Birth of Prince Guidobaldo--Count Federigo captures
Volterra--Is again widowed--Receives the Garter and the
Ermine--Is made Duke of Urbino--His patronage of learned
men.
Eleven years had now gone by since the marriage of Federigo, and had
given him eight daughters. Although the laws of succession were
neither well defined nor rigorously adhered to among Italian
feudatories, a general desire to see the sovereignty secured in the
line of one so justly beloved was felt throughout his state. For an
object beyond human aid recourse was had to the Disposer of all good,
and to Him were the prayers both of sovereigns and subjects
continuously addressed for the blessing of a boy. We are told by
Odasio, that the anxious Battista hesitated not to offer her own life
in return for the boon of a son worthy of his father; and he gravely
attests this supernatural answer to her own and her people's
intercession. She saw in a dream a lovely phoenix perched upon a
lofty tree, which, after sitting there for thirty-six days, winged its
flight heavenward until it touched the sun, and then disappeared in
flames. Coincident with this vision was the fulfilment of her desire,
and in due time she presented her delighted husband and subjects with
a beautiful boy.[158] As her dream occurred while resident at Gubbio,
and in supposed response to appeals addressed through S. Ubaldo, the
patron of that city, she was careful that her confinement should
likewise take place under his auspices. The child was born there on
the 17th or 24th of January, 1472,[*159] and whilst the grateful piety
of his parents ordered solemn public devotional acknowledgments for
the boon, the universal joy was testified by popular festivities and
illuminations, which were prolonged until Lent set in. A few days
after his birth he was baptised in the cathedral with becoming
solemnity by the Bishop, Antonio de' Severi. The names selected were
GUIDO PAULO UBALDO, of which the second seems never to have been used:
the first was, as we have seen, of historical illustration in the
family of Montefeltro; the last acknowledged the presumed mediation of
the Gubbian saint.[160]
[Footnote 158: BEMBI, _Opera_, I., p. 588. The portentous tale is
gravely repeated by BALDI in his _Life of Duke Guidobaldo_; and as an
instance of the twaddle of Italian biographies, we may translate
literally the reverend abbot's exposition of the exertions through
which the Count and Countess at length obtained a male heir:
"Meanwhile, being both of them resolved to leave nothing untried,
they, under the direction of prudent physicians, unceasingly employed
potent remedies, calculated to invigorate them, and, in as far as
practicable, to supply by artificial means the defects of nature.
Aware more especially of the efficacy of pious works, accompanied by
righteous and fervent prayers to the Most High, they distributed vast
alms, aiding them with vows and with public and private prayers."
After this sample, we need not dwell upon the prodigies preceding, nor
the astrological calculations occasioned by the appearance of the
_dieu-donné_.]
[Footnote *159: 24 January, 1472. Cf. UGOLINI, _op. cit._, vol. I., p.
497. Cf. _infra_, p. 282.]
[Footnote 160: Berni, the annalist of Gubbio, says the names were
Ubaldo Girolamo Vincenzio.]
The next partial interruption to the peace which reigned through the
Peninsula arose on the side of Tuscany, and called forth the energies
of Federigo. There are varying accounts how the squabbles of a few
miners brought on a sanguinary contest; but its origin may thus be
explained. Volterra, though nominally independent, was tributary to
Florence, and under her protection. That community possessed a wide
extent of rocky and barren pastures, leased annually by auction for
the public good. The poverty of their surface was amply compensated by
minerals buried under an arid volcanic soil, which contained abundance
of alum, vitriol, salt, and sulphur, besides a sprinkling of precious
metals. Some enterprising speculators having obtained a five years'
lease of a portion of these grazing lands, formed a mining company
along with several Florentine capitalists. The success attending their
adventure roused the jealousy of certain Volterran citizens, who
grudging such gains at the public expense raised a riot, in which the
company's works were injured. The merchants of Florence appealed to
their own government, and the intervention thus commenced led to
further outrages, until, at the instance of Lorenzo de' Medici, an
expedition to humble this contumacy was resolved on. After explaining
to the confederate powers the causes of quarrel, the Florentine
executive thus announced to their troops Count Federigo's appointment
as their leader:--
"On looking round for a captain worthy of your valour, there has been
no difficulty in finding one, who from his earliest years has been
signalised, under the eyes of you all, by so many and great feats of
arms, that there cannot be a question whom you ought to ask for, and
we to give. In former times it has frequently happened that a safe
commander has been discovered after great exertions and amid grievous
perils. But, in this menacing war, the skill, gallantry, influence,
and good fortune of the Lord of Urbino save us all trouble in
searching out a leader for our army." Federigo was accordingly placed
at the head of a hastily mustered force, estimated by Machiavelli at
above ten thousand men, though stated much more moderately by
Ammirato. Loathing the horrors of an almost civil contest, the Count
anxiously desired an amicable arrangement, or, failing that, a prompt
issue of this petty quarrel. In a few days he overran the territory
"Of lordly Volaterra,
Where scowls the far-famed hold
Piled by the hands of giants,
For god-like kings of old;"
and from his quarters at Mazzola, within four miles of their gates,
dissuaded the authorities from an unavailing defence, urging,
according to Baldi, among other motives for wishing to spare their
city, that it was the birthplace of Persius the poet, and offering his
mediation to procure for them favourable terms. The magistracy,
turning a deaf ear alike to friendly remonstrances and classic
associations, began to fortify the place, although without a single
ally, and unable to engage more than a thousand stipendiaries. To the
infinite disgust of the Florentine commissaries, who desired to humble
and punish a rebellious vassal, Federigo allowed the defences to be
completed, on pretext of awaiting reinforcements of his own, and the
pontifical troops, but in the secret hope that emissaries whom he had
sent among the citizens might have better success in conciliatory
representations. His forbearance was, however, unavailing against
obstinate infatuation, and on the arrival of these auxiliaries, a
bombardment was begun from the eastern side of the town. Its site was
naturally strong, and the tactics of a siege were then always
dilatory, so three weeks passed ere a breach was effected in the wall,
and even then several days were spent in bringing up to it covered
approaches for the assaulting party. The stipendiaries, regarding the
cause as hopeless, now deserted, and the citizens deemed it full time
to sue for terms. After negotiations, which were remitted to Florence,
it was agreed to surrender the place, on a pledge that life and
property would be spared, and that the past would be buried in
oblivion. But the authorities, apprehending from their own populace
and garrison an outbreak of indignation against these conditions,
stipulated that troops should be secretly introduced for preservation
of order, preparatory to admitting the besiegers. By some
mismanagement, this attempt led to renewed hostilities from the town,
but the citadel falling into the hands of the companies who had been
so admitted, consternation and confusion spread on all sides. At this
juncture a cry was raised from within that the sack was begun, and
that all who wished for a share of plunder should look to it.
