italy must be grateful to this industrious people, who, too, having

realised the beautiful and supreme interests of the nation, has now all

the more the right to be treated with greater friendship and

consideration.

I know that I am speaking to an assembly where workers are certainly in

enormous majority. Well, I say to them with calm words and with a still

calmer conscience that the Government which I have the honour to

represent is not, cannot, and will never be against the working classes.

(Loud applause.) Six months of Government are still too few for a

programme to be carried through, but, to my mind, they are sufficient to

give an idea of its _directives_ which to-day are precise and sound.

_Mine is not a Government which deceives the people._ (Applause.) We

cannot, we shall not, make promises if we are not mathematically sure of

being able to fulfil them. The people have been too long deceived and

mystified for the men of our generation to continue this low trade.

We have traced a furrow, very clear-cut and deep, between that which was

the Italy of yesterday and that which is the Italy of to-day. In the

latter, all classes must have a sphere of action for their fruitful

co-operation. The struggle between classes may be an episode in the life

of a people, it cannot be the daily system, as it would mean the

destruction of wealth, and, therefore, universal poverty. The

co-operation, citizens, between him who labours and him who employs

labour, between him who works with his hands and him who works with his

brains, all these elements of production have their inevitable and

necessary grades and constitutions. Through this programme you will

attain a state of well-being and the nation prosperity and greatness. If

I were not sure of my words I would not utter them before you on such a

solemn and memorable occasion. (Applause.)

(At this point of the speech an aeroplane piloted by Ferrarin was

executing some daring evolutions just above the Palazzo Municipale, from

where Mussolini was speaking. The Prime Minister stopped for a few

seconds following Ferrarin’s evolutions, then went on:)

Fascisti! The other day I was passing in one of those aeroplanes over

your town. That flight was profoundly significant, as it was meant to

show that six months of tenure of office have not yet nailed me down

into my Presidential easy chair and that I, as you, as all of you, am

still ready to dare, to fight, if necessary, to die, so that the fruits

of the great Fascista revolution may not be lost!

Long live Fascismo! Long live Italy! (Loud applause.)

“IN TIME PAST AS IN TIME PRESENT, WOMAN HAD ALWAYS A PREPONDERANT

INFLUENCE IN SHAPING THE DESTINIES OF HUMANITY”

Speech delivered at Padua at the first Women’s Fascista Congress, on 2nd

June 1923.

Ladies,—If I am not mistaken, this, which is inaugurated here to-day, is

the first Women’s Fascista Congress of the “three Venices.” The title

and the field covered by this first Congress of yours are full of

profound significance. Fifty years ago one could not speak of the “three

Venices”! Venice herself, after the magnificent years of heroism of 1848

and 1849, was still held by the shackles of foreign slavery. In 1866 we

liberated Venice, one of the Venices. Fifty years afterwards we

liberated the other two—that which has as its boundary the devoted and

impregnable Brenner, and the other which has as its boundary the not

less devoted nor less impregnable Nevoso.

Fascisti do not belong to the multitude of fops and sceptics who mean to

belittle the social and political importance of woman. What does the

vote matter? You will have it! But even when women did not vote and did

not wish to vote, _in time past as in time present, woman had always a

preponderant influence in shaping the destinies of humanity_. Thus the

women of Fascismo, who bravely wear the glorious “black shirt,” and

gather round our standards, are destined to write a splendid page of

history, to help, with self-sacrifice and deeds, Italian Fascismo.

Do not trust the little stuffed owls, the yelling monkeys or, indeed,

any representative of the lower zoological orders, who believe they

practise politics, but could be called by a more infamous name. Do not

believe those who talk of crises within the ranks of Fascismo;—these are

details, mere episodes in the great event, and they, after all, concern

men, not masses. When Fascisti have not to strike the enemy, they can

well afford themselves the luxury of internal quarrels. But if the enemy

should begin to raise his head again and intensify the character of his

more or less stupid opposition, then Fascisti will again become solidly

united. Then “Woe to the vanquished!” (Applause.) And since the

opportunity is propitious, I would like to tell you, women of Fascismo,

and the Fascisti of all Italy, that the attempt to sever Mussolini from

Fascismo or Fascismo from Mussolini is the most useless and grotesque

attempt that could be conceived. (Applause.) I am not so proud as to say

that I who speak and Fascismo are one; but four years of history have

now clearly shown that Mussolini and Fascismo are two aspects of the

same thing, are two bodies and one soul or two souls in a single body. I

cannot forsake Fascismo, because I have created it, I have reared it, I

have strengthened and I have chastened it, and I still hold it in my

fist, always! It is, therefore, quite useless for the old screech-owls

of Italian policy to pay me their foolish court. I am too shrewd to fall

into this ambush of the commercial mediocrities of village fairs. I can

assure you, my dear friends, that all these little vipers, all these

cheap politicians will be bitterly disillusioned.

To think that I could become brutalised in Parliamentary bureaucracy is

to believe an absurdity. Although I come from the working class, I have

a spirit too aristocratic not to feel disgust for low Parliamentary

manœuvres. We shall continue our march vigorously (added the Hon.

Mussolini, raising his voice), because this has been imposed on us by

destiny. We shall not turn back, nor shall we even mark time. I have

already said that we did not want to push matters to extremes only to

see ourselves driven back by the swing of the pendulum. I prefer, as I

wrote in an article, which aroused some interest—I prefer to march on

continually, day by day, in the Roman way, in the way of Rome who is

never reconciled to defeat; of Rome who welcomed Terentius Varro coming

from Cannæ, although she knew that he had given battle against the

opinion of Consul Paulus Æmilius and was, in a certain degree,

responsible for the defeat; of Rome who after Cannæ forbade matrons to

sally forth, so that their grief-stricken bearing should not shake the

strength of the citizens; of this Rome who re-wrote continually the

chapters of her history, who found in every ill-success the incentives

to endurance, to steadfastness, to strengthen her spirits, to harden her

nerves, to light the flame of passion! This is the Rome of whom we

dream; the Rome in whom all hierarchies are respected, those of

strength, beauty, intelligence, and human kindness; the Rome who struck

hard at her enemies, but then raised them up again and made them share

her great destiny; the Rome who left the utmost liberty to the beliefs

of her subject-peoples, provided only that they obeyed her!

Giuseppe Mazzini used to say that power is but the unity and

perseverance of all efforts put together. Well, Italian power, Fascista

power, the power of all the new generations which expand in this superb

spring of our life and history, will be the result of the unity of our

efforts, of the tenacity of our work. After all, what do Fascisti ask

for? They are not ambitious or factious. They have the sense of

limitation and of their responsibility. And I am sure of interpreting

your thought, the deep craving of your soul, if I say that Fascisti,

from the first to the last, from the leaders to the led, ask only one

thing: To serve with humility, with devotion, with steadfastness, our

beloved Mother Country, Italy! (The speech was greeted with enthusiastic

applause.)

“SO LONG AS THESE STUDENTS AND THESE UNIVERSITIES EXIST, THE NATION

CANNOT PERISH AND BECOME A SLAVE, BECAUSE UNIVERSITIES SMASH FETTERS

WITHOUT ALLOWING THE FORGING OF NEW ONES”

Speech delivered at the University of Padua on 3rd June 1923.

Mr. Chancellor, Professors, My Young Friends,—It is not I who honour

your University, it is your University which honours me, and I must

confess that, although on account of my laborious dealings with men I am

a little refractory to emotions, to-day, being among you, I feel deeply

touched.

We have known each other for some time, from 1915, from the days of that

May always radiant. I remember that the students of Padua hung up at the

doors of this University a big paper puppet representing a politician

about whom I do not wish to express any opinion now. But that act meant

that the youth of the University of Padua did not want to hear about

ignoble diplomatic bargains—(Applause.)—did not want to sell its

splendid spiritual birthright for a more or less wretched mess of

pottage. The University of Padua, the students, who were not degenerate

descendants of those Tuscan students who went out to die at Curtatone

and Montanara, wished then to be the vanguard, to take up their post in

the fighting line, carrying with them the reluctant ones, chastening the

pusillanimous, overthrowing the Government and going out to fight, to

sacrifice and death, but also to honour and glory.

From that time I know that among you there are faithful followers and

that this University among all the others is truly an active centre of

faith and of intense patriotism. If I look back for a moment to the

rolling by of centuries, I recognise in this University a great fountain

at which thousands of men of all countries, of all generations, of all

races, have quenched their thirst.

The Government which I have the honour to represent repudiates, at any

rate in the person of its chief, the doctrine of materialism and the

doctrines which claim to explain the very complex history of humanity

only from the material point of view, to explain an episode, not the

whole of history, an incident, not a doctrine. Well, this Government

prizes individual, spiritual and voluntary qualities, holds in high

esteem the Universities, because they represent so many glorious strong

points in the life of the people. In fact I do not hesitate to state

that if Germany has been able to resist the powerful influence of

Bolshevism, it is due, above all, to the strong University traditions of

that people.

A people with an ardent spirit and with genius like ours is necessarily

a well-balanced and harmonious one. The Government understands the

enormous historic importance of Universities, has a respect for their

noble traditions and wishes to raise them to the heights of modern

exigencies. All this cannot be done at once, as everything cannot be

accomplished in six months. All that we are doing at present is to clear

the ground from all the débris which the rotten political caste has left

us as a said inheritance. (Applause.) How could a Government composed of

former soldiers ever disparage Universities? It would not only be absurd

but criminal! From the Universities have come out by the thousands

volunteers and by tens of thousands those magnificent warriors who used

to assault the enemy’s trenches with a superb contempt of death. They

are our comrades whose memory we bear engraved in our hearts. You will

write their names on your gates of bronze, but their memory will be more

imperishably engraved in our spirit. We cannot forget them, as we cannot

forget that out of the Universities came by thousands the “black

shirts,” those “black shirts” who, at a given moment, put an end to the

inglorious vicissitudes of Italian politics, who took by the throat with

strong fingers all the old profiteers who appeared, to the exuberant

impatience of the new Italian generations, always the more inadequate

for their paralysing decrepitude. (Applause.) Well, so long as there are

Universities in Italy—and there certainly will be for a long time—and so

long as there are young men to attend these Universities and to become

acquainted with the history of yesterday, thus preparing the history of

to-morrow, so long as there are such young men, the doors of the past

are definitely shut. I guarantee it formally! But I add further that _so

long as these young men and these Universities exist, the Nation cannot

perish and it cannot become a slave, because Universities smash fetters

without forging new ones_. (Applause.) If to-morrow it were again

necessary, either for causes arising within or without the frontiers, to

sound again the trumpet of war, I am sure that the Universities would

again empty themselves to re-populate the trenches. (Loud applause.)

And now that you have rejuvenated me by twenty years, I would like to

sing with you the “Gaudeamus Igitur.” After all, Lorenzino dei Medici

was right when he sang: “How beautiful is youth!” Well, my young

friends, there can never be for us as individuals the certainty of the

morrow, but there is the supreme and magnificent certainty of the morrow

for us as a nation and as a people.

And with the students’ hymn, let us utter in Latin a simpler word,

_Laboremus_. To work with dignity, with probity and with cheerfulness,

to assault life with earnestness and to meet it as a mission, trying to

fulfil the categorical injunction left us by our dead. They command us

to obey and to serve, they command us discipline, sacrifice and

obedience.

We should really be the last of men if we failed to do our clear duty.

But we shall not fail. I who hold the pulse of the nation and who

carefully count its beats, I who sometimes shudder in the face of the

heavy responsibilities which I have assumed, feel in me a hope, nay a

vibration, of a supreme certainty which is this: that, by the will of

the leaders, by the determination of the people, and by the sacrifice of

past, present and future generations, Imperial Italy, the Italy of our

dreams, will be for us the reality of to-morrow. (Loud applause.)

ITALY’S FOREIGN POLICY REGARDING GERMAN REPARATIONS, HUNGARY, BULGARIA,

AUSTRIA, YUGOSLAVIA, TURKEY, RUSSIA, POLAND AND OTHER COUNTRIES

Speech delivered at the Senate on 8th June 1923.

