CHAPTER VII

HAWTHORNE AS A SOCIALIST: 1841-1842

Who can compute the amount of mischief that Fourier has done, and those

well-meaning but inexperienced dreamers who have followed after him? A

Fourth-of-July firecracker once consumed the half of a large city. The

boy who exploded it had no evil intentions; neither did Fourier and

other speculators in philanthropy contemplate what might be the effect

of their doctrines on minds actuated by the lowest and most inevitable

wants. Wendell Phillips, in the most brilliant of his orations, said:

“The track of God’s lightning is a straight line from justice to

iniquity,” and one might have said to Phillips, in his later years,

that there is in the affairs of men a straight line from infatuation to

destruction. In what degree Fourier was responsible for the effusion of

blood in Paris in the spring of 1871 it is not possible to determine;

but the relation of Rousseau to the first French revolution is not more

certain. _Fate_ is the spoken word which cannot be recalled, and who can

tell the good and evil consequences that lie hidden in it? The proper

cure for socialism, in educated minds, would be a study of the law.

There we discover what a wonderful mechanism is the present organization

of society, and how difficult it would be to reconstruct this, if it

once were overturned.

As society is constituted at present, the honest and industrious are

always more or less at the mercy of the vicious and indolent, and the

only protection against this lies in the right of individual ownership.

In a general community of goods, there might be some means of preventing

or punishing flagrant misdemeanors, but what protection could there be

against indolence? Those who were ready and willing to work would have

to bear all the burdens of society.

In order that an idea should take external or concrete form it has to

be married, as it were, to some desire or tendency in the individual.

Reverend George Ripley had become imbued with Fourierism through his

studies of French philosophy, but he had also been brought up on a farm,

and preferred the fresh air and vigorous exercise of that mode of

life to city preaching. He was endowed with a strong constitution and

possessed of an independent fortune, and his aristocratic wife, more

devoted than women of that class are usually, sympathized with his

plans, and was prepared to follow him to the ends of the earth. He not

only felt great enthusiasm for the project but was capable of inspiring

others with it. There were many socialistic experiments undertaken about

that time, but George Ripley’s was the only one that has acquired a

historical value. It is much to his credit that he gave the scheme a

thorough trial, and by carrying it out to a logical conclusion proved

its radical impracticability.

Such a failure is more valuable than the successes of a hundred men who

merely make their own fortunes and leave no legacy of experience that

can benefit the human race.

It must have been Elizabeth Peabody who persuaded Hawthorne to enlist in

the Brook Farm enterprise. She wrote a paper for the _Dial_ [Footnote:

_Dial_, ii. 361.] on the subject, explaining the object of the West

Roxbury community and holding forth the prospect of the “higher

life” which could be enjoyed there. Hawthorne was in himself the very

antipodes of socialism, and it was part of the irony of his life that he

should have embarked in such an experiment; but he invested a thousand

dollars in it, which he had saved from his Custom House salary, and was

one of the first on the ground. What he really hoped for from it--as we

learn by his letters to Miss Sophia Peabody--was a means of gaining his

daily bread, with leisure to accomplish a fair amount of writing, and

at the same time to enter into such society as might be congenial to his

future consort. It seemed reasonable to presume this, and yet the result

did not correspond to it. He went to West Roxbury on April 12, 1841,

and as it happened in a driving northeast snowstorm,--an unpropitious

beginning, of which he has given a graphic account in “The Blithedale

Romance.”

At first he liked his work at the Farm. The novelty of it proved

attractive to him. On May 3 he wrote a letter to his sister Louisa,

which reflects the practical nature of his new surroundings; and it

must be confessed that this is a refreshing change from the sublunary

considerations at his Boston boarding-house. He has already “learned to

plant potatoes, to milk cows, and to cut straw and hay for the

cattle, and does various other mighty works.” He has gained

strength wonderfully, and can do a day’s work without the slightest

inconvenience; wears a tremendous pair of cowhide boots. He goes to bed

at nine, and gets up at half-past four to sound the rising-horn,--much

too early for a socialistic paradise, where human nature is supposed

to find a pleasant as well as a salutary existence. George Ripley

would seem to be driving the wedge in by the larger end. Hawthorne is

delighted with the topographical aspect, and writes:

“This is one of the most beautiful places I ever saw in my life, and as

secluded as if it were a hundred miles from any city or village. There

are woods, in which we can ramble all day without meeting anybody or

scarcely seeing a house. Our house stands apart from the main road, so

that we are not troubled even with passengers looking at us. Once in

a while we have a transcendental visitor, such as Mr. Alcott; but

generally we pass whole days without seeing a single face save those of

the brethren. The whole fraternity eat together; and such a delectable

way of life has never been seen on earth since the days of the early

Christians.” [Footnote: J. Hawthorne, i. 228.]

From Louisa Hawthorne’s reply, it may be surmised that his family did

not altogether approve of the Brook Farm venture, perhaps because it

withdrew him from his own home at a time when they had looked with

fond expectation for his return; and here we have a glimpse into the

beautiful soul of this younger sister, otherwise so little known to us.

Elizabeth is skeptical of its ultimate success, but Louisa is fearful

that he may work too hard and wants him to take good care of himself.

She is delighted with the miniature of him, which they have lately

received: “It has one advantage over the original,--I can make it go

with me where I choose!”

Louisa wrote another warm and beautiful letter on June 11, recalling the

days when they used to go fishing together on Lake Sebago, and adds:

“Elizabeth Cleveland says she saw Mr. George Bradford in Lowell last

winter, and he told her he was going to be associated with you; but they

say his mind misgave him terribly when the time came for him to go to

Roxbury, and whether to make such a desperate step or not he could not

tell.” [Footnote: J. Hawthorne, i. 232.]

George P. Bradford was the masculine complement to Elizabeth

Peabody--flitting across the paths of Emerson and Hawthorne throughout

their lives. His name appears continually in the biographies of that

time, but future generations would never know the sort of man he was,

but for Louisa’s amiable commentary. He appeared at Brook Farm a

few days later, and became one of George Ripley’s strongest and most

faithful adherents. He is the historian of the West Roxbury community,

and late in life the editor of the _Century_ asked him to write a

special account of it for that periodical. Bradford did so, and received

one hundred dollars in return for his manuscript; but it never was

published, presumably because it was too original for the editor’s

purpose.

Is it possible that Hawthorne put on a good face for this letter to

his sister, in order to keep up appearances; or was it like the common

experience of music and drawing teachers that the first lessons are the

best performed; or did he really have some disagreement with Ripley,

like that which he represents in “The Blithedale Romance”? The last is

the more probable, although we do not hear of it otherwise. Spring

is the least agreeable season for farming, with its muddy soil, its

dressing the ground, its weeds to be kept down and its insects to

be kept off. After the first week of June, the work becomes much

pleasanter; and the harvesting is delightful,--stacking the grain,

picking the fruit,--with the cheery wood fires, so restful to mind and

body. Yet we find on August 12 that Hawthorne had become thoroughly

disenchanted with his Arcadian life, although he admits that the labors

of the farm were not so pressing as they had been. Ten days later,

he refers to having spent the better part of a night with one of his

co-workers, “who was quite out of his wits” and left the community next

day. He then continues in his diary: [Footnote: American Notebook, ii.

15.]

“It is extremely doubtful whether Mr. Ripley will succeed in locating

his community on the farm. He can bring Mr. E---- to no terms, and the

more they talk about the matter, the further they appear to be from a

settlement. We must form other plans for ourselves; for I can see few

or no signs that Providence purposes to give us a home here. I am weary,

weary, thrice weary, of waiting so many ages. Whatever may be my gifts,

I have not hitherto shown a single one that may avail to gather gold.”

Here are already three disaffected personages, desirous of escaping from

an earthly paradise. Mr. Ripley has by no means an easy row to hoe.

Yet he keeps on ploughing steadily through his difficulties, as he

did through the soil of his meadows. In September we find Hawthorne at

Salem, and on the third he writes: [Footnote: American Notebook, ii.

16.]