Other accounts tell us that the walls were carried by assault on the
18th of June, and that a capitulation was then agreed on, by which
only certain municipal privileges were surrendered by the city; but
that, as the troops entered, an alarm arose of some treacherous
movement on the part of the populace, whereupon the Milanese
contingent rushed headlong upon them, and commenced a general pillage.
Federigo, who had remained outside with the artillery, was made aware
of the bloody scenes passing within by cries from the outraged
citizens. He instantly proclaimed by trumpet a cessation of
hostilities and plunder, commanding all to their quarters, and
enjoining the arrest of stragglers. Hurrying to the scene of horrors,
he rode among the excited multitude, exerting himself to save the aged
and infants, and to protect the women and convents. He compelled the
soldiery to lay down their ill-gotten burdens, especially all sacred
utensils, and hanged on the spot a Venetian and a Sienese commissary,
the alleged authors of this insubordination. But diabolical passions
thus roused brooked no control. Hours elapsed, indeed, according to
some authorities nightfall arrived, ere the savages could be called
off their quarry.
Such appears the substance of numerous contradictory accounts of this
unfortunate and mysterious affair.[161] There can be little doubt that
it originated in the licentious habits and lax discipline then usual
in Italian armies, who looked on plunder as the chief end of war, and
regarded pillage as a right rather than a military offence. Almost
every writer acquits the Count of blame, and the only imputation
against him arose from the terms of a general order, proclaiming death
to every soldier found within the walls at sundown, which have been
misconstrued into an implied permission for outrage till that hour. It
was reserved for flatterers of an after age to soil his fair fame by
an invention which they meant as incense to his memory. In proof at
once of his moderation and lettered taste, he is stated by these to
have contented himself with a great Hebrew Bible as his share of the
booty. No contemporary gives the slightest foundation for such a tale,
nor have I at all traced to Volterra that curious MS. which will be
described in VI. of the Appendices. If found there and abstracted at
the siege, it was not improbably presented to Federigo by the grateful
authorities of Florence, from whom he refused any pay, serving them
for love, whilst, in the words of old Sanzi,
"He nothing brought away but honour bright,
Which every other treasure far outshines."[162]
[Footnote 161: The tract by Ivano (? Hyvanus), printed in vol. XXXIII.
of Muratori, is diffuse and unsatisfactory, although he was an
official of Volterra. I prefer the contemporary narratives of
Porcellio and Vespasiano, Vat. Urb. MSS. Nos. 373 and 941. I have also
consulted the epics of Sanzi and Naldo, Rinuccini's _Ricordi_, and a
number of unimportant narratives and documents in the public library
of Volterra, as well as the standard Italian histories.]
[Footnote 162: There is in the Albani library at Rome a MS. by Giunta,
where I found it stated that the Count asked and obtained this Bible
of the magistracy, in exchange for the standards taken at Volterra.]
His return from this rapid campaign to the beautiful Queen of Arnoa
was a triumphal pageant. Its enthusiastic population met him beyond
the gates, and escorted him with acclamations through streets draped
with tapestries and rich brocades. In the piazza he was welcomed by
the magistrates with a complimentary oration, and at a public banquet
received as appropriate gifts the colours of the republic, a handsome
charger richly caparisoned, together with a silver helmet, studded
with jewels, and chased in gold by the marvellous chisel of
Pollaiuolo.[163] Besides a substantial guerdon of lands, houses,
brocade stuffs, and vases brimming with bullion, conferred on
Federigo, valuable commercial exemptions were decreed in favour of the
subjects of Urbino, and three days of uninterrupted festivity scarcely
abated the popular rejoicings. Not less valuable in his eyes was the
compliment which his good service earned from a private citizen.
Poggio Bracciolino being on the outlook for a patron for his _History
of the Florentines_, deemed it could be most appropriately inscribed
to one who had just crowned their arms with signal success.
[Footnote 163: Sanzi tells us its crest was Hercules trampling on a
griffin (the device of Volterra), which lay wounded, plucked of its
pinions, and chained by the neck. How often has it happened that art,
capable of ennobling the meanest materials, is lost to the world from
being employed on those whose intrinsic value is a temptation to
ignorant cupidity. This helmet might now bring tenfold the price for
which it probably was broken up!]
The star of Federigo's fortunes now reached its zenith. The scattered
mountain fiefs held by his ancestors had been concentrated by his
first marriage, and extended by his policy or prowess.[164] His second
nuptials, long crowned by singular domestic felicity, had at length
given him an heir. He had founded palaces and churches worthy the
admiration of coming generations. He had wielded the batons, and he
enjoyed the affectionate respect, of the five great Peninsular powers.
He saw the wars, which had yielded him laurels and enriched his
state, subside into a peace still more beneficial to his subjects and
conducive to his tastes. But, as old Sanzi moralises,
"The spider's most attenuated thread
Is cord, is cable to man's tender tie
Of earthly bliss: it breaks with every breeze."