Honourable Senators,—The speech that I have the honour of delivering

before your illustrious Assembly may appear analytical, because in it I

propose to touch on several questions and to speak decisively upon

several problems, especially with regard to internal policy.[13] By this

I do not delude myself to be able to convince those who are my opponents

in _malâ fide_, nor to disperse completely the small opposition which

nourishes itself on detail, and is the effect of personal temperament.

Footnote 13:

The speech on Internal Policy here referred to will follow this one on

page 306.

You will not be surprised if I begin with foreign policy, even if it

happens that this is the field in which serious and founded opposition

does not exist, and it may be legitimately said that our policy is

endorsed unanimously by the nation.

As I have already said on other occasions, the foreign policy of the

present Government is inspired by the necessity for a progressive

revaluation of our diplomatic and political position in Europe and in

the world. It is a fact that, except for territorial acquisitions

bounded by the Brenner and the Nevoso, frontiers wrested by long and

bloody wars, Italy was excluded in the Peace of Versailles and other

successive treaties from all other benefits of an economic and colonial

nature. Solemn pacts signed during the war have lapsed and have not been

replaced. The position of inferiority assigned to Italy has weighed and

still weighs heavily on the economic life of our people. It is useless

to dwell upon recriminations of the past. We must rather seek to regain

the ground and time lost. There is no doubt that from October to to-day

the situation has notably improved.

The other Powers, whether allied or not, know that Italy intends to

follow an energetic and assiduous policy for the protection of her

natural and vital interests, intends to be present wherever, directly or

indirectly, they are at stake, because this is her right and her

definite duty; but at the same time she is in favour of that line of

conduct in general policy which tends to bring back as quickly as

possible to a normal state the economic situation of our continent.

Italy, who too is marching rapidly towards her readjustment, sees this

re-birth continually disturbed by general outside factors. There is,

therefore, a definite Italian interest in hastening the pacific solution

of the European crisis.

_The Position of Italy and Reparations._ All such crises, since the

Treaty of Versailles onwards, have been dominated by the one problem:

Reparations. In the face of this problem the fundamental position of

Italy is as follows:

1. Germany can and must pay a sum which now seems universally fixed and

which is very far from the many hundreds of milliards talked of on the

morrow of the Armistice;

2. Italy could not tolerate territorial changes which would lead to a

political, economic or military hegemony in Europe;

3. Italy is prepared to bear her quota of sacrifice, if it is necessary

to obtain what is called European reconstruction;

4. The Italian Government maintains to-day more than ever, above all

after the last German Note, that the problem of reparations and that of

Inter-Allied debts are intimately connected and are in a certain sense

interdependent.

There is no doubt that the occupation of the Ruhr has contributed to

render the crisis of the Ruhr extremely acute, and therefore to a

certain extent hastened a solution.

It will not be inopportune to recall, considering the rapidity of

events, that the French and Belgians went to the Ruhr on account of the

declarations of a series of failures of the supplies in kind by Germany,

admitted also by England, at any rate as regards that of wood, and the

failure of the Conference of Paris.

It is certainly worth while to fix exactly in their essential lines the

main features of the Italian, English and German projects, in order to

have a picture of the situation as regards its agreements and

divergencies, and to see what conjectures we can form as to a possible

settlement. This will also serve to explain why Italy was not able to

accept the Bonar Law scheme at Paris, and why she had to reject the

recent Cuno-Rosenberg Memorandum.

The Italian project reduced the German debt to fifty milliards of gold

marks, proposed a moratorium of two years, during which Germany would

continue the supply of reparations in kind, accepted the distribution of

German payments according to the quotas fixed at Spa, by which the

Italian quota was put at five milliards of gold marks, fixed the payment

of one part of the “C” bonds by means of the security given by the other

ex-enemy States, used the remainder of the “C” bonds to settle the debt

to America, agreed to the taking of economic pledges as a guarantee of

the German payments, and finally, as regards the payments of the

reparations owed by Austria, Bulgaria and Hungary, asked for a pledge

for the acceptance of the proposals which England had deferred putting

forward—proposals, that is, of annulling those debts.

The Italian quota of reparations, which the Italian project fixed at

five milliards of gold marks, was thus reduced in the English project to

less than half; whilst cancelling the bonds, it partly abolishes to our

detriment German solidary responsibility for minor ex-enemy debts and

rendered impossible the execution of the agreement of March 1921, which

ensures important advantages to Italy upon the basis of the “C” bonds.

The larger percentage reserved on the seventeen milliards, representing

the interest of the moratorium capitalised to 1923, could not be used

for the payment of American debts, in consideration of the aleatory

nature of these seventeen milliards.

I do not recall all this to reopen discussions, but only to make clear

the main outlines of that which was and remains a noteworthy attempt to

find a solution for this grave problem; an attempt which contains worthy

elements which can be usefully taken up again in case of a definite

settlement.

The conclusion of an agreement between England and America on the

problem of debts—the work of the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr.

Baldwin, to-day Prime Minister, followed shortly after the presentation

of the English project.

Any idea of this debt being itself cancelled, or even of a simple

compensation through the payment of reparations, is excluded from this

agreement. The obligation to pay, although facilities may be accorded

concerning both the number of years in which it must take place and the

interests due, is solemnly affirmed and put into execution. In England

the Speech from the Throne strongly emphasised this agreement. Even

taking into account the diversity of economic strength and the totality

of sacrifices borne, it could not remain without effect upon the

importance of the whole question for the other European Powers.

_Analysis of the German Project._ If we compare the English and Italian

projects with the German, the inacceptability of the latter appears

evident. As is known, one of the fundamental points of the last German

project concerns the consolidation of the actual debt of Germany,

especially in kind, at the figure of twenty milliard gold marks, with an

additional ten milliards, the payment of which depends upon the decision

of an International Commission. Deducting the interest, these twenty

milliards are reduced to fifteen, and the sums necessary must be found

by international loans; and in the very probable eventuality that by

1927 the twenty milliards have not been subscribed, an annuity will be

paid which represents five per cent. interest plus one per cent. for the

redemption of the loan. Finally, in the German project any provision or

regulation for the guarantees demanded is lacking. The total German

debt, which in the English and the Italian projects is fixed at the

figure of fifty milliards, in the German project is reduced to less than

a third, and it is difficult, if not impossible, to determine in it the

Italian quota and the sacrifice demanded from Italy.

In view of the representations, especially of England and Italy, Germany

has recognised her proposals as insufficient, and yesterday the German

Ambassador, Neurath, presented to me the new German Note, on the

contents and nature of which I cannot pronounce an opinion for evident

reasons, as in consequence of this Note diplomatic action with all the

Allies must be taken up. I will only say that the German Note no longer

demands the preliminary evacuation of the Ruhr as a condition for

negotiation. This might make us believe in a renunciation on the part of

Germany of that passive resistance, the utility of which—even for German

aims—appears ever more doubtful, and whose cessation would help towards

a more rapid attainment of a solution.

_Italy and Hungary._ But the problem of reparations is not only

Franco-German, it is also Hungarian, Bulgarian and Austrian.

It is useful to define the stage which has been reached with regard to

these ex-enemy countries. The total of the Hungarian reparations, which

is fixed by the Treaty of Trianon, has not yet been determined by the

Reparations Commission, and Hungary up to to-day has only furnished

limited supplies in kind. The Hungarian Government, alleging the

disturbed economic and financial conditions of the country caused by the

serious depression of the krone, has recently put forward the necessity

to contract a foreign loan, which, if it is to succeed, should be

guaranteed by the custom duties, by the tobacco monopoly, and, if needs

be, by other resources. Hence arises the necessity for such resources to

be freed for an adequate period from the claims of reparations. A

Memorandum precisely to this effect has been recently presented by the

Hungarian Minister in Paris to the Reparations Commission.

The Italian Government, having examined the question from a technical

point of view, has deemed it indispensable to concede to Hungary the

temporary relinquishment of certain resources, so that she may proceed

to her own economic restoration by means of loans to be contracted

abroad. Italy has, therefore, shown herself favourable to the above

Hungarian request, with the addition of certain conditions necessary to

guarantee her own rights, on which point she is in agreement with the

British Government.

_Agreement with Bulgaria for Payment._ With reference to Bulgarian

reparations, Italy, Great Britain and France came to an agreement on

21st March with the Bulgarian Government to facilitate the payment of

her debt of 2250 million gold francs fixed by the Treaty of Neuilly, by

dividing it in two parts; one of 550 millions to be paid by instalments

beginning in October of this year, and the other 1700 millions not to be

claimed before thirty years.

Bulgaria has pledged herself by this agreement to reserve for the

regulation of her debt the revenues of her customs and has already

passed a law to this effect. The agreement has also been approved by the

Reparations Commission, with the reservation of our rights for the

reimbursement of the expenses of the army of occupation. In fact,

negotiations are proceeding with the Bulgarian Government for the

regulation of this credit, which enjoys the privilege of priority over

other reparations.

Our Government, animated by favourable dispositions as regards all that

concerns the settlement of obligations arising from the war, has had no

difficulty in accepting such an agreement.

_The Loan to Austria._ Fulfilling the pledge taken by its predecessors

in the Protocol of Geneva of 4th October 1922, the Italian Government

has co-operated with the Governments which are signatories of the

Protocol, in order that the loan in favour of Austria should have a

large and ready success. For this purpose the Government has consented

to postpone for twenty years, which is the duration of the War Loan, her

credits against Austria for the recovery of damages and for bonds of

food supply, has given her own guarantee for twenty-five per cent. of a

maximum loan of 585 million gold kronen, and has authorised Italian

banks to contribute directly to the loan up to the maximum of 200

million lire, including the sixty-eight which Italy had previously lent

to Austria, and which, by the terms of the Protocol of Geneva, should

have been repaid in cash.

Putting off for a further period the exaction of Austrian reparation,

and giving a guarantee and a direct and substantial contribution to the

loan in favour of Austria, the Italian Government has wished to offer

her co-operation towards the political independence and territorial

integrity of the Austrian Republic to which the Protocol of Geneva

refers, and to which the United States of America also wish to

contribute, confidently subscribing for the first time to a European

loan.

_Relations between Italy and Yugoslavia._ Italy’s political line of

conduct towards the States of the Little Entente and in general towards

the States recently created is substantially inspired by the necessity

of exacting the respect and the scrupulous fulfilment of the treaties,

because, given the present contingencies, only such a policy can produce

quick and pleasing results with regard to an economic settlement of the

Danubian States which would contribute to the larger one of Central

Europe. On several occasions the friendly and moderate policy of Italy

has followed such a course with satisfactory results.

With reference to such a policy the relations between Italy and

Yugoslavia have a special importance. The clear attitude taken by the

Government with regard to Yugoslavia by proceeding to the definite

enforcement of the Treaty of Rapallo has strengthened our legal

position, and we are able to rest any further development of our policy

on a solid basis. The enforcement of the Agreements of Santa Margherita,

which has been necessarily laborious owing to the large extent of the

field covered, can be said, however, to proceed on the whole

satisfactorily. In spite of the initial difficulties encountered in any

exceptional régime, the economic system of the so-called “special zone

of Zara” is already in force for the evacuation of the remaining

Dalmatian territories, and the various organisations for the regulation

of all the intricate questions arising out of the Agreements have been

constituted.

_Fiume._ But naturally the most important question to solve is that of

Fiume. As is known, it offers the gravest difficulties, since, in order

to ensure the future of the commercial life of the town, there must be

solved many complex problems of an economic nature which are often in

opposition to those of a political character. Undoubtedly the recent

long Parliamentary crisis in Yugoslavia, which for a considerable time

forced the Government of Belgrade to confine its attentions almost

exclusively to internal problems, has heavily weighed against the

rapidity of the solution of such a question.

That Government has repeatedly acquainted us with its wishes to solve

the question in a satisfactory way as regards the sentiments and the

interests of Italy, and has also frankly made known to us the real

difficulties with which the Government is faced in asking the

populations interested to accept a solution in agreement with the

Italian point of view.

