PRELIMINARY CAMPAIGNS.
MARCH-MAY, 1521.
PLAN FOR THE INVESTMENT OF MEXICO—RECONNOITRING TOUR ROUND
THE LAKE—CORTÉS IN COMMAND—ALVARADO AND OLID ACCOMPANY—THEY
PROCEED NORTHWARD FROM TEZCUCO—CAPTURE OF CITIES AND
STRONGHOLDS—XALTOCAN, QUAUHTITLAN, TENAYOCAN, AZCAPUZALCO,
TLACOPAN, AND BACK TO TEZCUCO—CHALCO DISTURBED—PEACE
PROPOSALS SENT TO MEXICO—FURTHER RECONNOISSANCE OF THE
LAKE REGION—MANY BATTLES AND VICTORIES—QUAUHNAHUAC
CAPTURED—BURNING OF XOCHIMILCO—SECOND RETURN TO
TEZCUCO—CONSPIRACY.
The arrival at Tezcuco of the brigantines recalled the necessity for
planning the investment of Mexico, and this involved a reconnoitring
tour round the lake, for which the Tlascaltecs in particular were
importunate. Chichimecatl pressed this measure the moment he arrived
at Tezcuco. He had come to serve the emperor, to join the Spaniards
in avenging their fallen countrymen. Cortés expressed appreciation
of his zeal, “but rest now,” he said, “for soon you shall have your
hands full.” A few days later the general set out from Tezcuco
with twenty-five horse, three hundred foot-soldiers, twenty-five
archers and crossbowmen, and over thirty thousand allies, chiefly
Tlascaltecs, with a number of Tezcucans. Among the war material were
six field-pieces.[1062] Alvarado and Olid accompanied the expedition,
and also a number of the Tezcucan leaders, partly as hostages, while
Sandoval remained in charge. A northward course was taken, though the
aim and destination were divulged to but a few, owing to the distrust
still entertained of the Tezcucans.
[Illustration: THE VALLEY OF MEXICO.]
On the Tecama Plain, four miles from Tezcuco, a hostile force
approached, probably by accident. After routing them the army encamped.
The following day they proceeded to Xaltocan,[1063] a prominent town
situated on an island in the northern end of the lake bearing that
name. Once the capital successively of a Toltec, Otomí, and Chichimec
principality, it had succumbed to the vicissitudes of political
revolution and wars, and was at present one of the chief strongholds
belonging to the tripartite power in the valley. It was approached
by a causeway provided with breastworks and drawbridges.
The intention of the army had been surmised, so that preparations were
made in every direction to resist an entry, and the water swarmed
with canoes. In advancing along the causeway a tempest of stones,
arrows, and darts came upon them from both sides, while hampered on a
narrow road, hemmed in by the waters, and able to do little against
the floating enemy, who were comparatively safe behind the bulwarks
fitted to their canoes. Advance was soon stopped by the first trench
in the causeway, not only wide and deep, but protected on the farther
side by strong breastworks. The situation was embarrassing. Falling
back a little, with the loss of one man, the guns were brought forward
to protect the allies while filling the gap; but at this juncture
two Tezcucans informed Cortés that they could guide him across by a
fordable passage.
The offer was eagerly accepted, and while a part of the forces
attracted the foe to the causeway, and the horses covered the rear,
Cortés led another party by the ford. The water reached only to the
waist, and though the enemy hastened forward, resistance was in vain,
and soon the town was reached, and all who had not escaped immediately
surrendered. Good spoils were secured of fabrics and other merchandise,
as well as some gold. Since the canoe fleet might attempt a night
attack, it was not considered safe to camp on the island, and as the
army withdrew to the plain one league beyond, a part of the town was
fired, in further warning. Xaltocan had more than once before risen
from her ashes, but these were the flames of her funeral pyre. She
never assumed importance again, and is now but a pretty village.
The next camp was formed in Quauhtitlan, “a large and beautiful city,”
as Cortés calls it, which was found deserted. Thence they followed
the route which had been taken after that night of ineffaceable
horrors, when the foe seemed to fill the air and beat their faces in
the blackness like the birds of Avernus, cutting off the stragglers
faint with wounds and hunger, and sending terror to the hearts of
the bravest. Now they came in confident strength, yet again the foe
hovered round, though only at a distance, along the safe hill slopes,
while from the summits rose pillars of smoke to proclaim the coming
of the avengers. They passed through Tenayocan, once the capital of
the Chichimec empire, and now renowned only for the immense serpent
idols in its temple, from which the Spaniards called it El Pueblo
de los Sierpes. Thence to Azcapuzalco, the former proud seat of the
Tepanec kings.[1064]
No resistance being offered at any of these towns, they were spared
the brand, whereat the disappointed sackers felt aggrieved. As
the army neared Tlacopan a large opposing body appeared, which was
reinforced by warriors from the towns thereabout and from Mexico. The
ground being level, the cavalry easily broke through their lines, and
the infantry completed the rout, pursuing them into the city. After
clearing the greater number of streets from foes, camp was formed in
the palace.