[Footnote 164: It may not be inappropriate here to glance at the
territorial limits which, under him, were erected into the duchy of
Urbino, and their gradual increment from the petty holding of
Montefeltro, which was at first narrow in extent and poor in all but
defence. Lying in the furthest highlands of Umbria, its soil and
climate yielded nature's bounties but sparingly, though its fastnesses
bred bold hearts and stout sinews. The township of Urbino, over which
its counts extended their authority, added little to their limited
territory. Those of Gubbio, Cagli, and Cantiano, which next came under
their rule, lay many miles from their mountain home, separated by an
Apennine rampart, and the valleys of the Foglia and Metauro, as well
as by the Brancaleoni fiefs. These scattered domains were concentrated
by Federigo's first marriage, which gave him all Massa Trabaria from
the Foglia to the Cantiano. His purchase of Fossombrone and his
conquests from the Malatesta extended his frontier to the Vicariat of
Sinigaglia, which he lived to see conferred on his daughter's husband.
His long struggles with Sigismondo Pandolfo were further compensated
by Tavoleto, Sassocorbaro, S. Leo, Sta. Agata, and Castel d'Elce,
establishing his sway over what had been hitherto at best debatable
land, to the extreme northern boundary of the state. Although precise
limits cannot now be defined, it would seem that Count Federigo nearly
trebled the territory which had obeyed his brother, and the only
important addition subsequently made consisted of the sea-board
brought to it by his grandson Francesco Maria I.]
Scarcely had he quitted the scene of his triumphs, in order to bear
tidings of them to one whose sympathy would have enhanced their
sweets, when an express met him with alarming news of her health.
Riding day and night, he reached Gubbio on the 6th of July, just in
time to close the eyes of his Countess. We are fortunately enabled to
give in his own words all the particulars which have reached us of
this melancholy event.[165]
[Footnote 165: The first of the letters here introduced was addressed
to his allies, the magistrates of Siena, in the archives of which city
I found the Italian original. The next, without address, but probably
for the King of Naples or the Duke of Milan, and the two following
extracts, are copied from the volume of his Latin letters already
quoted. Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1198. Muzio and Baldi by mistake place
Battista's death in 1474.]
[Illustration: _Alinari_
BATTISTA SFORZA, DUCHESS OF URBINO, SECOND WIFE OF DUKE FEDERIGO
_From the bust by Francesco Laurana in the Bargello, Florence_]
"Mighty and potent Lords, dearest Fathers,
"With such bitter and heartfelt grief as your magnificent
lordships may suppose, I inform you that, my wife Battista
having sickened on Tuesday the last ultimo with fever and
headache, our Lord God has taken to himself her soul at four
o'clock to-night of this 6th instant [_i.e._ 11 p.m.], after
she had received all the sacraments with the utmost
devotion, leaving me as afflicted, disconsolate, and unhappy
as any one can be in this world. Medical men were in
attendance, both those of the Lord Messer Alessandro [Sforza
of Pesaro] and others from Perugia, and my own, but neither
physicians nor physic had power to aid her. I arrived but
this morning, and found her in a happy frame of mind. The
funeral service will be celebrated at Urbino on the 17th of
August. I commend myself to your lordships; from Gubbio
this 6th of [July], 1472.
"FEDERIGO COUNT OF MONTEFELTRO, URBINO, AND DURANTE,
Captain-general of the Most Serene League."
* * * * *
"By the letters recently received from your Serene Highness,
I readily conceived how much regret the death of my wife
Battista has occasioned you, and although your remarkable
courtesy had already assured me of this, yet to ascertain it
from your own missives afforded me the best of all
consolation: for who is there, though struck by deep grief
(as indeed I am by the deepest of all), who would not feel
it alleviated, when so illustrious a personage thus
willingly lends his sympathy. I have indeed lost a wife, the
ornament of my house and the devoted sharer of my fortunes,
and hence have too much cause for affliction; but so
opportune were your most judicious letters, filled with such
sensible suggestions, that my grief is now greatly
mitigated. I therefore give your Highness much thanks, to
whose kindness I am thus greatly beholden; and it has been
my best solace that so illustrious a Prince will never be
wanting to me in prosperity or in misfortune. Under such
obligations my service, should occasion ever offer of
rendering it available, will be the more freely proffered,
faithfully dedicated as it is to your Highness, to whom I
most humbly commend myself."
Another letter still more touchingly expresses his feelings on this
bereavement. It may have been addressed to the secretary of the Duke
of Milan, who had sent an ambassador to attend the obsequies of
Battista. "No book lore, no personal experience, could state better
than your very elegant letter the vanity of human hopes. Most
consolatory has it proved to me, describing so appropriately and
feelingly my varied fortune;--the affair of Volterra, the honours
with which the distinguished government of Florence has complimented
me, and my secret delight while returning homewards to rejoin my
circle, my sweet children, my wife, precious above aught else--these
all at once transmuted by a death blow, to me the most calamitous.
Most impressively have you set forth my affliction, and the loss I
have publicly and privately sustained: by such things may indeed be
seen the uncertain issues of earthly events."
Again, in thanking the Pope for his condolence, the bereaved Count
adds, "For many reasons her death was a grievous vexation, for she was
the beloved consort of my fortunes and domestic cares, the delight
equally of my public and private hours, so that no greater misfortune
could have befallen me."
[Illustration: _Alinari_
FEDERIGO OF URBINO AND HIS FAMILY
_Detail from the picture by Giusto di Gand, in the Palazzo Ducale,
Urbino._
(_From the Ducal Collection_)]
At a court already attractive to men of literary pretensions, many
were ready to take up a theme recommended by sympathy and gratitude.
The funeral oration by Antonio Campano, Bishop of Teramo, was printed
at Cagli in 1476, and would now be a prize to collectors. The Vatican
Library contains several others in manuscript, overflowing with
adulation, which for once was well bestowed.[166] Battista was a
remarkable instance of the transmission of talent by female descent.