_Italo-Yugoslav Commission._ With a view to ensure an atmosphere of

greater quiet to the Italo-Yugoslav Commission, the Government of

Belgrade has, in the meantime, agreed to transfer the seat of the

Commission to Rome. The Yugoslav Delegation has arrived, and between it

and the Italian Delegation, which is fulfilling its duty with a high

sense of patriotism and political probity, preliminary meetings are

taking place with the object of fixing certain fundamental points before

resuming official discussions, so that the latter may proceed with the

necessary speed without lapsing into a deplorable stagnation, which

would be otherwise inevitable in such an arduous task.

_The Conference of Lausanne and the definite Cession of Castelrosso to

Italy._ The Conference of Lausanne, which after the well-known

suspension of last February resumed its proceedings on 23rd April, is

slowly completing them through the no small difficulties of various

kinds caused by the delicacy and complexity of the questions under

examination. The course followed by the Italian Delegation under any

circumstance has always been inspired by the most calm and impartial

attitude, and its efficacy has been recognised and generally appreciated

at its just worth.

Italy cannot help considering as her vital interests the speedy

restoration of a normal state of trade in the East, as well as the

economic development and general progress of all the peoples living on

the shore of the Eastern Mediterranean.

Although all the questions under discussion have not yet been solved at

Lausanne, on some of them, however, which more directly affect our

country, an agreement, satisfactory on the whole, has been reached. The

Government of Angora has explicitly withdrawn the objection regarding

the cession of the island of Castelrosso to Italy, the possession of

which on our part could in no way justify an eventual suspicion of

Italian aggressive aims with regard to Turkey. Our flag, which has

already been saluted from the moment it appeared in the island as a

symbol of peaceful well-being, will in the future continue to protect a

population which by plebiscite has entrusted itself to us.

_The Juridical Protection of Foreigners in Turkey._ The Italian

Government has also obtained the cancellation of those clauses, with

regard to our colonies in North Africa, which the agreements concluded

after the Libyan War had left in existence, and at the same time the

interests of Libyan subjects residing in Turkey, whose rights have been

equal to those of Italian citizens, were opportunely protected.

From the opening of the Conference the question of the juridical

protection of foreigners has been of the greatest importance. The

Conference has agreed in fixing the limits of such protection, including

it in a formula which establishes for a period of five years the

appointment on the part of the Turkish Government of foreign judges, who

are authorised to receive complaints of the sentences and of the

proceedings of Turkish magistrates.

At Lausanne there still remain under discussion certain important

questions of general interest, such as those relative to the management

of the Ottoman Public Debt and others of an economic nature, which I

hope may be quickly solved.

_Relations between Italy and Russia._ The present relations with Russia

are regulated by the Italo-Russian and Italo-Ukraine Agreements of 26th

December 1921. A few days ago the projects for the conversion into law

of the Royal Decree of 31st January 1922 were presented to Parliament,

by whom the said agreements had been approved, though some opposition

had been offered to their practical application. This opposition gave

the Russians a pretext for violating the agreement. We mean to remove

these obstacles in order to render easier the economic relations between

the two countries and pave the way for an understanding resting on a

wider basis without excessive illusions, but also without dangerous

prejudices.

Relations between the two countries, which possess different economic

systems, present enormous difficulties. They are, however, not

unsurmountable if on both sides there is a good-will to overcome them.

Italian policy towards Russia is clear and cannot give rise to

misunderstanding.

The presentation before Parliament of these decrees represents another

proof of our intentions and gives us the right to expect from the

Government of Moscow the scrupulous fulfilment of the pacts, the

execution of the pledge taken to abstain from any act hostile to our

Government, and from whatsoever direct or indirect propaganda against

the institutions of the kingdom.

_Relations between Italy and the United States._ I do not think it is

necessary, considering the brevity of this speech, to enter into further

detail. I will only say that the relations between the United States and

Italy are particularly cordial, and I am glad to add that both the

Government and the American people have fully understood the new

political situation in Italy.

_Relations with Poland and other Countries._ The initiative of Italy for

the definite determination of the Polish frontiers has cemented even

more closely the bonds of cordial friendship which have united the two

countries for centuries. Their collaboration continues to be

strengthened on economic as well as on political grounds. In these last

days the Polish Government has placed important orders with Italian

manufacturers.

The conversations and the personal relations I have had with the

Ministers of Austria, of Roumania, of Hungary, the recent journey of

H.M. the King of England, the commercial treaties concluded and to be

concluded, are other signs of that progressive revaluation of our

diplomatic position which I referred to at the beginning of this speech.

_Improvement of the Diplomatic and Consular Services._ The Fascista

Government, always with the object of this revaluation, as soon as it

came into power instructed its representatives abroad to direct their

policy outside the confines of the country to the renewed life of Italy,

and to face immediately the problem of the means and the men for that

end. In fact, the administration of Foreign Affairs, in the face of so

many difficulties from outside, already possessed a great difficulty in

her own constitution, due to the scanty number of its elements. The

tools of our work, which is so delicate abroad, had to be renewed, and

rendered suitable, as regards the increase in number of officials and

the new conditions of Italy, for the momentous task which they are

required to perform.

Instructions have, therefore, been given with effect from the first days

of November for the reorganisation of the competition for the Diplomatic

and Consular Services, and for Interpreters.

In conclusion I wish to repeat that Italian foreign policy, while it

intends to safeguard national interests, wants at the same time to

constitute a factor of equilibrium and peace in Europe, and by such a

policy I think I interpret the tendencies and the needs of the Italian

people. (Applause.)

“THE INTERNAL POLICY”

Speech delivered at the Senate on 8th June 1923, after the one on

Foreign Policy (see p. 293).

Honourable Senators,—The problems of public order are problems of the

authority of the State. There is no real authority in the State if

public order is not perfectly normal. Public order and authority of the

State are, therefore, two aspects of the same problem. I ask you if

conditions have improved or become worse since last October.

(“Improved!”) Some of you give an affirmative answer. I, too, say they

have improved. Although, naturally, I am far from being pessimistic and,

therefore, from being discontented, I feel that nothing ever goes well

enough. But, Gentlemen, when one speaks of public order, one must make

comparisons. Even if they are disagreeable, they are necessary. Unrest,

uneasiness and sedition are phenomena to be found not only in Italy. If

we glance beyond our frontiers we have reason to repeat that, if Messene

weeps, Sparta does not laugh! Look at the vanquished peoples and note

what happens in Austria and in Germany. Look at the victorious peoples

and you will see that only yesterday there was a strike of public

officials in Belgium, which has cost the Treasury hundreds of millions

of francs. If, then, you glance at the neutral countries, at Spain, you

will find there, too, that life is not excessively bright and easy. All

this I say for those who, at every small revolver shot fired in one of

the twenty thousand villages of Italy, think they have been wounded by a

17–inch shell!

_A Significant Comparison._ But, above all, it is worth while to look at

Italy and consider, on one side, her conditions in the years 1918–20 and

in the period following 1920–21. The dominating events of the former two

years are the occupation of the factories, the permanent strike of the

officials belonging to public organisations, carried out in rotation,

and by a displacement of all the powers of State authority (Assent.);

and, although the incident is extremely painful, one must recall to mind

that in the rank and file of that same glorious army of ours occurred an

episode at Ancona which proves how deeply sedition had worked its way

into the body of the Italian State.

The dominating event of the following two years is the punitive Fascista

expedition. Fascisti, from sheer necessity, went out to the assault of

the towns in large armed bodies. To-day all this is over. To-day the

officials of public organisations do not and will not strike. (Assent.)

When the Fascista employees of the Post and Telegraph Offices came to me

to protest because my colleague, the Hon. Colonna di Cesaro, had

punished them, I told them that if I had been Minister of Post and

Telegraphs I should have punished them twice, and I added that, just

because they were Fascisti, they would have to recognise the necessity

for a strict discipline. (Assent.)

_The State renewed._ The conditions of public order reached their zenith

of disintegration during the latter part of the year. In August there

was the anti-Fascista strike, which completely paralysed the State. This

had no effect; the Fascista forces, in its stead, obtained success. And,

from that time, I said that the two must be made one, and that since

that State was destitute of all the attributes of virility, while there

was a State in power which was rising with great strength and capable of

imposing discipline on the nation, it was indispensable for the rising

State to substitute itself, by a revolutionary movement, for the other

State which was declining. The August anti-Fascista strike was followed

by the Fascista occupation of the towns of Bologna and Bolzano. The

authority of the State was a complete ruin. There are no more reports of

labour conflicts in the papers now.

_The Chamber and the Conflicts._ I am sufficiently impartial to say that

in these last days there has been a slight recrudescence of trouble.

What is its cause? I tell you quite frankly: the reopening of the

Chamber. (Laughter.) The Chamber is the place of questions. By the

spectacle it offers to the nation it sows seeds of conflict and discord

amongst the impulsive and excitable masses.

Further, the attitude of a section of Italian Liberalism is a very

welcome piece of good fortune for the subversive elements, because they

constitute for them unhoped-for, unexpected allies, who blow enormous

bubbles, which I promise myself to prick with the pin of logic and

sincerity before closing my speech. (Assent.) Then perhaps there is

this, that certain gentlemen, when they found out that they had not to

fear the law of Fascismo or that of the Government, which is slower

because it is bound to move in accordance with legal procedure, resumed

their bold attitude.

_Elimination of the Subversive Elements._ The measures adopted to

restore public order are: First of all the elimination of the so-called

subversive elements. There was much clamour after the hauling in of the

nets, but in reality it was only a very small affair. Of two thousand

who were arrested, those who are still in gaol do not reach the figure

of one hundred and fifty. They are in the hands of the judges. They were

elements of disorder and subversion. On the morrow of each conflict I

gave the categorical order to confiscate the largest possible number of

weapons of every sort and kind. This confiscation, which continues with

the utmost energy, has given satisfactory results. (Assent.) I had to

repress every illegal act.

_The High Grades of the National Militia._ There was another problem

with regard to the National Militia: namely the necessity of filling the

superior posts, to which had to be appointed men coming from the army

with a large personal military experience; this necessity had to be

harmonised with the gratitude due to the small heads of Fascista

“squadrismo,” the body which, by leaving thousands of glorious dead, had

crushed the subversive demagogic elements.

We have solved this problem. All the ranks of superior officers above

those of “Seniore” have been assigned to the officers coming from the

regular army; all the inferior grades and those of sub-officers have

been given to military men, to “squadristi” who had previously seen

military life.

Moreover, statistics are always worth more than speeches. Ninety-seven

per cent. of the officers of the Militia having a rank superior to that

of “Seniore” come from the officers of the regular army. Out of about

two hundred and thirty officers superior to the rank of “Seniore,” six

are decorated with the Military Order of Savoy, two with Gold Medals,

one hundred and thirty with Silver Medals, eighty with Bronze Medals.

As this is a day of explanations, even at the risk of abusing your

patience, I must read the list of rewards bestowed on the Chiefs of the

National Militia. _General Cesare De Bono_, Field Marshal of the regular

army: three Silver Medals, special promotion for war services, “Croce di

Guerra.” _General Gandolfo_, Field Marshal of the regular army: two

Silver Medals, special promotion for war services. _Hon. Cesare Maria De

Vecchi_: four Silver Medals, two Bronze Medals, two “Croci di Guerra.”

_Italo Balbo_: one Silver Medal, one “Croce di Guerra.” _Gustavo Fara_,

the general well known through all Italy: one Gold Medal, two Silver

Medals, special promotions for war services. _Stringa_, Major-General of

the regular army: three Silver Medals, one Bronze Medal, disabled in the

war. _Ozol Clemente_, Major-General in the regular army: two Silver

Medals, “Croce di Guerra.” _Ceccherini_, Major-General in the regular

army: three Silver Medals, two Bronze Medals. _Zambon_, Major-General of

the regular army: Silver Medal and Bronze Medal. _Guglielmotti_,

Major-General of the regular army: two Silver Medals.

After these follow:

_Giuriati_, with two Silver Medals; _Acerbo_, with three Silver Medals

(voices: “Bravo!”); _Caradonna_, with three Silver Medals; _Finzi_, with

a Silver Medal and two “Croci di Guerra.”

Not to embarrass the modesty of my friends, I shall not continue to read

the list of these officers of the National Militia,—(Laughter.)—but this

is enough to prove to you that this is a serious institution. And I add

that every day it becomes more so, because I mean that it shall be so,

because all its chiefs mean it.