There was hardly any evidence of the late ravages to which Mexico and
its approaches had been exposed during Spanish occupation, and Cortés
saw that it would be no easy matter to besiege such a stronghold, or
series of strongholds, as the massive buildings may be termed, held
as they were by so obstinate a people as the Aztecs, with whom any
trifling or imaginary success seemed to efface the effect of continual
defeats.
The prospect was not encouraging, and as he looked at the causeway
full of those pitfalls which had defeated his high purposes, gloomy
thoughts filled his breast. “Why so sad, your worship?” broke in
a cavalier.[1065] “Yours was not the fault, and never will you be
compared with heartless Nero.” “I am not thinking of that sorrow
alone,” said Cortés, “but of the struggles yet required to achieve
the mastery. Still with God’s approval we will soon attempt it.”[1066]
In the morning hostile forces again appeared, only to be driven back,
whereupon the allies dispersed to sack and fire, with the determination
to avenge the attack made upon them during the flight from Mexico.
“And in this they used such diligence,” writes Cortés, “that even
our quarters were endangered.” The general was nothing loath to see
the flames, for it suited his plans not only to chastise the people,
but to render the place less strong in view of later operation;
furthermore, it was no easy matter to restrain the Tlascaltecs. Next
day the enemy came again in force, but this time they waited not to
be routed. They retired steadily to and along the causeway to Mexico,
drawing the Spaniards after them. It was the very spot where they
had suffered so severely the year before. Cortés had led the cavalry
far along the causeway and across one bridge, when the Mexicans with
inspiring shouts and doubled force came rolling back on front and
flank, from houses and lanes, thrusting with pikes and striking with
swords, the roofs meanwhile swarming with slingers. Cortés quickly
sounded retreat, and the troops retired, but the onslaught had been
tremendous, and it required no small effort to stay themselves.
Almost every one was wounded, it is said, and several fatally. In
crossing the bridge Alférez Juan Volante was knocked into the water.
Several canoe-men seized him, but he was a powerful fellow, and with
the strength of desperation he shook them off and sprang back to
his comrades with his banner. Cortés made repeated charges with the
horses to relieve the pressed foot-soldiers, till open ground was
gained and the danger past.[1067]
On the following days the Mexicans sought to repeat their manœuvres,
but Cortés was more prudent, and covered his rear carefully as he
advanced. Observing this, the Mexicans tauntingly called out: “Enter,
O brave ones, and fight! for to-day you will be masters of Mexico.
Enter to feast, all is prepared!” And again: “You shall find no
Montezuma now to do your bidding. Begone, therefore, to your own!”
Others confined themselves to insults directed against the Tlascaltecs.
“Rogues,” they cried, “never would you thus dare to approach us but
for the Christians, whose concubines you are. But wait awhile; we
shall eat you both with chile, for you are not fit to be slaves!” The
Tlascaltecs were not slow to answer: “Always have you fled before us
like treacherous cowards. We are the men, you the women. Never have
you entered our territory as we yours. The Castilians are not men
but gods, one of whom suffices to rout a thousand such as you!” This
verbal skirmish led in several cases to challenges, the principals
being accorded a free field wherein to settle their disputes; and
since they were generally men selected from both sides for their
bravery, skill, and strength, the struggles were eagerly watched.
On one occasion a solitary warrior of great stature stepped from a
canoe to the causeway, armed with sword and shield, and challenged any
Spaniard to combat, for he desired to appease the gods with blood. The
soldiers gaped in astonishment at this rashness. “What, you hesitate,
you cowards!” he cried. The next instant a soldier named Gonzalo
Hernandez rushed upon him with sword and shield, whereupon he leaped
into the water, pursued by the soldier, who sought to despatch him.
A number of canoes stole up, however, and Hernandez was seized by the
warriors. His comrades rushed to the rescue, and so beset the canoes
as to kill a chief and bring their champion ashore.[1068] During one
of the sallies Cortés reached the breach in the causeway where his
men had suffered so severely during the Sorrowful Night. The bridge
was down, and he appealed to the warriors on the other side: “Why so
foolishly court destruction? If there is a leader among you, let him
appear, so that I may speak.” “Speak,” was the response, “we are all
leaders here; leaders who shall make a banquet of thee and thine!”
* * * * *
Six days had been spent at Tlacopan, and since nothing could be
achieved, not even an interview with Quauhtemotzin, for which Cortés
ardently longed, he turned homeward. This abandonment of what the
Mexicans had probably regarded as the beginning of the siege created no
small exultation among them, and eagerly they pursued the retreating
army, though repelled now and then with some punishment by the
cavalry. The following day the pursuing forces had swelled to larger
proportions, and were more daring than ever. Cortés accordingly ordered
the infantry to advance, while he, with twenty horses, divided into
several parties and formed an ambuscade. No sooner had the unsuspecting
Mexicans reached the spot than the cavalry charged into their midst
with thundering war cries. The surprise, no less than the execution,
caused a panic, and the infantry hastened back to join in the usual
chastisement. Molestation ceased.