Her great-grandmother, Battista di Montefeltro, already celebrated in
these pages,[167] though married to a man of miserable character, had
a daughter Elisabetta Malatesta, who inherited her misfortunes as well
as her genius. Elisabetta's daughter was Costanza Varana, the
associate of scholars and philosophers, whose gifts she is said to
have rivalled, notwithstanding an early death that deprived her infant
Battista of a mother's care. The babe began her letters when three
years old, and at four was removed to the court of her uncle,
Francesco Sforza, where she was put forward to deliver publicly a
Latin oration, during the festivities following upon his installation
as Duke of Milan. This display of infantine self-possession and
memory, indicating at all events a tractable disposition, has, with
fulsome adulation, been magnified as evidence of extraordinary
precocious talent, and has been retailed without inquiry, as if her
discourse had been an extempore effusion.[168] On the strength of this
reputation, when returned home she was made to welcome her father's
more distinguished guests in public harangues, a discipline which,
however injudicious, does not seem to have prevented her rapid
acquisition of solid knowledge, nor to have interfered with her
progress in those useful accomplishments of the needle which then
formed the resource of high-born dames. The peculiarity of her
character was a sedate temperament, that enabled her to take her place
with singular judgment in the household of her widowed father, and
gained for her several proposals of marriage even earlier than was
usual in Italy. The circumstances of her union with Federigo have been
noticed in 1459, and although our narrative has rarely named her, we
are assured that during his frequent and prolonged absences, her
judgment and tact were equally manifested in public affairs and in the
management of her domestic concerns. It is startling to find her at
fourteen a mother, and virtually regent of his state whilst he was
employed in the war of the Neapolitan succession during 1461 and 1462.
She spent the spring of both these years with him in winter quarters,
the former at Magliano on the northern limit of the Campagna; the
latter in the Eternal City, where she interchanged complimentary
harangues in Latin with the diplomatic body, and where Pius II.,
himself no mean critic, praised her eloquence as equalled only by her
discretion, and pronounced that fame had understated her merits. On
this occasion, among other distinctions, his Holiness received her in
full consistory, and conferred the spurs of knighthood on twelve of
her suite. Yet these flattering demonstrations in no respect marred
the freshness of her character, and devotional observances were the
chief object of her visit to Rome. Though gifted with beauty of a high
caste, simple dress and manners were her delight, and it was only on
state occasions that, indulging her husband's taste rather than her
own fancy, she displayed such magnificent attire as is represented in
the characteristic portrait here introduced. It is very happily
rendered from the original in the Uffizi Gallery at Florence, where
profile likenesses of herself and her husband are enclosed in one
frame. They were painted by Piero della Francesca, court limner of
Urbino, whom we shall mention in our twenty-seventh chapter, and
afford highly interesting specimens of early portraiture and mediæval
costume. The Countess wears a robe of boldly flowered brocade, from
beneath which emerges the richly bullioned sleeve of her vest. Her
jewels are massive but elegant; her elaborate head-dress tastefully
disposes a superabundance of luxurious hair--the distinctive beauty of
Italian women. Yet a fashion of shaving above the forehead has
somewhat marred the harmony of her features, by unduly exposing her
"modest and majestic eye." This happily descriptive epithet we owe to
Giovanni Sanzi, who knew her well, and scanned her features with an
artist's glance; but his tribute merits an extract.
[Footnote 166: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 324, 373, 727, 1193, 1236, 1272.]
[Footnote 167: See _ante_, p. 39, for Battista the elder.]
[Footnote 168: A relic of like strange perversion of childhood still
obtains at Rome, in the displays at the Aracoeli Church from
Christmas to Epiphany, where girls of five years old are elevated on a
table and spout to assembled crowds the events of the Nativity.]
"Then closed that modest and majestic eye.
Her pious soul, from mundane risks released,
To God its rapid flight devoutly winged,
Leaving a tearful household, and the state
Grief-stricken, whilst Italia's noblest names
Partook their sorrow."
Muzio says, that by "her death was dissolved the most honoured,
fitting, and congruous union of that or any other age."
The obsequies, as announced by Federigo to the Priors of Siena, were
celebrated with singular magnificence on the 17th of August, in the
Church of S. Bernardino, at Urbino. They were attended by thirty-eight
envoys from the princes, cities, and great feudatories of Italy,
excluding those of Venice and Siena, retarded by bad weather. These
deputations formed a retinue of three hundred and sixteen nobles,
besides two hundred and ninety belonging to the court of Urbino, and
three hundred and eight ecclesiastics. The procession was swelled by
crowds of citizens from every town in the state, so that nearly 2000
appeared in mourning garb.[169] The Countess left six daughters and an
infant son, the care of whom was a serious burden to her lord. But
Sanzi tells us that,
"Feeling at length how sad and profitless
It were on this dark world his hopes to rest,
His grief within his inmost heart he hid,
And mastered it in grave and modest guise."[170]
[Footnote 169: Campano's funeral oration, Vat. Ottob. MSS., No. 3135,
f. 274.]
[Footnote 170: Porcellio, in his Feltria, Vat. Urb. MSS. 710,
describes his emotions in these rough lines:--
"Ipse domum rediens primum vacua atria lustrat,
Mox semota petens, clausis de more fenestris,
In luctu et lacrymis, nigraque in veste sedebat.
Pullati incedunt comites, famulique minores,
Ac nigra sunt mensi mantilia, nigra supellex,
Et thalamum infaustum velamina nigra tegebant."]
The next two years were chiefly passed at home, in bringing his mind
to this pious resignation, in urging forward his palaces, and in
administering his authority for the welfare of an attached people. Of
an existence so tranquil and pleasing no glimpses are transmitted to
us by his biographers, for it was barren of those martial feats which
they considered the almost exclusive field of their labours. But from
its not inglorious repose he was called to new honours.