It might be asked of us: “Why does the Militia remain?” I shall tell it

to you at once: for a very simple reason, to defend Fascismo at home and

also abroad. The word “abroad” might alarm you. Well, I tell you that

abroad there is a difficult atmosphere for Italian Fascismo. Difficult

for the parties of the Right, which, being formed of national elements,

cannot feel enthusiasm for a movement that exalts our national

qualities; difficult for the parties of the Left, because those elements

are our adversaries from the social point of view, knowing that the

Fascista movement is clearly anti-Socialist. It is well, therefore, that

it should be known that there is in Italy a mighty army of volunteers to

defend that special form of political organisation called Fascismo.

The Militia, moreover, has the object of enabling the army to do its own

work. The army must fight, must get ready for war. It must not do police

work, especially of a political nature, except under absolutely

exceptional circumstances, of which now I do not wish to think, even

hypothetically. As an example I can tell you that last night, upon my

personal instructions, a whole section of Leghorn was blockaded. Well,

one hundred carabineers and three hundred black shirts sufficed, whilst

the army, the official troops, were sleeping peacefully in their

barracks, as was their duty and their right. Moreover, believe me, so

long as in Italy they know that, besides some tens of thousands of

faithful carabineers, there is this enormous force, attempts at revolt

or at sedition will never be dared.

_Modifications to the Statute Law._ Finally, and this is a manœuvre of

the last few days, have burst forth in Italy the bold defenders of the

Statute, of Liberty and of Parliament. (Laughter.) It seems, listening

to these gentlemen, who had for a long time forgotten the existence of

the Statute, even as a simple historical document,—(Laughter.)—that the

Statute runs a serious risk and that one cannot even discuss nor examine

it.

Well, I think that none of you can consider Camillo Cavour as a

Bolshevist and a Fascista of 1848. Everybody knows that the

Constitutional movement of Piedmont was the work of Cavour. Everybody

knows how the political Constitution was granted. At Genoa a tumult

arose against the Jesuits, believed supporters of Absolutism. A

Commission of Genoese went to Turin and asked for the expulsion of the

Jesuits and the calling out of the Civic Guard. But Cavour answered:

“This is too little, the times are ripe for something more!” Cavour

wrote in his paper, _Il Risorgimento_: “The Constitution must be

demanded.” And this was promulgated on the 4th of March. In its preamble

it says: “The Statute is the fundamental, perpetual law of the

Monarchy.” Four days afterwards the first Constitutional Ministry of

Coalition was formed with the Moderate Balbo and the Democratic Pareto.

The phrase “The Statute is the fundamental, perpetual and irrevocable

law of the Monarchy” had wounded the ears of the Democrats. Cavour

hastened to interpret it in a relative sense. It is worth while to

listen attentively to this paragraph of Cavour. “How is it possible,” he

said, “how can it be expected that the legislator would have wished to

pledge himself and the nation not to make the slightest direct change,

to bring the smallest improvement to a political law? But this would

mean the removal from the community of the power of revising the

Constitution; it would mean the deprival of the indispensable power of

modifying its political form according to new social exigencies; this

would be such an absurd idea that no one of those who co-operated in the

making of this fundamental law could conceive it. A nation cannot

renounce the power of changing by legal means its common law.”

After a short time history had to register a first violation of the

Statute, which assumed or presumed that, in order to become a member of

Parliament, it was necessary to be an Italian citizen. On the 16th of

October there was a division between the Right, amongst which there were

the Moderates and the Municipals, and the Left, to which belonged the

Democrats, called the “burnt heads,” and the Republicans. On the

following day these two parties were agreed in unanimously proclaiming

above the Statute that all Italians could belong to the Subalpine

Parliament. The first to benefit by this violation of the Statute was

Alessandro Manzoni; but he declined the mandate by a letter which

represents a fine example of correctness and political probity.

(Approval.)

Nobody, Gentlemen, wishes to overthrow or destroy the Statute, which

rests solidly on firm foundations; but the inhabitants of this building

from 1848 up to to-day have changed. There are other exigencies, other

needs. There is no longer the Piedmontese Italy of 1848! And it is very

strange to notice among the defenders of the Statute those who have

violated it in its fundamental laws, those who have curtailed the

prerogatives of the Crown, those who wanted the Crown to be entirely

outside the politics of the nation, and to become a dead institution.

(Loud applause.)

_The Abolition of Parliament?_ They say that this Government does not

like the Chamber of Deputies. (Comments.) They say that we want to

abolish Parliament and deprive it of all its essential attributes. It is

timely to say that the collapse of Parliament is not desired by me, nor

by those who follow my ideas. Parliamentarism has been severely affected

by two phenomena typical of our days: on one side Syndicalism, on the

other Journalism. Syndicalism gathers by its various organisations all

those who have special interests to protect, who wish to withdraw them

from the manifest incompetence of the political Assembly. Journalism

represents the daily Parliament, the daily platform where men coming

from the Universities, from Science, Industry, from the experience of

life itself, dissect problems with a competence that is very seldom

found on the Parliamentary benches.

These two phenomena typical of the last period of capitalist

civilisation are those which have reduced the enormous importance which

was attributed to Parliament. To sum up, Parliament can no longer

contain all the life of the nations, because modern life is

exceptionally complicated and difficult.

But this does not mean that we wish to abolish Parliament. We wish

rather to improve it, to make it more perfect, make it a serious, if

possible a solemn institution. In fact, if I had wished to abolish

Parliament, I would not have introduced an Electoral Reform Bill. This

Bill logically presupposes the elections, and through these elections

there will be deputies—(Laughter.)—who will form Parliament. In 1924,

therefore, there will be a Parliament.

But must the Government be towed along by Parliament? Must it be at the

mercy of Parliament? Must it be without a will, or a head before

Parliament? I cannot admit that.

_The Great Fascista Council._ They say that Fascismo has created

duplicate institutions. These duplicates do not exist. The Great

Fascista Council is not a duplicate of the Council of Ministers or above

it. It met four times and never dealt with problems which concerned the

Council of Ministers. With what, then, did the Great Fascista Council

deal? In the February meeting it devoted itself to the National Militia

and Freemasonry; it paid a tribute to the Dalmatians and to the people

of Fiume, and dealt with Fascismo abroad. In the March meeting it

arranged the ceremony for the anniversary of the foundation of Rome and

dealt with Syndicalism. In its fourth meeting it devoted itself to the

Congress of Turin and again to Syndicalism.

All the great problems dealing with State administration, with the

reorganisation of armed forces, with the reform of our judiciary

circuits, with the reform of the schools, all the measures of a

financial nature have been adopted directly by the responsible body, the

Council of Ministers.

And then what is the Great Fascista Council? It is the organ of

co-ordination between the responsible forces of the Government and those

of Fascismo. Among all the organisations created after the October

revolution, the Great Fascista Council is the most characteristic, the

most useful, the most efficient. I have abolished the High

Commissioners, because they duplicated the Prefects and also embarrassed

the authority of the latter, who alone have the right to wield

authority. But I could never think of abolishing the Great Fascista

Council, not even if to-morrow by chance the Council of Ministers were

composed entirely of Fascisti.

_Our Magnanimity must not be taken advantage of!_ This Government, which

is depicted as hostile to liberty, has been perhaps too generous. The

October revolution has not been bloodless for us; we have left dozens

and dozens of dead. And who would have prevented us from doing in those

days that which all revolutions have done, from freeing ourselves once

for all from those who, taking advantage of our magnanimity, now render

our task difficult? Only the Socialists of the newspaper _La Giustizia_,

of Milan, have had the courage to recognise that if they still exist

they owe it to us, who did not wish that, in the first moments of “The

March on Rome,” the “black shirts” should be stained with Italian blood.

But _our generosity_ must not be taken advantage of!

_Nobody must hope for a Crisis in Fascismo. The Membership of Fascismo._

But nobody must hope for a crisis in Fascismo, which is and will remain

simply a formidable party. If you happen to notice that in one of its

innumerable sections in Italy there is dissension, do not thus draw the

conclusion that Fascismo is in a state of crisis. When a party holds the

Government in its hands it holds it, if it wishes to hold it, because it

possesses formidable forces to use to consolidate its power with

increasing strength. Fascismo is a Syndicalist movement which includes

one million and a half of workmen and _contadini_, who, I must say in

their praise, are those who give me no trouble. There is, moreover, a

political body which has 550,000 members, and I have asked to be

relieved of at least 150,000 of these gentlemen. (Laughter.) There is,

still, a military section of 300,000 “black shirts,” who are only

waiting to be called. These bodies are all united by a kind of moral

cement, which might be called mystic and holy, and through which, by

touching certain keys, we would hear to-morrow the sounds of certain

trumpets!

_The Associations which are included in Fascismo._ They ask us: “Will

you then camp out in Italy as an army of enemies which oppress the

remainder of the population?” Here we have the philosophy of force by

consent. In the meanwhile I have the pleasure to announce that imposing

masses of men who deserve all the respect of the nation have joined

Fascismo, such as the Association of the Maimed and the Disabled, the

National Association of Ex-soldiers. In the wake of Fascismo, moreover,

are also included the families of the fallen in war. There are a great

many members coming from the people in these three Associations, whilst

there is a great solidarity amongst these disabled ex-soldiers and

families of the fallen in war. They represent millions of people, and,

in the face of this collaboration, must I go and simply seek all the

fragments, all the relics of the old traditional parties? Must I sell my

spiritual birthright for a mess of pottage which might be offered to me

by those who have followed no one in the country? (Loud assent.) No! I

shall never do this.

_The Collaboration I welcome._ If there is anybody who wishes to

collaborate with me, I welcome him to my house. But if this collaborator

has the air of a controlling inquisitor, or of the expectant heir, or of

the man who lies in ambush, with the object of being able at a given

moment to record my mistakes, then I declare that I do not want to have

anything to do with this collaboration. (Bravo!)

Besides, there is a moral force in all this. What was the cause after

all which affected Italian life in past years? Italy was passing through

a transformation. There were never definite limits. Nobody had the

courage to be what he should have been.

There was the bourgeois who had Socialistic airs, there was the

Socialist who had become a bourgeois up to his finger tips. The whole

atmosphere was made up of half tones of uncertainty. Well, Fascismo

seizes individuals by their necks and tells them: “You must be what you

are. If you are a bourgeois you must remain such. You must be proud of

your class, because it has given a type to the activity of the world in

the nineteenth century. (Approval.) If you are a Socialist you must

remain such, although facing the inevitable risk you run in that

profession.” (Laughter.)

_Taxation and the Discipline of the Italian Population._ The sight which

to-day the nation offers is satisfactory, because the Government

exercises a stern and, if you like to say so, a cruel policy. It is

compelled to dismiss by thousands its officials, judges, officers,

railway men, dock-workers; and each dismissal represents a cause of

trouble, of distress, of unrest to thousands of families. The Government

has been compelled to levy taxes which unavoidably hit large sections of

the population. The Italian people are disciplined, silent and calm,

they work and know that there is a Government which governs, and know,

above all, that if this Government hits cruelly certain sections of the

Italian people, it does not do so out of caprice, but from the supreme

necessity of national order.

_The Government is One._ Above this mass of people there are the

restless groups of practising politicians. We must speak plainly. In

Italy there were several Governments which, before the present one,

always trembled before the journalist, the banker, the grand master of

Freemasonry, before the head of the Popular Party, who remains more or

less in the background,—(Applause.)—and it was enough for one of these

ministers _in partibus_ to knock at the door of the Government, for the

Government to be struck by sudden paralysis. Well, all this is over!

Many men gave themselves airs with the old Governments; those I have not

received, but have reduced them to tears. (Assent.) For the Government

is one. It knows no other Government outside its own and watches

attentively, because one must not sleep when one governs, one must not

neglect facts, one must keep before one’s eyes all the panorama, notice

all the composition and decomposition, the changes of parties and of

men. Sometimes it is necessary, as a tactical measure, to be

circumspect; but political strategy, at least mine, is intransigent and

absolute.