“But really I should judge it to be twenty years since I left Brook

Farm; and I take this to be one proof that my life there was unnatural

and unsuitable, and therefore an unreal one. It already looks like a

dream behind me. The real Me was never an associate of the community:

there has been a spectral appearance there, sounding the horn at

daybreak, and milking the cows, and hoeing potatoes, and raking hay,

toiling in the sun, and doing me the honor to assume my name. But this

spectre was not myself.”

This idea of himself as a spectre seems to have accompanied him much in

the way that the daemon did Socrates, and to have served in a similar

manner as a warning to him. He left Brook Farm almost exactly as he

describes himself doing, in “The Blithedale Romance,” and he returned

again on the twenty-second, but the brilliant woodland carnival which he

describes, both in his “Note-book” and in “The Blithedale Romance,” did

not take place there until September 28. It was a masquerade in which

Margaret Fuller and Emerson appeared as invited guests, and held a

meeting of the Transcendental club “_sub tegmine fagi_.” As Hawthorne

remarks, “Much conversation followed,”--in which he evidently found

little to interest him. Margaret Fuller also made a present of a heifer

to the live-stock of the Farm, of whose unruly gambols Hawthorne seems

to have taken more particular notice. He would seem in fact to have

attributed the same characteristics to the animal and its owner.

Having more time at his own disposal, he now attempted to write another

volume of history for Peter Parley’s library, but, although this was

rather a childish affair, he found himself unequal to it. “I have not,”

he said, “the sense of perfect seclusion here, which has always been

essential to my power of producing anything. It is true, nobody intrudes

into my room; but still I cannot be quiet. Nothing here is settled; and

my mind will not be abstracted.” During the whole of October he went

on long woodland walks, sometimes alone and at others with a single

companion. He tried, like Emerson, courting Nature in her solitudes, and

made the acquaintance of her denizens as if he were the original Adam

taking an account of his animal kingdom. He picks up a terrapin, the

_Emys picta_, which attempts to hide itself from him in a stone wall,

and carries it considerately to a pond of water; but there is not much

to be found in the woods, and one can travel a whole day in the forest

primeval without coming across anything better than a few squirrels and

small birds. In fact, two young sportsmen once rode on horseback with

their guns from the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean without meeting

any larger game than prairie-chickens.

It was all in vain. Hawthorne’s nature was not like Emerson’s, and what

stimulated the latter mentally made comparatively little impression on

the former. Hawthorne found, then as always, that in order to practice

his art, he must devote himself to it, wholly and completely, leaving

side issues to go astern. In order to create an ideal world of his own,

he was obliged to separate himself from all existing conditions, as

Beethoven did when composing his symphonies. Composition for Hawthorne

meant a severe mental strain. Those sentences, pellucid as a mountain

spring, were not clarified without an effort. The faculty on which

Hawthorne depended for this, as every artist does, was his imagination,

and imagination is as easily disturbed as the electric needle. There is

no fine art without sensitiveness. We see it in the portrait of Leonardo

da Vinci, a man who could bend horseshoes in his hands; and Bismarck,

who was also an artist in his way, confessed to the same mental

disturbance from noise and general conversation, which Hawthorne felt

at Brook Farm. It was the mental sensitiveness of Carlyle and Bismarck

which caused their insomnia, and much other suffering besides.

George Ripley published an essay in the _Dial_, in which he heralded

Fourier as the great man who was destined to regenerate society; but

Fourier has passed away, and society continues in its old course. What

he left out of his calculations, or perhaps did not understand, was the

principle of population. If food and raiment were as common as air and

water, mankind would double its numbers every twelve or fifteen years,

and the tendency to do so produces a pressure on poor human nature,

which is almost like the scourge of a whip, driving it into all kinds

of ways and means in order to obtain sufficient sustenance. Most notable

among the methods thus employed is, and always has been, the division

of labor, and it will be readily seen that a community like Brook Farm,

where skilled labor, properly speaking, was unknown, and all men

were all things by turns, could never sustain so large a population

relatively as a community where a strict division of industries existed.

If a nation like France, for instance, where the population is nearly

stationary, were to adopt Fourier’s plan of social organization, it

would prove a more severe restriction on human life than the wars

of Napoleon. This is the reason why the attempt to plant a colony of

Englishmen in Tennessee failed so badly. There was a kind of division of

labor among them, but it was purely a local and a foreign division and

not adapted to the region about them. Ripley’s method of allowing work

to be counted by the hour instead of by the day or half-day, was of

itself sufficient to prevent the enterprise from being a financial

success. Farming everywhere except on the Western prairies requires the

closest thrift and economy, and all hands have to work hard.