On the 20th of August, 1474, he entered Rome with an escort of two
thousand horse. Next morning he was summoned to receive the dignity of
Duke from Sixtus, who met him in the great doorway of St. Peter's.
There was, however, the preliminary compliment of creating him Knight
of St. Peter, in this form. The Pontiff being seated on his throne,
the Count was placed on his left, just below the cardinals. High mass
having proceeded as far as the _gloria_, he was led by the Pope's
favourite nephews, Girolamo Riario and Giovanni della Rovere, in front
of the throne, and knelt on its steps, while Sixtus, taking from one
of them the sword of St. Peter, elaborately blessed it, and placed it
in his hands, with an injunction to wield it for the Church, and
against the enemies of Christ's cross. He was then girt with it by
Cardinal Orsini, the nephews meanwhile buckling on his golden spurs,
and at a signal from the master of ceremonies, he drew and twice
brandished it, returning it to its scabbard. These accoutrements being
removed, mass was continued, and, whilst the litanies were chanted, he
took the usual oath of fidelity, returning thereafter to his place.
Before reading of the Gospel he was conducted to the sacristy by
Cardinals Gonzaga and Zeno, where his knightly mantle of gold brocade
having been replaced by a ducal robe of similar material, he was again
led to his place. The Gospel being concluded, he was taken by them
during the offertory once more before his Holiness, who, as Federigo
stooped to kiss the pax, suspended from his neck a golden chain, at
which hung an exquisite leash (_dilascio_), and placed on his head a
ducal cap,[171] giving into his hand the sceptre, accompanied with
appropriate benedictions and exhortations. Having next been led apart,
he read aloud the customary oath of fidelity to Pontiff and Church,
after which followed the salutations in this form. Prostrated before
the Pope, he kissed his feet and hands, whilst prayers were proffered
by his Holiness, who then tenderly embraced him. Proceeding to the
cardinals, he touched their hands and kissed each, paying the like
compliment to the empty seats of those absent, after which he took his
place by them. This ceremony ended, he again knelt before the Pontiff,
who consigned to him two standards, one with the arms of the Church,
the other with his own, and created him Gonfaloniere, declaring him
general of the new league.
[Footnote 171: Its form somewhat resembled an heraldic cap of
maintenance; but on this occasion Baldi says the older shape was
retained, with large ears hanging down at the sides. The sceptre was
of silver gilt, nearly two feet in length.]
The Duke of Urbino, thus laden with dignities, was conducted to the
foot of the great stairs of St. Peter's; and, as he mounted a charger,
the gift of his Holiness, the air reverberated with the clang of
trumpets, the drone of bagpipes, and the crash of artillery from St.
Angelo. Twenty cardinals and a crowd of nobles, prelates, and
spectators escorted him to his lodging at the SS. Apostoli, but as the
procession crossed the bridge they were dismayed by an evil omen. A
sudden gust of wind striking the newly inaugurated standards, their
staffs broke over, and they were dashed to the ground.[172]
[Footnote 172: The details of these ceremonials by Baldi are partly
taken from the narrative of Cardinal Arrivabene, in No. 568 of
_Epistolæ Card. Papiensis_, p. 832. Some writers mention his also
obtaining the Golden Rose, which usually accompanied the papal gift of
the Sword to sovereigns whom the Church delighted to honour. Sismondi
says the dukedom was conferred on the 21st of August, but we prefer
the date given by Baldi. The latter assigns the Golden Rose and
Giovanni della Rovere's marriage to the year 1475, after the affair of
Città di Castello; we, however, in these follow an unedited history of
Sinigaglia, Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 819, f. 208. Volterrano's Diary is
confused as to dates, and would seem to place Giovanni's betrothal and
his princely investiture in May, 1473. The latter, he says, "was
considered a pernicious example of [partiality to] flesh and blood;"
but a still more serious scandal arose in the sacred college from the
special mark of favour conferred by Sixtus in placing the Lord of
Urbino immediately beneath the cardinals in chapel, a seat privileged
for heirs apparent of royalty, against which several of these
dignitaries vainly remonstrated, reminding his Holiness of the few
years that had elapsed since that Duke successfully defied the papal
banner under the walls of Rimini.--MURAT., _Scriptor._, XXIII., 95.
This annalist unfortunately passes over Federigo's investitures with
his new honours. Not so Porcellio in his Feltria, Vat. Urb. MSS. No.
710; but a brief sample of his rude rhythm may suffice. Describing the
Pope's appearance, he says:--
"Aurea vestis erat, lato circundato limbo,
In medio effulget latus sub pectore clavus,
Statque ingens diamas majoris sideris instar,
Et nitidus media radiens de nocte pyropus,
Purpureusque lapis, viridesque in margine gemmæ,
Adde quod et triplices gemmarum ardore coronæ
Fulgebant capiti fusis per serta lapillis."]
Porcellio asserts that, besides these tokens of high favour bestowed
by himself, Sixtus had employed his influence in forwarding Federigo's
pretensions to the foreign decorations at this time conferred on him.
Such an accumulation of good offices from a pope whom he had not as
yet been able to serve, had been ascribed to the nepotism so
conspicuous in his Holiness's arrangements. If this be true, the clue
to it is afforded by a marriage solemnised next day, whereby their
respective families were allied. The Duke's daughter Giovanna was then
wedded to Giovanni della Rovere, nephew of Sixtus, who soon after
obtained for him from the reluctant consistory an investiture of
Sinigaglia and Mondavio, that hard-won territory which Federigo had
conquered for the Church from its contumacious vassal Sigismondo
Pandolfo Malatesta, and which came eventually to be united with Urbino
under the second dynasty of its dukes. On the same day were celebrated
the nuptials of another of his daughters, Agnesina, to Fabrizio
Colonna. The hereditary talents of her mother, which we have recently
traced through several descents,[173] were revived in a daughter of
this marriage, Vittoria Colonna, the ill-mated wife of the Marquis of
Pescara, whose piety, genius, and beauty divide the applause of her
contemporaries, and whom we shall mention in our forty-ninth chapter.