_My only Ambition is to make the Italian People Strong, Prosperous,

Great and Free._ I should have finished; in fact I have finished, but I

must still add something that concerns me a little personally. I do not

deny to citizens what one might call the “Jus murmurandi”—the right of

grumbling. (Laughter.) But one must not exaggerate, nor raise bogies,

nor have one’s ears always open to dangers which do not exist. And,

believe me, I do not get drunk with greatness. I would like, if it were

possible, to get drunk with humility. (Approval.) I am content simply to

be a Minister, nor have I ambitions which surpass the clearly defined

sphere of my duties and of my responsibilities. And yet I, too, have an

ambition. The more I know the Italian people, the more I bow before it.

(Assent.) The more I come into deeper touch with the masses of the

Italian people, the more I feel that they are really worthy of the

respect of all the representatives of the nation. (Assent.) My ambition,

Honourable Senators, is only one. For this it does not matter if I work

fourteen or sixteen hours a day. And it would not matter if I lost my

life, and I should not consider it a greater sacrifice than is due. My

ambition is this: I wish to make the Italian people strong, prosperous,

great and free! (The end of the speech is hailed by a frantic and

delirious ovation. All the Senators rise, and the Tribune applauds

loudly, whilst the great majority of the Senators go to congratulate the

Hon. Mussolini.)

(The sitting is adjourned.)

“AS SARDINIA HAS BEEN GREAT IN WAR, SO LIKEWISE WILL SHE BE GREAT IN

PEACE”

Speech delivered from the Palazzo della Prefettura at Sassari (Sardinia)

on 10th June 1923.

Citizens of Sassari! Proud people of Sardinia! The journey which I have

made to-day is not, and should not be interpreted as, a Ministerial

tour. I intended to make a pilgrimage of devotion and love to your

magnificent land.

I have been told that, since 1870 to to-day, this is the first time that

the head of the Government addresses the people of Sassari assembled in

this vast square. I deplore the fact that up to this day no Prime

Minister, no Minister, has felt the elementary duty of coming here to

get to know you, your needs, to come and express to you how much Italy

owes you! (Applause.)

For months, for years, during the long years of our bloody sacrifice and

of our sacred glory, the name of Sassari, consecrated to history by the

bulletins of war, has echoed in the soul of all Italy. Those who

followed the magnificent effort of our race, those who steeped

themselves in the filth of the trenches, young men of my

generation—proud and disdainful of death—all those who bear in their

heart the faith of their country, all those, O men of the Sassari

Brigade, O citizens of Sassari, pay you tribute of a sign, of a

testimony of infinite love. (Applause.)

What does it matter if some lazy bureaucrat has not yet taken into

account your needs? Sassari has already passed gloriously into history.

I was grieved to-day when I was told that this town has no water. It is

very sad that a city of heroes has to endure thirst. Well! I promise you

that you will have water; you have the right to have it. (Applause.) If

the National Government grants to you, as it will grant, the three or

four millions necessary for this purpose, it will only have accomplished

its duty, because while elsewhere young men with broad shoulders worked

at the lathe, the people of Sardinia fought and died in the trenches.

We intend to raise up again the towns and all the land, because he who

has contributed to the war is more entitled to receive in peace.

A few days ago, on the anniversary of the war, I went by aeroplane to

the cemeteries of the Carso. There are many of your brothers who sleep

in those cemeteries the sleep which knows no awakening. I have known

them, I have lived with them, I have suffered with them. They were

magnificent, long-suffering, they did not complain, they endured, and

when the tragic hour came for them to advance from the trenches they

were the first and never asked why. (Loud applause.)

The National Government which I have the honour to direct is a

Government which counts upon you, and you can count upon it. It is a

Government sprung forth from a double victory of the people. It cannot,

therefore, be against the working classes. It comes to you so that you

may tell it frankly and loyally what are your needs. You have been

forgotten and neglected for too long! In Rome they hardly knew of the

existence of Sardinia! But since the war has revealed you to Italy, all

Italians must remember Sardinia, not only in words, but in deeds. (Loud

applause.)

I am delighted, I am deeply moved by the reception which you have given

me. I have looked you well in the face, I have recognised that you are

superb shoots of this Italian race which was great when other people

were not born, of this Italian race which three times gave our

civilisation to the barbarian world, of this Italian race which we wish

to mould by all the struggles necessary for discipline, for work, for

faith. (Applause.)

_I am sure that, as Sardinia has been great in war, so likewise will she

be great in peace._ I salute you, O magnificent sons of this rugged,

ferruginous, and so far forgotten island. I embrace all of you in

spirit. It is not the head of the Government who speaks to you, it is

the brother, the fellow-soldier of the trenches. Shout then with me:

Long live the King! Long live Italy! Long live Sardinia!

(An enthusiastic ovation greeted the last words of Mussolini.)

“MEN PASS AWAY, MAYBE GOVERNMENTS TOO, BUT ITALY LIVES AND WILL NEVER

DIE”

Speech delivered at Cagliari (Sardinia) on 12th June 1923, from the

Palazzo della Prefettura.

Citizens! Black shirts! Chivalrous people of Cagliari! Of late I have

visited several towns, including those which belong to the place where I

was born. Well! I wish to tell you, and this is the truth, that no town

accorded me the welcome you gave me to-day. I knew that the town of

Cagliari was peopled by men of strong passions, I knew that an ardent

spirit of regeneration throbbed in your hearts. The cheers with which

you welcomed me, the crowd crammed into the Roman amphitheatre, all this

tells me that here Fascismo has deep roots. I thank you, therefore,

Citizens, from the depth of my heart.

I have come to Sardinia not only to know your land, as forty-eight hours

would not be enough for that purpose, and still less would they be

enough to examine closely your needs. I know them; statesmen have known

them for the last fifty years. Those needs are already before the

nation, and if up to to-day they have not yet been solved, this is due

to the fact that Rome was lacking that iron will for regeneration which

is the pivot, the essence of the Fascista Government’s faith in the

future of our country. (Applause.)

Passing through your land, I have found here a living, throbbing limb of

the mother country. Truly this island of yours is the western bulwark of

the nation; is like a heart of Rome set in the midst of our sea. Amongst

all the impressions I have received in coming here, one has struck my

heart. I was told that Sardinia, for special local reasons, was

refractory to Fascismo. Here, too, there was another misunderstanding.

But from to-day the cohorts and the legions, the thousands of strong

“black shirts,” the syndicates, the _fasci_, the whole youth of this

island is there to show that Fascismo, representing an irresistible

movement for the regeneration of the race, was bound to carry with it

this island where the Italian race is manifested so superbly.

(Applause.)

I salute you, Black shirts! We saw each other in Rome and the groups

coming from Sardinia were cheered in the capital. You bear in your

hearts the faith which at a given moment drove thousands and thousands

of Fascisti from all the cities, from all the villages of Italy, to

Rome. (Applause.)

Nobody can ever dream of wrenching from us the fruit of victory that we

have paid for by so much blood generously shed by youths who offered

their lives in order to crush Italian Bolshevism. Thousands and

thousands of those who suffered martyrdom in the trenches, who have

resumed the struggle after the war was over, who have won—all those have

ploughed a furrow between the Italy of yesterday, of to-day and of

to-morrow.

Citizens of Cagliari! You must certainly play a part in this great

drama. You, undoubtedly, wish to live the life of our great national

community, of this our beloved Italy, of this adorable mother who is our

dream, our hope, our faith, our conviction, because men pass away, maybe

Governments, too, but Italy lives and will never die! (Loud applause.)

To-day I have visited the marvellous works of the artificial Lake Tirso.

They are not only a glory to Sardinia, they represent a masterpiece of

which the whole nation may be proud.

I feel, almost by intuition, that Sardinia also, too long forgotten,

perhaps too patient, Sardinia to-day marches hand in hand with the rest

of Italy. Let us then salute each other, O Citizens!

After this speech of mine, which was meant to be an act of devotion, a

bond of union between us, let us salute each other by shouting: Long

live the King! (Cheers.) Long live Italy! (Cheers.) Long live Fascismo!

(Loud cheers.)

“FASCISMO WILL BRING A COMPLETE REGENERATION TO YOUR LAND”

Speech delivered at Iglesias (Sardinia), at the Palazzo Municipale, on

13th June 1923.

Citizens of Iglesias! Black shirts! Fascisti! Your welcome, so cordial

and so enthusiastic, surpasses any expectation. Iglesias has really been

the cradle of Sardinian Fascismo. From here sprang the first groups of

black shirts; it was, therefore, my definite duty to come and get into

touch with you.

You deserve that the Government should remember you, as in this island

there is a large reserve of faith and ardent patriotism: I go back to

Rome with my heart overcome with emotion.

Since Italy has been united this is the first time that the head of the

Government is in direct touch with the people of Sardinia.

One thing only I regret, and that is that the shortness of my visit has

not given me an opportunity of seeing more of your beautiful land. But I

formally pledge myself to come again and visit your towns and your

villages. As the head of the Government I am glad to have found myself

amongst industrious, quiet and truly patient people, who have been too

long forgotten, indeed almost considered as a far-away colony.

It is well it should be known that Sardinia is one of the first regions

of Italy, and it should be known, too, that she gave the largest

contribution of lives to our glorious victory.

As the head of the Government I am glad to find myself among the heroic

black shirts and to have seen the splendid flourishing conditions of

Fascismo, which will bring a complete regeneration to your land.

Here (said the Hon. Mussolini, putting his hand on the standard of

Iglesias, which was hoisted near him)—here is the standard, the symbol

of pure faith. I kiss it with fervour, and with the same fervour I

embrace you, O magnificent people of Sardinia. (Loud applause.)

“AS WE HAVE REGAINED THE MASTERY OF THE AIR, WE DO NOT WANT THE SEA TO

IMPRISON US”

Speech delivered at Florence from the balcony of the Palazzo Vecchio, on

19th June 1923.

Black shirts of Florence and Tuscany! Fascisti! People! Where shall I

find the necessary words to express the fullness of my feelings at this

moment? My words cannot but be inadequate for the purpose. Your solemn,

enthusiastic welcome stirs me to the depths of my heart. But it is

certain that it is not only to me that you pay this extraordinary

honour, but also, I think, to the idea of which I have been the

inflexible protagonist.

Florence reminds me of the days when we were few. (Deafening applause.)

Here we held the first glorious meeting of the Italian “Fasci di

Combattimento.” You remember, we had often to interrupt our meeting to

go out and drive away the base rabble. (“Bravo!” Frantic applause.) We

were few then! Well, in spite of this huge crowd here assembled, I say

that we are still few, not with regard to the enemies who have been put

to flight for ever, but with regard to the enormous tasks that lie

before our Italy. (Applause.) I said that our enemies have been put to

flight, as we shall no more do the honour of considering as enemies

certain corpses of the Italian political world—(“Bravo!”)—who delude

themselves that they still exist simply because they abuse our

generosity. Tell me, then, Black shirts of Tuscany and of Florence, were

it necessary to begin again, should we begin again? (Deafening applause

and cries of “Yes! Yes!”) This loud cry of yours, more than a promise,

is an oath which seals for ever the Italy of the past, the Italy of the

swindlers, of the deceivers, of the pusillanimous, and opens the way to

“our” Italy, the Italy whom we bear proudly in our hearts, who belongs

to us who represent the new generation who adore strength, who is

inspired by beauty, who is ready for anything when it is necessary to

sacrifice herself to struggle and to die for the ideal.

I tell you that Italy is going ahead. Two years ago, when the bestiality

of the red demagogy raged, only twenty aeroplanes entered for the

Baracca Cup. Last year they were thirty-five; this year, up to now,

ninety. And as we have regained the mastery of the air, so we do not

want the sea to imprison us. It must be, instead, the way for our

necessary expansion in the world. (Great applause.)

These, O Fascisti, Citizens, are the stupendous tasks which lie before

us. And we shall not fail in our aim if each of you will engrave in his

own heart the words by which is summed up the commandment of this

ineffable hour of our history as a people: “Work,” which little by

little must redeem us from foreign dependence; “Harmony,” which must

make of the Italians one family; “Discipline,” by which at a given

moment all Italians become one and march hand in hand towards the same

goal.