Neither could such an experiment prove a success from a moral point of

view. Emerson said of it: “The women did not object so much to a common

table as they did to a common nursery.” In truth one might expect that a

common nursery would finally result in a free fight. The tendency of all

such institutions would be to destroy the sanctity of family life; and

it would also include a tendency to the deterioration of manliness. One

of the professed objects of the Brook Farm association was, to escape

from the evils of the great world,--from the trickery of trade,

the pedantry of colleges, the flunkyism of office, and the arrogant

pretensions of wealth. Every honest man must feel a sympathy with this;

there are times when we all feel that the struggle of life is an unequal

conflict, from which it would be a permanent blessing to escape; yet

he who turns his back upon it, is like a soldier who runs away from the

battle-field. It is the conflict with evil in the great world, and in

ourselves, that constitutes virtue and develops character. It is _good_

to learn the trickery of knaves and to expose it, to contend against

pedantry and set a better example, to administer offices with a modest

impartiality, and to treat the gilded fool with a dignified contempt.

But if the wings of the archangel are torn and soiled in his conflict

with sin, does it not add to the honor of the victory? The man who left

his wife and children, because he found that he could not live with them

without occasionally losing his temper, committed a grievous wrong; and

it is equally true that hypocrisy, the meanest of vices, may sometimes

become a virtue.

George P. Bradford, and a few others, enjoyed the life at Brook Farm,

and would have liked to remain there longer. John S. Dwight, the

translator of Goethe’s and Schiller’s ballads, [Footnote: One of the

most musical translations in any language.] said in his old age that if

he were a young man, he would be only too glad to return there; and it

is undeniable that such a place is suited to a certain class of persons,

both men and women. It cannot be repeated too often, however, that the

true object of life is not happiness, but development. It is our special

business on this planet, to improve the human race as our progenitors

improved it, and developed it out of we know not what. By doing this, we

also improve ourselves and happiness comes to us incidentally; but if

we pursue happiness directly, we soon become pleasure-seekers, and,

like Faust, join company with Mephistopheles. Happiness comes to a

philosopher, perhaps while he is picking berries; to a judge, watching

the approach of a thunder-storm; to a merchant, teaching his boy to

skate. It came to Napoleon listening to a prayer-bell, and to Hawthorne

playing games with his children. [Footnote: Perhaps also in his

kindliness to the terrapin.] Happiness flies when we seek it, and steals

upon us unawares.

George P. Bradford’s account of Brook Farm in the “Memorial History of

Boston” [Footnote: Vol. iv. 330.] is not so satisfactory as it might

have been if he had given more specific details in regard to its

management. The general supposition has been that there was an annual

deficit in the accounts of the association, which could only be met

by Mr. Ripley himself, who ultimately lost the larger portion of his

investment. It is difficult to imagine how such an experiment could end

otherwise, and the final conflagration of the principal building, or

“The Hive,” as it was called, served as a fitting consummation of the

whole enterprise,--a truly dramatic climax. George Ripley went to

New York to become literary editor of the _Tribune_, and was as

distinguished there for the excellence of his reviews, and the elegance

of his turnout in Central Park as he had been for the use of the spade

and pitchfork at West Roxbury.

Mr. Bradford returned to the instruction of young ladies in French and

Latin; and John S. Dwight became one of the civilizing forces of his

time, by editing the Boston _Journal of Music_. None of them were the

worse for their agrarian experiment.

Even if the West Roxbury _commune_ had proved a success for two or three

generations, it would not have sufficed for a test of Fourier’s theory

for it would have been a republic within a republic, protected by the

laws and government of the United States, without being subjected to the

inconvenience of its own political machinery. The only fair trial

for such a system would be to introduce it in some tract of country

especially set apart and made independent for the purpose; but the

chances are ten to one that a community organized in this manner would

soon be driven into the same process of formation that other colonies

have passed through under similar conditions. The true socialism is the

present organization of society, and although it might be improved in

detail, to revolutionize it would be dangerous. Yet the interest that

has been aroused at various times by discussions of the Brook Farm

project, shows how strong the undercurrent is setting against the

present order of things; and this is my chief excuse for making such a

long digression on the subject.