[Footnote 173: See p. 216.]
Early in September Federigo repaired to Naples, and the King, having
about this time resolved to institute an Order of knighthood, selected
for its badge the Ermine, an animal emblematical of purity, whose fur
has long been a royal ornament, and named his eldest son and the Duke
of Urbino among its original members.[174] Their installation took
place at Naples on the 11th of that month, in the chapel royal, where
high mass was celebrated, the court attending in gala. After reading
of the Epistle, the two acolytes were led by a deputation of nobles
into the sacristy, and put on tunics of white damask in the Turkish
fashion, after which they were reconducted to the chapel, and having
kissed hands, were placed beside the monarch. When the Gospel had been
chanted, they were arrayed by the Sovereign with the mantle of the
order, which was of scarlet satin lined with ermine fur, open at the
right side, and flowing to the feet. A sermon, appropriate to the
occasion, having been delivered, they were led to the high altar,
where, kneeling, they received their collars, being rich chains of
gold, from which hung the insignia, an ermine studded with diamonds
and other jewels. The King then calling the young Antonio, who had
accompanied his father from Urbino, knighted him, girding a sword to
his side, and placing a golden chain on his neck, with an admonition
that he should walk in his parent's steps. The ceremonial was
concluded by a splendid breakfast in the palace; and four days
thereafter the Count set out for Rome, escorted some way by Ferdinand,
from whom he parted with mingled embraces and tears.
[Footnote 174: There was an idea that the ermine would submit to be
taken rather than soil its coat, and hence the legends of this order
were _Malo mori quam foedari_, or _Nunquam_.]
The English Order of the Garter, instituted by Edward III in 1344, has
always enjoyed a European reputation, from its ranks being recruited
by foreign sovereigns and heroes. At the chapter of 26th February,
1474, four votes were given to Federigo, and on the 18th of the
following August, he was unanimously elected, by the seven knights
present, to the stall vacated by Lord Montjoy. He soon after paid, by
the Chancellor's hands, 109 pence as fees, and had been installed
before the following April. Thus far we have Anstis for our guide; but
the unfortunate loss of all the early records of the Order renders us
dependent for further particulars on Italian writers. Among these we
have met with no contemporary authorities except the epics of Sanzi
and Porcellio, whose details, however curious, are scarcely of
historical value. These deficiencies are, however, in some measure
supplied from a letter-book of Federigo preserved in the Vatican, upon
which we have drawn largely for this incident in his career. But in
order that the context of our narrative may not be interrupted by
somewhat lengthened extracts, they are thrown together into VII. of
the Appendices, and will, it is hoped, prove an interesting
contribution to the scanty muniments of the Garter. His investiture
took place at Grottoferrata during the autumn of 1474, and he
commissioned his relative Pietro degli Ubaldini to proceed to England
as proxy for his installation.[175]
[Footnote 175: Baldi has unquestionably fallen into error in fixing
1476 as the date of this event.]
* * * * *
The great captains under or from whom Federigo had gathered his
laurels were now all dead, and his military reputation far transcended
that of any remaining condottiere. It was, therefore, not without
jealousy that the powers of Upper Italy saw him establish relations of
such close amity with the Pope and Ferdinand. Other matters tended to
aggravate the feelings of alarm thus generated. Not satisfied with
indulging his nepotism at the expense of the Holy See, Sixtus showed
tendencies to an aggressive policy against his neighbours. A portion
of the treasure supposed to have been accumulated by his avaricious
predecessor, but of which he gave no account, was suspected to have
been employed in purchasing for his favourite nephew, Girolamo, the
seigneury of Imola from the Manfredi. A local squabble at Todi,
dignified with the almost forgotten watchwords of Guelph and
Ghibelline, afforded him a pretext for sending thither another nephew,
the Cardinal della Rovere, at the head of an army, which, though
marching under the papal banner, sided with the self-styled
imperialist faction. The Pontiff, who had long seen with regret the
feeble hold which his predecessors maintained over their vassals, and
even over the nominal subjects of the Church, commissioned his legate
to carry out the good work thus begun. Accordingly, after chastising
Todi and Spoleto, Giuliano advanced into the upper valley of the
Tiber, in order to reduce Città di Castello, where the Vitelli had for
some time exercised absolute sovereignty with the title of Vicar. To
this expedition the Duke of Urbino gave his aid, and on its successful
issue carried several of that family to Rome, in order to intercede
for their pardon.
These events accelerated arrangements in the north for a combination
calculated to balance the threatening attitude of the southern powers,
and in November a defensive treaty was signed by Milan, Venice, and
Florence, under reservation, however, to the Pope and King of Naples
to accede to the new league. Of this they declined availing
themselves, content with general professions of moderation and peace,
which, fortunately acted upon, prolonged the general tranquillity of
Italy, and enabled her energies to be directed with tolerable
unanimity against the Turks. The three years of renewed repose which
followed were spent by Federigo at home, in the indulgence of those
humane tastes which signalised his court, and laid a foundation for
that cultivation of mind by which Urbino became distinguished. This
may accordingly be the best place to review his patronage of letters.
The constant repetition of his name in that capacity by writers on
literary history leads to an impression that his zeal was remarkable,
and that its fruits are attested by ample remains. The former of these
conclusions is more correct than the latter. Italian authors have been
too prone to re-echo vague compliments; their encomiums are lavish
rather than discriminating; rhetorical panegyrics, not portraits to
the life; accordingly, most of the plaudits thus bestowed on him are
mere phrases of rote, reiterated without varying form of added force.