Black shirts! You feel that all the manœuvres of our adversaries tending

to sever me from you are ridiculous and grotesque. And I hope it will

not seem to you too proud a statement if I say that Fascismo, which I

have guided on the consular roads of Rome, is solidly in our

hand—(“Bravo!”)—and that if anybody should delude himself in this

respect I should only need to make a sign, to give an order: “_A noi!_”

(Deafening applause.)

Raise up your standards! They have been consecrated by the sacred blood

of our dead. When faith has thus been consecrated it cannot fail, cannot

die, _will not_ die! (Prolonged applause.)

“I PROMISE YOU—AND GOD IS MY WITNESS—THAT I SHALL CONTINUE NOW AND

ALWAYS TO BE A HUMBLE SERVANT OF OUR ADORED ITALY”

Speech delivered on 19th June 1923, at Florence, in the historical

Salone dei Cinquecento, where the Municipal Council solemnly

bestowed on Mussolini the freedom of the city of Florence.

Mr. Mayor, Councillors, People of Florence, the capital for many

centuries of Italian art,—You will notice that—on account of the honour

which you pay me—I feel moved. To be made a citizen of Florence, of this

city which has left such indelible traces on the history of humanity,

represents a memorable and dominating event in my life. I do not know if

I am really worthy of so much honour. (Cries of “Yes.” “May God preserve

you for the future of our Italy.” Applause.)

What I have done up to now is not much; but oh! Citizens of Florence, my

determination is unshakable. (“Bravo!”) Human nature, which is always

weak, may fail, but not my spirit, which is dominated by a moral and

material faith—the faith of the country.

From the moment in which Italian Fascismo raised its standards, lit its

torches, cauterised the sores which infected the body of our divine

country, we Italians, who felt proud to be Italians—(“Bravo! Bravo!”

Applause.)—are in spiritual communion through this new faith.

Citizens of Florence! I make you a promise, and be sure I shall keep it!

I promise you—and God is my witness in this moment of the purity of my

faith—I promise you that I shall continue now and always to be a humble

servant of our adored Italy! (Prolonged applause.)

“THE VICTORY OF THE PIAVE WAS THE DECIDING FACTOR OF THE WAR”

Speech delivered in Rome on 25th June 1923, from Palazzo Venezia, in

commemoration of the anniversary of the Battle of the Piave.

Fellow-Soldiers!—After your ranks, so well disciplined and of such fine

bearing, have marched past His Majesty the King, the intangible symbol

of the country, after the austere ceremony in its silent solemnity

before the tomb of the Unknown Warrior, after this formidable display of

sacred strength, words from me are absolutely superfluous, and I do not

intend to make a speech. The march of to-day is a manifestation full of

significance and warning. A whole people in arms has met to-day in

spirit in the Eternal City. It is a whole people who, above unavoidable

party differences, finds itself strongly united when the safety of the

common Motherland is at stake.

On the occasion of the Etna eruption, national solidarity was

wonderfully manifested; from every town, every village, one might say

from every hamlet, a fraternal heart-throb went out to the land stricken

by calamity.

To-day tens of thousands of soldiers, thousands of standards, with men

coming to Rome from all parts of Italy and from the far-away Colonies,

from abroad, bear witness that the unity of the Italian nation is an

accomplished and irrevocable fact.

After seven months of Government, to talk to you, my comrades of the

trenches, is the highest honour which could fall to my lot. And I do not

say this in order to flatter you, nor to pay you a tribute which might

seem formal on an occasion like this. I have the right to interpret the

thoughts of this meeting, which gathers to listen to my words as an

expression of solidarity with the national Government. (Cries of

assent.) Let us not utter useless and fantastical words. Nobody attacks

the sacred liberty of the Italian people. But I ask you: Should there be

liberty to maim victory? (Cries of “No! no!”) Should there be liberty to

strike at the nation? Should there be liberty for those who have as

their programme the overthrow of our national institutions? (Cries of

“No! no!”) I repeat what I explicitly said before. I do not feel myself

infallible, I feel myself a man like you.

I do not repulse, I cannot, I shall not repulse any loyal and sincere

collaboration.

Fellow-soldiers! The task which weighs on my shoulders, but also on

yours, is simply immense, and to it we shall be pledged for many years.

It is, therefore, necessary not to waste, but to treasure and utilise

all the energies which could be turned to the good of our country. Five

years have passed since the battle of the Piave, from that victory on

which it is impossible to sophisticate either within or beyond the

frontier. It is necessary to proclaim, for you who listen to me, and

also for those who read what I say, that the _victory of the Piave was

the deciding factor of the war_.... On the Piave the Austro-Hungarian

Empire went to pieces, from the Piave started its flight on white wings

the victory of the people in arms. The Government means to exalt the

spiritual strength which rises out of the victory of a people in arms.

It does not mean to disperse them, because it represents the sacred seed

of the future. The more distant we get from those days, from that

memorable victory, the more they seem to us wonderful, the more the

victory appears enveloped in a halo of legend. In such a victory

everybody would wish to have taken part!

_We must win the Peace!_ Too late somebody perceived that when the

country is in danger the duty of all citizens, from the highest to the

lowest, is only one: to fight, to suffer and, if needs be, to die!

We have won the war, we have demolished an Empire which threatened our

frontiers, stifled us and held us for ever under the extortion of armed

menace. History has no end. Comrades! The history of peoples is not

measured by years, but by tens of years, by centuries. This

manifestation of yours is an infallible sign of the vitality of the

Italian people.

The phrase “we must win the peace” is not an empty one. It contains a

profound truth. Peace is won by harmony, by work and by discipline. This

is the new gospel which has been opened before the eyes of the new

generations who have come out of the trenches; a gospel simple and

straightforward, which takes into account all the elements, which

utilises all the energies, which does not lend itself to tyrannies of

grotesque exclusivism, because it has one sole aim, a common aim: the

greatness and the salvation of the nation!

Fellow-soldiers! You have come to Rome, and it is natural, I dare to

say, fated! Because Rome is always, as it will be to-morrow and in the

centuries to come, the living heart of our race! It is the imperishable

symbol of our vitality as a people. Who holds Rome, holds the nation!

_The “Black Shirts” buried the Past._ I assure you, my fellow-soldiers,

that my Government, in spite of the manifest or hidden difficulties,

will keep its pledges. It is the Government of Vittorio Veneto. You feel

it and you know it. And if you did not believe it, you would not be here

assembled in this square. Carry back to your towns, to your lands, to

your houses, distant but near to my heart, the vigorous impression of

this meeting.

Keep the flame burning, because that which has not been, may be, because

if victory was maimed once, it does not follow that it can be maimed a

second time! (Loud cheers, repeated cries of “We swear it!”)

I keep in mind your oath. I count upon you as I count upon all good

Italians, but I count, above all, upon you, because you are of my

generation, because you have come out from the bloody filth of the

trenches, because you have lived and struggled and suffered in the face

of death, because you have fulfilled your duty and have the right to

vindicate that to which you are entitled, not only from the material but

from the moral point of view. I tell you, I swear to you, that the time

is passed for ever when fighters returning from the trenches had to be

ashamed of themselves, the time when, owing to the threatening attitudes

of Communists, the officers received the cowardly advice to dress in

plain clothes. (Applause.) All that is buried. You must not forget, and

nobody forgets, that seven months ago fifty-two thousand armed “black

shirts” came to Rome to bury the past! (Loud cheers.)

Soldiers! Fellow-Soldiers! Let us raise before our great unknown comrade

the cry, which sums up our faith: Long live the King! Long live Italy,

victorious, impregnable, immortal! (Loud cheers, whilst all the flags

are raised and waved amidst the enthusiasm of the immense crowd in the

square.)

THE RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND THE UNITED STATES

Speech by the American Ambassador to Rome.

On the 28th June 1923 the Italo-American Association held in Rome a

banquet in honour of Mr. Richard Washburn Child, American Ambassador

to Italy, and of the Hon. Mussolini, President of the Italian

Council. The two distinguished guests delivered the following

speeches,[14] which have a special importance, both with regard to

Fascismo and to Italo-American relations.

Footnote 14:

The two speeches have been courteously given at his request to

Baron Quaranta di San Severino for publication by the American

Ambassador, Richard Washburn Child.

The object of this meeting was clearly explained by the Hon. Baron

Sardi, Italian Under-Secretary of State for Public Works, in an

appropriate address to the illustrious guests (published in full by

the Bulletin of the Library for American Studies in Italy, No. 5),

in which, after having thanked them in the name of Senator Ruffini,

President of the Association, still detained on account of important

duties in Geneva, and also in the name of the other members, for the

honour they conferred on the Society by their presence, went on to

lay stress on the purpose for which the Association exists, namely,

to promote a better reciprocal understanding between the American

and Italian peoples through the manifold activities of their

respective countries.

The Hon. Sardi announced that during the summer months of this year

courses of preparation will be inaugurated again for American

students who wish to come and visit our country and study our

language, literature and history, while for next October, under the

patronage of the American Ambassador and the Italian Premier, with

the co-operation of American and Italian professors, special

industrial and commercial courses are in preparation. The American

students will be able to benefit by the use of the valuable library

of the Association, which is daily enriched by the competent work of

Commendatore Harry Nelson Gay and his collaborators.

The Hon. Sardi, after referring to the fraternity of arms, which

during the Great War brought together the soldiers of Italy and

America, said that, having returned now to the peaceful spheres of

industry and culture, these forms of effort contribute strongly to

cement between the two countries that spiritual fraternity which

arises out of a better mutual acquaintance with the respective

virtues and qualities and a clearer realisation of our aspirations.

The orator concluded by expressing the wish that the Italo-American

Association, by the indissoluble union of cultured minds, might be

able to intensify the bonds already uniting the United States of

America and Italy.

Mr. President and Gentlemen,—It is my privilege to propose a toast to

the King and to the spirit of an Italy now stronger and more united than

ever before.

I wish to express the earnest hope that my country and yours will

continue to stand together in upholding ideals which make men strong

instead of tolerating those which make men weak.

During the last eight months Italy has made an extraordinary

contribution to the whole world by raising ideals of human courage,

discipline, and responsibility. I would be unfaithful to my beliefs and

to those of hosts of Americans if I failed to acknowledge the part

played by your President of Council, Mussolini, with the people of

Italy, in giving to all mankind an example of courageous national

organisation founded upon the disciplined responsibility of the

individual to the State, upon the abandonment of false hopes in feeble

doctrines, and upon appeal to the full vigorous strength of the human

spirit.

We have heard a great deal in the last few years about the menace which

war brings before the face of the world. I am confident that my people

and your people are willing to act together to contribute anything

possible to reduce the dangers of war, but I hold the belief, and I

think your Premier holds the belief, that worse menaces than war now

oppose the progress of mankind. Folly and weakness and decay are worse.

These menaces of weakness are often fostered by men of good intentions,

who talk about the need to rescue mankind and about the necessity to

establish the rights of mankind.

I want to see leaders of men who, instead of teaching humanity to look

outside themselves for help, will teach humanity that it has power

within itself to relieve its own distress. I want to see leaders who,

instead of telling men of their rights, will lead them to take a full

share of their responsibilities.

I do not doubt that the spirit of benevolence is a precious possession

of mankind, but a more precious possession is the spirit which raises

the strength of humanity so that benevolence itself becomes less of a

necessity. He who makes himself strong and calls upon others to be

strong is even more kind and loving of the world than he who encourages

men to seek dependence on forces outside themselves or upon

impracticable plans for new social structures. I do not doubt the good

faith of many of those who put forth theories of new arrangements of

social, economic and international structure, but they may all be sure

that more important than any of these theories is individual

responsibility and the growth and spread of self-reliance in the home

and in the nation.

I do not doubt that we, Italians and Americans, have a full appreciation

of the pity which we ought to confer upon weak or wailing groups or

nations or races which clamour for help or favour; but I trust that,

even in the competition of peace or war, I shall be the last ever to

believe that weak groups or nations or races are superior or are more

worthy of my affection than those who mind their own business with

industry, strength and courage, and stand upon their own strong legs.