During these last months of his bachelorhood, Hawthorne appears to us

somewhat in the light of a hibernating bear; for we hear nothing of

him at that season at all. Between the last of October, 1841, and July,

1842, there are a large number of odd fancies, themes for romances,

and the like, published from his diary, but no entries of a personal

character. We hear incidentally that he was at Brook Farm during a

portion of the spring, which is not surprising in view of the fact that

Doctor Nathaniel Peabody had removed from Salem to Boston in the mean

time. One conclusion Hawthorne had evidently arrived at during the

winter months, and it was that his engagement to Miss Sophia Peabody

ought to be terminated in the way all such affairs should be; viz.,

by matrimony. Their prospects in life were not brilliant, but it was

difficult to foresee any advantage in waiting longer, and there were

decided disadvantages in doing so. It was accordingly agreed that they

should be married at, or near, the summer solstice, the most suitable

of all times for weddings--or engagements. On June 20, he wrote to his

_fiancée_ from Salem, reminding her that within ten days they were to

become man and wife, and added this significant reflection: “Nothing

can part us now; for God himself hath ordained that we shall be one. So

nothing remains but to reconcile yourself to your destiny. Year by year

we shall grow closer to each other; and a thousand years hence, we shall

be only in the honeymoon of our marriage.”

Yet we find him writing again the tenderest and most graceful of

love-letters on June 30. [Footnote: J. Hawthorne, i. 241.] The wedding

has evidently been postponed; but two days later he is in Boston, and

finds a pleasant recreation watching the boys sail their toy boats on

the Frog Pond. The ceremony finally was performed on July 9, and it was

only the day previous that Hawthorne wrote the following letter, which

is dated from 54 Pinckney Street:

“MY DEAR SIR:

“Though personally a stranger to you, I am about to request of you the

greatest favor which I can receive from any man. I am to be married

to Miss Sophia Peabody to-morrow, and it is our mutual desire that you

should perform the ceremony. Unless it should be decidedly a rainy

day, a carriage will call for you at half-past eleven o’clock in the

forenoon.

“Very respectfully yours,

“NATH. HAWTHORNE.

“REV. JAMES F. CLARKE,

“Chestnut St.”

George S. Hillard lived on Pinckney Street, and Hawthorne may have

been visiting him at the moment. The Peabodys attended service at Mr.

Clarke’s church in Indiana Place, where Hawthorne may also have

gone with them. He could not have made a more judicious choice; but,

singularly enough, although Mr. Clarke became Elizabeth Peabody’s

life-long friend, and even went to Concord to lecture, he and Hawthorne

never met again after this occasion.

The ceremony was performed at the house of Sophia Peabody’s father,

No. 13 West Street, a building of which not one stone now rests upon

another. It was a quiet family wedding (such as oftenest leads to future

happiness), and most deeply impressive to those concerned in it. What

must it have been to Hawthorne, who had known so much loneliness, and

had waited so long for the comfort and sympathy which only a devoted

wife can give?

Time has drawn a veil over Hawthorne’s honeymoon, but exactly four weeks

after the wedding, we find him and his wife installed in the house at

Concord, owned by the descendants of Reverend Dr. Ripley. It will be

remembered that Hawthorne had invested his only thousand dollars in the

West Roxbury Utopia, whence it was no longer possible to recover it. He

had, however, an unsubstantial Utopian sort of claim for it, against

the Association, which he placed in the hands of George S. Hillard, and

subsequent negotiation would seem to have resulted in giving Hawthorne

a lease of the Ripley house, or “Old Manse,” in return for it. It was

already classic ground, for Emerson had occupied the house for a time

and had written his first book there; and thither Hawthorne went to

locate himself, determined to try once more if he could earn his living

by his pen.

[Illustration: THE OLD MANSE, RESIDENCE OF DR. RIPLEY]

The Life and Genius of Nathaniel Hawthorne · 第 7 / 18 章