Fortunately there remains to us substantial evidence that they were
well founded. Muzio, who wrote about half a century after his death,
with full access to original documents, tells us that it was his daily
habit to be read to during meals, and to discuss with his courtiers
such questions in theology, history, or philosophy as thus arose. When
at Urbino, he used to repair weekly to the convent of S. Francesco,
for the purpose of maintaining similar disputations with the resident
friars, and by these expedients
"Held converse with Zabarell,
Aquinas, Scotus, and the musty saw
Of antick Donate."
Of Grecian literature, which after the fall of the Eastern Empire came
into sudden repute in the Peninsula, he was one of the earliest
promoters. Lazzari cites records, proving that in 1467 he brought to
his capital Angelo, one of the fugitive Greeks, and, two years later,
his countryman, Demetrio, for the purpose of teaching their language.
It was under him that the Feltrian court first became what Ruscelli
has designated it in the motto prefixed to this work, "a fountain
which, in the sober truth of history, rather than in poetic vein, may
be called a real Hippocrene." No complete list has come to us of the
poets and philosophers who found shelter there, nor would it much
avail us to recover names few of which merit a better fate than the
obscurity that has long overshadowed them. The fifteenth century was
more remarkable for the diffusion of learning than for commanding
genius. There were earnestness and laborious diligence in abundance,
but they were content to follow or imitate foregone conclusions rather
than to strike out new and striking turns of thought. Such was the
character of many of those works which, composed for or dedicated to
this Duke, remain in MS.,[*176] slumbering undisturbed, and deservedly
forgotten, on the shelves of the Vatican. Several of them, being
devoted to commemorate his actions or his contemporaries, held out to
me a rich promise of racy material. But servile in style as in
substance, and disfigured by the borrowed diction and engrafted
mythology of classic models, they often proved in all respects
unsatisfactory references, ill repaying the time bestowed on their
examination. It will be necessary to allude more particularly, in our
twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth chapters, to such of their authors as
belonged to the court of Urbino; meanwhile we may mention a few works
dedicated to Federigo by learned men in other parts of Italy, from
which it would seem that the rival systems of Plato and Aristotle
shared his attention and patronage.
[Footnote *176: Dennistoun does not seem to be acquainted with the
_Ode lirica a Federigo di Montefeltro_ (Per Nozze. Roma Tip. della
Camera dei Dep., 1899), which Francesco Filarete wrote to him after
the conquest of Volterra in 1472. It was possibly spoken at Florence
in 1474, when Federigo became Duke. It speaks (strofe 14) of
Federigo's early campaigns with Nicolò Piccinino, without hiding
(strofe 16) the disaster of Monteluro and the rout of Montelocco
(strofe 17), and goes on to tell of the Tuscan campaign of King
Alfonso and the retaking of Fossombrone (strofe 26), and so forth.]
Ptolemy's geography was translated into Latin verse by Berlinghieri,
who inscribed to Federigo the result of his ill-bestowed toil, in a
splendid MS., richly illuminated, which remains in the Brera library.
The published work was also issued in 1480, under sanction of his
name, as was the translation of another work of Ptolemy by Pontano. To
these Baldi adds Marsilio Ficino's _Epistles on the Platonic Theology_
and translation of Plato's _Dialogue de Regno_, Alemanno Rinuccini's
translations of Aristotle and Philostratus, Paolo Marso's Commentary
upon the _Fasti_ of Ovid, Nicolò Perotto's _Cornucopia_, Poggio's
_Historia Populi Florentini_, as specimens of a catalogue which might
be greatly lengthened.[177] In the volume of his own MS. letters
already often quoted, we find him thanking Naldo of Florence for his
poem on the Volterran expedition, and acknowledging the _Disputationes
Camaldulenses_ of Cristoforo Landino. Writing to Donato Acciaiuolo, he
avows the pleasure and advantage derived from perusing his
Commentaries on a book of ethics, and expresses satisfaction that he
had succeeded in persuading him to undertake a similar work on
politics, for which he thanks him in a subsequent letter, apologising
for having detained his messenger until he had read a great portion of
it with the utmost pleasure, and enjoining reliance on his friendship
and services.[178]
[Footnote 177: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1198.]
[Footnote 178: Several of these MSS. I have found in the Laurentian
library at Florence.]
Before leaving the subject of dedications, we may quote the following
singular illustration of literary history.
"To the Lord and most excellent Captain-at-arms, the Lord
Federigo of Montefeltro, Count of Urbino, Lord of Gubbio,
and most illustrious Captain-general of the League, our
especial Lord, &c.; the Priors of Arezzo.
"Gambino, the poet, is ranked by us among our most regarded
and well-beloved citizens, on account both of his
distinguished talents and of his peaceful and unoffending
life. As a curious inquirer into history and antiquities, he
cannot be unaware of the great goodwill and affection which
for many ages has subsisted between your illustrious
progenitors and this our city. Indeed, these facts have been
hitherto so trite and public that they are notorious to the
rude and unlettered, as well as to the learned and
accomplished. Gambino, therefore, like a good man, thinking
to promote the benefit of his country by devoting his genius
to the cultivation of that old-established and constant good
understanding, has dedicated and inscribed to your Lordship
a work lately composed by him in praise of the Virgin Mary.
He, indeed, merits all commendation in seeking first the
kingdom of heaven, according to the precept of our Saviour,
but it would be well that he descend sometimes to worldly
topics. And as in heaven no creature is more glorious than
the blessed Virgin, so, if the praises of the heroes of our
age be the subject, who on earth can be called, believed, or
accounted more distinguished for bravery, more considered
for military discipline or martial fame, than your Lordship?
Should any one differ from this sentiment, we object not to
his lending us a feigned assent, but he who appears to
contest it must by all persons of sense be considered
ridiculous and prejudiced. We, therefore, pray your Lordship
to accept Gambino and his little offering with courtesy and
favour, as it is your wont to receive others of eminent
talents and learning; for we doubt not but that your favour
will supply his genius with a new stimulus and inducement to
enter upon and accomplish those pursuits which we desire to
see him undertake. And should your Lordship's elevated and
enlarged mind even light-lay the praises of men, so be it.