I do not question the motives of many of those who, feeling affectionate

regard for the welfare of their fellow-men, hope for a structure of

society in which international bodies shall hand down benefactions to

communities, and communities shall hand down benefactions to

individuals. I merely point out that some nations, such as yours and

mine, are beginning to believe that these ideas come out of thoughts

which, though easily adopted, are the offspring of a marriage of

benevolence with ignorance. In any structure of society which can

command our respect and our faith the current of responsibility runs the

other way. The doctrine that the world’s strength arises from the

responsibility of the individual is a sterner doctrine. The leaders of

men who insist upon it are those who will be owed an eternal debt by

mankind.

The strength of society must come from the bottom upward. The world

needs now more than anything else the doctrine that the first place to

develop strength is at home, the first duty is the nearest duty. A

strong co-operation of nations can only be made of nations which are

strong nations, a strong nation can only be made of good and strong

individuals.

When one makes the _fasces_, the first requirement is to find the

individual rods, straight, strong and wiry, such as you have found, Mr.

President, and so skilfully bound together in the strength of unity. But

if they had been rotten sticks you could not have made the _fasces_.

Unity in action would have been impossible. The rotten sticks would have

fallen to pieces in your fingers.

Mr. President, what the world needs is not better theories and dreams,

but better men to carry them out. The world needs a spirit which thinks

first of responsibilities before it thinks of rights. It was this spirit

which you have done so much to awaken into new life in Italy.

Not long ago I heard a speech made by a foreigner in Italy who is used

to dealing with economic statistics. He was trying to account for the

new life in Italy on the basis of comparative statistics. I told him he

could not do it until he could produce statistics of the human spirit. I

told him he could not account for everything in Italy until he could

reduce to statistics that wonderful record of the human spirit which in

scarcely more than half a century has created the new Italy. I told him

he would have to account for the number of Italians who in 1848 and

1859, in the Great War and 1923, had a cause for which they were willing

to die. I told him that I was always a nationalist before I was an

internationalist, and I would go on being a nationalist, believing in

the spirit of strong and upright and generous nationalism, and believing

not in theorising nations or whining peoples, but in nations and peoples

who develop a national spirit so finely tempered that they offer to the

world an example of organisation, discipline and fair play, because they

themselves are upright and strong men and can contribute valuably to

international co-operation. I said to him that when he could produce

statistics on human virtues and human spirit he would be nearer to

understanding what made progress in the world. I asked him if he had

figures to show the difference between nations which breed men who are

ready to die for their beliefs and nations which produce no such men. I

asked him to put his figures back in his pocket and go out and talk to

the youth of Italy.

Mr. President, the youth of Italy, as in any other country, are the

trustees of the spirit of to-morrow. It is a fact which goes almost

unnoticed, that the training of masses of youth in the spirit of

discipline and fair competition and of loyalty to a cause is largely to

be found in athletic games. It is a fact which almost always is

forgotten, that nations of history or those of to-day which have engaged

in athletic games are the strong nations, and those which have had no

athletics are the weak nations. It is a fact almost neglected that

nations which can express their spirit of competition in athletics are

the nations which have the least destructive restlessness within and are

the most fair and, indeed, are the most restrained in their dealings

with other nations.

Athletic games teach the lesson that every man who competes must win by

reason of his own virtue. No help can come from without. There is no

special privilege for anyone. He who wins does so by merit alone.

Athletic games, whenever they are carried on by teams, teach the lesson

that the individual must put aside his own interests for the good of his

group. There must be a voluntary submission to discipline and absolute

loyalty to a captain in order to avoid the humiliation of

disorganisation and defeat.

Athletic games are not for the weak and complaining, but for the strong

and for the lovers of fair play.

Finally, they furnish oft-repeated lessons of the truth that when flesh

and muscles and material agencies seem about to fail, human will and

human spirit can work miracles of victory.

Because I believe in these ideals for my own country and for yours, I

offer through you, for the purposes which the Olympic Committee of Italy

will set forth, a small but friendly token of my deep interest in the

youth of Italy. (Loud applause.)

THE ITALIAN PRIME MINISTER’S REPLY

Mr. Ambassador,—The discourse which your Excellency has pronounced at

this reunion strengthens the bonds of sympathy and fraternity between

Italy and America, and has profoundly interested me in my capacity as an

Italian and as a Fascista. As an Italian, because you have spoken frank

words of cordial approval of the Government which I have the honour to

direct. I have no need to add that this cordiality is reciprocated by me

and by all Italians. There is no doubt that the elements for a practical

collaboration between the two countries exist. It is only a question of

organising this collaboration. Some things have been done, but more

remain to be done.

I will not surprise your Excellency if I point out, without going into

particulars, a problem which concerns us directly. I speak of the

problem of emigration. I limit myself only to saying that Italy would

greet with satisfaction an opening in the somewhat rigid meshes of the

Immigration Bill, so that there could be an increase in Italian

emigration to North America, and would greet with similar satisfaction

the employment of American capital in Italian enterprises. As a

Fascista, the words of your Excellency have interested me because they

reveal an exact understanding of the phenomenon and of our movement, and

constitute a sympathetic and powerful vindication of it. This fact is

the more remarkable because the Fascismo movement is so complex that the

mind of a stranger is not always the best adapted to understand it. You,

Mr. Ambassador, constitute the most brilliant exception to this rule.

Your discourse, I say, contains all the philosophy of Fascismo and of

the Fascismo endeavour, interwoven with an exaltation of strength, of

beauty, of discipline, of authority, and of the sense of responsibility.

You have been able to show, Mr. Ambassador, that in spite of the

numerous difficulties of the general situation, Fascismo has kept faith

to its promises given before the “March on Rome.” The time intervening

since those promises were made has been short, so that only a stupid

person would pretend that the work is already completed. I limit myself

to saying that I find corroboration by your Excellency that it is well

begun.

I am certain, Mr. Ambassador, that all Italians will read with emotion

the words which you have pronounced on this memorable occasion. I ask

you especially to believe this. I have heard, just now, not a discourse

in the manner and strain of an ordinary conventional speech, but a clear

and inspiring exposition of the conception of life and history which

animates Italian Fascismo. I do not believe that I exaggerate when I say

that this conception finds strong and numerous partisans even on the

other side of the ocean, among the citizens of a people who have not the

thousands of years of history behind them which we have, but who march

to-day in the vanguard of human progress. In this affinity of

conceptions I find the solid basis for the fraternal understanding

between Italy and America. The announcement that you, Mr. Ambassador,

are giving a wreath of gold to the Italian youth who will be victor in

the next Olympic competition games will win the hearts of all Italian

athletes, and of these there are, as you know, innumerable legions.

I thank your Excellency in the name of Italian youth, almost all of whom

have put on the “black shirt,” especially the young athletes, and, at

the same time that I encourage the Italo-American Society to persevere

in the execution of its splendid programme, I declare that my Government

will do whatever is necessary to develop and strengthen the economic and

political relations between the United States and Italy.

I raise my glass to the health of President Harding and the fortunes of

the great American people. (Loud applause.)

“THE GREATNESS OF THE COUNTRY WILL BE ACHIEVED BY THE NEW GENERATIONS”

Speech delivered 2nd July 1923 in Rome, at the Palazzo Venezia,

before the schoolboys of Trieste, Nicastro, Castelgandolfo, Vetralla

and Perugia and their masters, who were accompanied by

representatives of the Roman “balillas,” and had come to Rome to pay

homage at the tomb of the “Unknown Warrior,” before which they laid

a wreath of beaten iron and kneeling repeated the oath of love and

loyalty to the King and the Country. The Hon. Mussolini with the

Minister of War, General Diaz; the Under-Secretary of State for the

Presidency, Hon. Acerbo; General De Bono, the Director General of

Police; Signor Lombardo Radice, the Director General of Primary

Schools, and other officials, greeted them. The Hon. Mussolini thus

addressed the meeting:

On this radiant morning you have offered the capital a magnificent

spectacle. Romans, having lived through many millenniums of history, are

rather slow in being impressed by events and are not easily to be

carried away by excessive enthusiasm. They have certainly however been

filled to-day with admiration at this scene of promising youth which has

been offered them by the schoolboys here gathered from all parts of

Italy and especially from the “Venezia Giulia,” particularly dear to the

heart of all Italians. It was well said that in the dark pre-war days

the schools of the National League and in general the schools entrusted

to Italian masters represented the centre around which were nursed the

hopes and the faith of the Italian race. I am glad to express to you the

feelings of my brotherly sympathy. I am pleased to add that the National

Government, the Fascista Government, holds in high esteem the scholarly

characteristics and has deep respect for the teachers of all grades, of

all schools.

The Fascista Government feels and knows that the _greatness of the

country, to which all of us must consecrate the best of our energies,

will be achieved by the new generations_.

You (continued the Hon. Mussolini, turning especially to the masters),

you must be the artificers—as you show you are—of this great Italian

restoration.

The task falls on you of blending together in increasing intimacy the

intellectual life of the Italians who were slaves to Austria with that

of the Italians who rose and sacrificed themselves by hundreds of

thousands to break their fetters.

You passed before the Unknown Warrior, and you certainly gathered his

spirit; take it to Trieste near the other great spirit of him who was

the forerunner of your liberation and of ours: Guglielmo Oberdan! (Loud

applause.)

THE SITUATION ON THE RUHR AND OTHER QUESTIONS OF FOREIGN POLICY

Speech delivered 3rd July 1923, at the Council of Ministers.

Honourable Ministers and Colleagues,—From my last detailed declarations

of Foreign Policy made at the Senate up to to-day the salient events of

international politics are the following:

_The Bulgarian Coup d’état._ The first is the Bulgarian _coup d’état_,

following which the opponents of the Fascista Government fell into

certain paradoxical misunderstandings. The end of Stambuliski and the

advent of Zankoff aroused a certain ferment in some of the countries of

the Little Entente. Italy at once took a moderating action in the right

quarters and the complications feared were averted.

_The Treaty of Lausanne._ The signing of the Peace Treaty of Lausanne

seems imminent.

_The Situation in the Ruhr._ In the last few days the situation in the

Ruhr has become aggravated. On one side the passive resistance

continues; on the other, the occupation is extended and intensified by

measures of a nature increasingly political and military. A general

repercussion of this crisis, which seems to have reached its acute

stage, is felt by the European exchanges, which are all falling, not

excluding the English sovereign, as compared with the dollar.

The attempt made by the Pope, so noble in its humanitarian and European

aims, has not modified the situation. On the day after the letter to

Cardinal Gasparri there was, on the part of the French, Poincaré’s

speech, which had the unanimous approval of the Senate, and, on the same

day, the fearful act of “sabotage” which cost the lives of many Belgian

soldiers. All this does not represent a _détente_ but an aggravation of

the situation.

In the meanwhile, following the solution of the Belgian crisis, it has

been possible to resume diplomatic action. Italy participates directly

in it, and as soon as she sees the problem on its way to complete

solution, will signify her consent to those propositions of the

Memorandum of London, from which none of the projects presented

afterwards has departed, that is to say: connection of the problem of

Reparations with that of Inter-Allied debts; sufficient moratorium to

Germany; the fixing of a definite amount; rational scheme for payment;

solid guarantees of an economic nature and, hence, renunciation on the

part of France of the territorial occupation of the Ruhr.

As for passive resistance, the Italian Government thinks that it is not

in Germany’s interest to prolong it, because she cannot hope to weaken

France nor can she delude herself that she may obtain outside help.

It is certainly necessary urgently to hasten the possibility of an

agreement, as the occupation of the Ruhr has weighed heavily on the

economic life of Europe, delaying its recovery.

_Fiume._ As to the question of Fiume, representations have been made to

Belgrade so that negotiations might be conducted more equably, in view

of the situation of the town and of the necessity of putting on a normal

footing the relations between the two countries. (The Council approves

the declarations of the Hon. Mussolini.)

THE ELECTORAL REFORM BILL

Speech delivered at the Chamber of Deputies on 16th July 1923.

Honourable Gentlemen,—I should have preferred to speak to this Assembly

on that question of Foreign Policy which at this moment interests Italy

and fills the world with excitement: I mean the Ruhr. I should have

proved that the action of Italy is autonomous, and is inspired by the

protection of our interests and also by the need generally felt to get

out of a crisis which impoverishes and humiliates our continent.