And we further beseech your Lordship to adopt the sentiment
of our Community, which justly desires that its citizens and
scholars may attain, by their writings and poetry, as great
celebrity as the glorious deeds which they celebrate will
permit."[179]
[Footnote 179: Bib. Laurent, plut. 90, Cod. sup. No. 36. The rubric
mentions Abbot Jerome as author of this letter. Gambino appears to
have offered the incense of a poem in praise of Federigo, and is
mentioned by Quadri as author of some fugitive and forgotten verses of
local interest.]
Francesco di Giorgio, in his Treatise on Architecture, mentions Duke
Federigo as holding out inducements for the learned men at his court
to illustrate the works of classic authors on architecture and
sculpture. But no testimony to his literary habits can be more
satisfactory than that of his librarian Vespasiano, to the following
purpose.[180] The Duke was a ready Latin scholar, and extremely fond
of ancient history. As a logician he had attained considerable
aptitude, having studied Aristotle's Ethics along with Maestro
Lazzaro, a famous theologian, who became Bishop of Urbino, discussing
with him the most intricate passages. By the like process he mastered
the Stagirite's politics, physics, and other treatises; and having
acquired more philosophy than any contemporary prince, his thirst for
new sources of knowledge induced him to devote himself to theology
with equal zeal. The principal works of St. Thomas Aquinas and Duns
Scotus were habitually read to him; he preferred the former as more
clear, but admitted that the latter displayed greater subtlety in
argument. He was well acquainted with the Bible, as well as the
commentaries of Saints Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory; also
with the writings of the Greek fathers, such as Saints Basil,
Chrysostom, Gregory Naziazen, Nicetas, Athanasius, and Cyril. Among
the classic authors whom he was in the habit of reading or listening
to were Livy, Sallust, Quintus Curtius, Justin, Cæsar, Plutarch, Ælius
Spartianus, Æmylius Protus, Tacitus, Suetonius, Eusebius. All men of
letters visiting Urbino were hospitably entertained, and several were
always attached to his court. His largesses to such were at all times
liberal. He spent above 1500 ducats in this way when at Florence, and
remitted similar bounties to Rome and Naples. He gave 1000 ducats to
the learned Campano, professor of belles-lettres at Perugia in
1455,[*181] who aided him in collecting ancient MSS., and became
Bishop of Teramo. Nor were elegant accomplishments neglected. His
acquaintance with the principles and practice of architecture excelled
that of most contemporaries in any station, enabling him to
superintend personally the plans and execution of his palaces and
other buildings. He was equally at home in military engineering, and
applied to his numerous fortified places such modifications as the
introduction of artillery required, especially in reducing their
altitude. The kindred sciences of geometry and arithmetic were his
favourite studies, and not long before his death, he had a course of
these read to him by Maestro Paolo, a learned German astrologer,
retained at his court. In music, his taste and knowledge were
excellent; there were in his chapel and palace bands of choristers and
skilful performers, the organ being his favourite instrument. He was
familiar with sculpture, and adopted it in the ornaments of his
palace. He brought from Flanders a celebrated painter in oil, and
employed him to execute many portraits; also from thence workers in
gold and silver tapestry, the beauty of whose performances resulted in
a great degree from his own connoisseurship and tastes, which pervaded
all he had executed in the fine arts.[182]
[Footnote 180: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 941.]
[Footnote *181: For Federigo's intercourse with Campano, cf. G.
ZANNONI, _Federigo di Montefeltro e G.A. Campano_, in _Atti della R.
Accademia delle Scienze di Torino_, vol. XXXVIII. (Torino).]
[Footnote 182: This painter was Justus of Ghent, mentioned at p. 205.
To the subject of art at Urbino we shall return in ch. xxvii.]
This testimony of Vespasiano is confirmed by Sanzi, also a
contemporary in attendance on his court, whose account, although
inferring some repetition, may be given in his own words:--
"Since excellence in sooth gives no repose
To men of merit, least to those of names
Already known to glory, so the Count,
Though laden with the laurels of the field,
To mental discipline himself addressed.
And anxious to employ his ardent thoughts
On elevating themes, he Ethics chose
Whereon to bend his mind, and took as guide
One Messer Lazzaro, a preaching friar
Of singular repute; a good divine,
In whom each gentle, each endearing trait
With honour and devotion blended well.
On Aristotle's writings all intent,
His learning to their wisdom glory gave;
And gladly entered he upon the task
Of clearly setting forth their lustrous thoughts
In daily readings, oft at matin hours.
With zealous mind and intellect matured,
The Count a great and rapid progress made;
And as no generous spirit willingly
Leaves favours unrequited, by his means
His able master filled Urbino's see,--
A guerdon gratefully received. Thus fond
Of study, he his time could seldom spend
To disadvantage. Even as he took
His modest frugal meals at home, or when
He sojourned elsewhere, it was his delight
To listen whilst from ancient histories,
Or recent chronicles, were read details
Of martial deeds, discerning readily
How sped the fortune of the fight ere yet
Its changing turns were told. Of maxims shrewd
And singular he master was beyond
Most others; nor from table would he rise
Whilst any staid to crave an audience.
To Arithmetic daily he applied,
And Algebra's high science, with success,
By Paul Alamanno taught; to whom seemed plain
Truths hid from many; who the heavens had scanned
For years successive, and the stars had tracked,
Until celestial influences grew
To him familiar; an exponent famed
Of physical philosophy, and hence
Much favoured by the Count."
The digression as to Federigo's literary habits and circle into which
we have been led, would detain us too long from the more immediate
object of our narrative, were we now to inquire into his patronage of
art and artists. This will be discussed in our fourth book; meanwhile
we resume the story of his life.