(Assent.) I promise myself to do so shortly, if the Chamber does not

have the whim to-day of dying before its time. (Laughter and prolonged

comments.) My speech will be calm and measured, although fundamentally

forceful. It will be composed of two parts: one that I should like to

call “negative,” and another which I shall call “positive.”

After all, I am not sorry that the discussion has gone, little or far,

beyond the limits in which it could have been confined. The discussion

on the Electoral Bill has offered opportunity to the Opposition to

reveal itself, to move, from all its sections, from all its benches, to

an attack against the policy and the political system of my Government.

It will not surprise you, therefore, if, although not entering into

details of all the speeches, I pick out from what has been said by the

principal speakers those arguments and those propositions which I must

definitely refute.

_Warning to the Popular Party._ As the speech by the Hon. Petrillo was

favourable to the Government, it is not worth while to busy ourselves

with it. (Laughter.)

I shall give my attention to the speech delivered by the Hon. Gronchi,—a

speech fine as regards its form, and perhaps still finer as regards its

contents. The Hon. Gronchi has once again offered the Government a

collaboration of convenience, as in those _mariages de convenance_ which

do not last or which end in ceaseless yawns. (Comment.)

Your collaboration, Gentlemen of the Popular Party, largely consists of

details omitted. Your party, too, shows the same weakness. You should

set to work and clear them up.

I do not know for how long these elements who wish to collaborate

legally with the National Government can still remain united with your

party, together with those who would wish to do so but cannot, because

their inmost feelings do not allow them this step and this

collaboration. You certainly know me well enough to understand that, as

far as political discussion goes, I am intransigent. The small fry of

the two-fifths and of the three-quarters or some other fraction of this

electoral arithmetic does not interest nor concern me. Politics cannot

be compared to a retail business. (Assent and comment.) To be or not to

be! I am such a poor electoralist that I could even let you have the

thirty or forty deputies who satisfy you; but I do not give them to you,

as this would be immoral, because it would represent a transaction which

must be repugnant to your conscience, as it is to mine. (Assent and

comment.) In fact, I cannot accept a kind of Malthusian collaboration!

(Laughter and approval.)

_The Russian and the Italian Revolutions both tend to overcome all

Ideologies._ The speech delivered by the Hon. Labriola was certainly

powerful. He said that Ministerial crises are a substitute for

revolution. He should have said “Ersatz,” because substitutes, since

the war, are of German origin. That is too like the opinion of a

herbalist to be accepted. It may be that the want of Ministerial

crises leads to revolution, but here you have an example that shows

how excessive Ministerial crises lead also to revolution. But, above

all, it astounded me to hear the Hon. Labriola still employ the old

vocabulary of second-class Socialist literature, speaking of

bourgeoisie and proletariat—two entities clearly defined and

perpetually in a state of antagonism. It is certainly true that there

is not one bourgeoisie, but there are, perhaps, twenty-four or

forty-eight bourgeoisies and under-bourgeoisies. The same can be said

of the proletariat. What relation can there be between a workman of

the “Fiat” factory—specialised, refined, with tendencies and tastes

already bourgeois, who earns thirty to fifty lire a day—what relation

can there be between this so-called proletarian and the poor peasant

of Southern Italy, who despairingly scrapes his land burnt by the sun?

(Assent and comments.)

The Hon. Labriola has said that only the proletariat can give itself the

luxury of a dictatorship. This is a mistake which is proved and can be

proved. The only example of dictatorship is offered us by Russia. But

the Hon. Labriola has written dozens of articles to prove that

dictatorship does not exist in Russia and that dictatorship is not “of”

but “upon” the proletariat. All those who govern the Russian States are

professors, lawyers, economists, literary men, men of talent; that is to

say, men coming from the professional classes, from the bourgeoisie.

The fault which the Hon. Labriola lays on us, finding an analogy between

the methods and the evolution of the Russian and of the Italian

revolution, does not exist. And here I make a simple statement of

historical order. It is a fact that both revolutions tend to destroy all

the ideologies and in a certain sense the Liberal and Democratic

institutions which were the outcome of the French Revolution.

_Italy pulled herself together after Caporetto, because the necessary

Discipline of War was imposed on her._ During the last few days use and

abuse of a polemic method have been made, that of unearthing the

writings and opinions of the past to employ them as a weapon in the

present dispute. This is a very wretched system which I am going to use

against those who have adopted it.

In his speech the Hon. Alessio has stated that the defeat of the Central

Empires was due to the deficiency of their representative organs. This

is a totally one-sided explanation. There has been a war; millions of

men have fought against the Central Empires and defeated them. Another

mistake is to say that after Caporetto Italy pulled herself together

because she had regained her liberty. Nothing of the kind! The reason is

that the necessary war discipline was imposed upon her. (Loud applause

on the Right.) I am not one of those who think that Caporetto was due

entirely to the disintegration of the country in rear of the fighting

front. It was a military reverse in its causes and development; but

there is no doubt that the atmosphere of the country, an atmosphere of

leniency and of excessive tolerance, has produced disturbing moral

phenomena which must have contributed to our reverse.

_The Dawn of Italian Risorgimento came from the Bourgeoisie of Naples._

The other statement made by the Hon. Alessio, that the Italian

Risorgimento represented the efforts of the Italian lower classes, is

superficial. Alas! it is not so. The Italian lower classes were absent

and often hostile to it. The first dawn of the Italian Risorgimento came

from Naples, from that bourgeoisie of intelligent and gallant

professional men which in Southern Italy represents a class

historically, politically and morally well-defined. (Applause and

assent.) Those who at Nola in 1821 hoisted the standard of revolution

against the Bourbons were two cavalry officers. All the noble

martyrology of the Italian Risorgimento is formed out of elements of the

bourgeoisie. Nothing is sadder than the useless sacrifice of the

Bandiera brothers. And when you think of the tragedy of Carlo Pisacane

you are thrilled! (Applause.) I should like to deny that Giuseppe

Mazzini himself can be included in Democracy. His methods were certainly

not democratic. He was very consistent in his aims, but how many times

was he not incoherent and changeable in his means?

_The Expedition to the Crimea really prepared the way for the Unity of

Italy._ And what about Cavour? I think that the event which really

prepared the way for the unity of the country was the expedition to the

Crimea,—(Comment.)—which represents one of the most noteworthy in

history. I recall it because it shows how in solemn hours the decision

is left to one man, who must consult only his own conscience. (Applause

and comment.) When General Dabormida refused to sign the Treaty of

Alliance with France and with England, Cavour, on the same evening of

the 1st of January 1855, signed it without consulting Parliament or the

Council of Ministers, and signed it above all at his discretion without

imposing any condition whatsoever. It was a stroke of rashness that you

might call sublime. Cavour himself recognised it, and when writing to

Count Oldofredi, he said: “I have taken a tremendous responsibility on

my shoulders. It does not matter. Let happen what may. My conscience

tells me that I have fulfilled a sacred duty!”

When the soldiers of the small and valiant Piedmont were on the point of

leaving, the discussion in the Subalpine Parliament took place, and

Angelo Brofferio, a kind of Cavallotti of the time,—(Comment.)—accused

Cavour of not having a definite political line of conduct. It is really

worth while to read part of this speech, because it closely recalls the

speeches which during the present week have been made in this hall.

“Our Ministers,” said Angelo Brofferio, “represent all ideas and all

convictions. At one time they become Conservatives and withhold the Jury

from the Press; another time they ape the Democrats and raise cries

against usurpations of Rome; still another time they throw off the mask

and become retrogrades in order to unite with Austria!”

Angelo Brofferio ends with these really singular words: “Where is in

this system respect for convention and for constitutional morality?”

and, referring to the Treaty, he added: “May God preserve us from that

sinister eventuality! But if you agree to this Treaty, the prostitution

of Piedmont and the ruin of Italy will be accomplished facts!”

It is curious, also, that another powerful ideologist, certainly sacred

to the memory of all Italians, Giuseppe Mazzini, was very much against

this Treaty, even to the extent of calling “deported” the Piedmontese

soldiers who were leaving for the Crimea and of inciting them to desert!

But Garibaldi, a far more practical leader, had an intuition of the

fundamental importance of the Treaty of Alliance between Piedmont and

Western Powers. “Italy,” said Garibaldi, “should lose no opportunity of

unfurling her flag on the battlefield which might recall to European

nations her political existence.”

To-day you certainly all agree in recognising that history has shown

that Angelo Brofferio was in the wrong and Camillo Benso, Count of

Cavour, was entirely in the right. (Assent.)

_The Moral Unity of the Italian People._ The speech delivered by the

Hon. Amendola is, after that of the Hon. Labriola, more worthy of being

analysed. He said: “The Italian people are affected by a moral and

spiritual crisis, which is certainly connected with our intervention,

with the war, and with the after-war period,” and he concluded by

suggesting that it is necessary to give to this Italian people its moral

unity. Well, we must be clear. What means “moral unity of the Italian

people”? A minimum common denominator, a common field for action, in

which all the National Parties meet and understand each other, a general

levelling of all opinions, of all convictions, of all parties? For me it

is sufficient that moral unity should exist in certain decisive hours of

the life of the people. We cannot expect to have it on all days and on

all questions. On the other hand I firmly believe that this moral,

fundamental unity of the Italian people is already at work. We ourselves

see it realised, perhaps not so much by our political work as by the

war, which has made Italians know one another, and has thrown them

together, making of this small peninsula of ours a kind of family.

Many local boundaries which separated provinces and regions have

disappeared. Now we must complete the work. The Hon. Bentini, speaking

of the freedom of the Press, to which subject we will return later,

quoted the episode of Garibaldi and Dumas. I fully approve the answer

given by Garibaldi. But I ask you—if the newspaper _Indipendente_ had,

by chance, published news concerning the movements of the Garibaldian

troops or discrediting the military action, do you think that Garibaldi

would not have suppressed that paper? (Assent and comment.)

_We have the Power—we shall hold it and defend it against all!_ But in

the speech by the Hon. Bentini, what is particularly singular is the

confusion between tactics and political strategy. To-day it is possible

to win many battles and the war can be lost or won. What happened? You

had brilliant tactical results, but afterwards you had not the courage

of undertaking what was necessary to reach the final goal. You conquered

a great many outlying communes, provinces and institutions, and you did

not understand that all this was perfectly useless if, at a given

moment, you had not become masters of the brains, of the heart of the

nation,—(Interruptions on the Extreme Left.)—if, that is to say, you had

not the courage of making use of a political strategy. To-day your

chance is over, and do not delude yourselves!

History offers certain chances only once. (Assent on the Extreme Right.)

But to understand this law it is necessary, Honourable Gentlemen, to

keep before you two very simple considerations, and they are these:

there has been a war which has shifted interests, which has modified

ideas, which has exasperated feelings, and there has also been a

revolution. To make a revolution it is not necessary to play the great

drama of the arena. We have left many dead on the roads to Rome and

naturally anybody who deludes himself is a fool. _We have the power and

we shall hold it. We shall defend it against anybody!_

The revolution lies in this firm determination to hold power! (Assent

and comment.)

_The Italian People under the Domination of a Liberticidal Government,

groaning under the Fetters of Slavery?_ And now I come to the practical

side of the discussion.

They speak of liberty. But what is this liberty? Does liberty exist?

After all, it represents a philosophical and moral concept. There are

various manifestations of liberty. Liberty never existed. The Socialists

have always denied it. The liberty of work has never been admitted by

you. You have beaten the blackleg when he presented himself at the

factories when the other workmen were on strike. (Applause:

interruptions by the Extreme Left.)

But then is it really true and proved that the Italian people are under

the domination of a liberticidal Government, and groans in the fetters

of slavery? Is mine a liberticidal Government?

In the social field, No! I had the courage to transform the eight hours

day into a law of the State. (Comments on the Extreme Left.) Do not

despise this victory; do not undervalue it. (Assent.) I have approved

all the social and pacifist Conventions of Washington. What has this

Government done in the political field? It is said that Democracy lies

where suffrage is widened. Well, this Government has maintained

universal suffrage. And, although Italian women, who are intelligent

enough to exact it, had not done so, I have given it, be it only as

regards the municipal elections to from six to eight millions of women!

No exceptional laws were passed,—(Comments on the Extreme Left.)—and the

regulation of the Press is not an exceptional law.