From Quauhtitlan the army proceeded by way of Acolman to Tezcuco.
The presence of so large a body of allies being considered for the
moment unnecessary, the greater number, elated with success and laden
with spoil, were dismissed to their homes, there to prepare for the
gathering to follow the completion of the brigantines.[1069]
* * * * *
The withdrawal from Tlacopan encouraged the Mexicans to attempt the
recovery of Chalco and to inflict chastisement for its secession. The
place was indeed most important to Mexico, since from its fertile
plains came the largest supplies, now more than ever required. The
threat had been held over the Chalcans ever since their submission to
Cortés, and the two young lords had hardly returned from Tezcuco before
they sent messengers to implore aid. This occurred while Sandoval
was preparing to leave for Tlascala to convey the brigantines, and no
further troops could therefore be detached without great risk, so that
the Chalcans were told to wait. As the messengers were leaving with
this cold comfort envoys arrived from Huexotzinco and Quauhquechollan.
They had seen the signal pillars of smoke of the hostile allies, and
had come to ask if they could be of service. The proposals came most
opportunely.
The Huexotzincas and Quauhquechollans had long entertained a hatred
of the Chalcans, as natives of an Aztec province against whose forces
they had often been arrayed, but Cortés represented the true state
of affairs and convinced the respective envoys of the important
service they could render themselves and their new sovereign, to
whom all owed allegiance, by forgetting occurrences for which their
oppressors were to blame, and to combine for mutual aid. His arguments
were convincing, and both Huexotzinco and Quauhquechollan promised
immediately to support the Chalcans with a large force.
The Aztecs do not appear to have gone much beyond threats until after
the Spanish retirement from Tlacopan, but two days after their return
to Tezcuco, Chalcan messengers appeared with such supplications that
Sandoval was despatched to their aid with twenty horse, three hundred
infantry, and a force of allies,[1070] largely reinforced at Chalco
by Huexotzincas, Quauhquechollans, and Chalcans. On arriving before
Chimalhuacan,[1071] he found the enemy drawn up in battle array in
three large divisions. A rush at the invaders was made. The cavalry
met them, breaking their ranks and throwing them into confusion.
Retiring to more broken ground, where they were comparatively safe from
the horses, they rallied to face the infantry, but the well directed
volleys of fire-arms and cross-bows proved another surprise, which
prepared the way for an effective charge from swordsmen and lancers.
Now the retreat assumed more the form of a flight, the Spaniards
pursuing eagerly. During this operation Gonzalo Dominguez was thrown
from his horse, which fell upon him, inflicting such injuries that he
died within a few days. In him the army lost one of its most dashing
horsemen, and the equal of any in daring.
The troops then retired to the town for the night. Next day they
marched to Huastepec, the objective point of the expedition, where
fifteen thousand Mexicans, composed partly of the defeated forces,
attacked them with such energy that five horses and a number of
soldiers were wounded. The Spaniards soon routed them, and chased the
fleeing through the town, a number taking refuge in a stronghold. While
a portion of the troops, together with the Tlascaltecs, dispersed in
quest of the rich spoil, and the cavalry were tending their horses,
the fugitive garrison stole back to the town and fought their way to
the stronghold near the square, where they took a stand behind some
breastworks. Their position was not long maintained, however, after
the troops had collected for the assault. The entire force of Mexicans
was then driven for over a league, with considerable slaughter.
The army now took up their quarters for two days in the palace. A
peaceful summons was sent to the lord of the place, without meeting
any response; another to Yacapichtla brought an insulting answer. The
insolence was due to the confidence of the garrison in its strength,
situated as it was on an almost inaccessible height.[1072] The Chalcans
implored Sandoval to capture the place and drive forth the occupants,
who would otherwise not fail to descend with fire and sword on their
land. The proposition was by no means agreeable after so arduous a
march and with so many wounded, including himself; but Sandoval never
shrank from what he regarded duty, and soon he appeared before the
fort to repeat his demands, only to hear taunts and jeers. The ascent
was steep, with few points affording cover, and when the Chalcans were
urged to begin the attack for which they had pleaded they objected
unless the Teules accompanied them. Sandoval unhesitatingly placed
some horsemen to guard the rear, and dismounting with Tápia the two
took their shields and swords and led the way, followed by a number
of soldiers.
The garrison lustily plied their stones and darts, and despite the
protecting shields several were wounded, among them Tápia and Osma,
while others were overthrown by the concussion and came tumbling
down. With cheering Santiagos the soldiers urged one another onward
until even the Chalcans joined the assault. The first Spaniard had
hardly reached the summit before the occupants attempted flight,
only to bring death upon them the quicker. Many were chased over the
cliff, to fall into equally relentless hands below; others in their
fear and despair cast themselves headlong from the height. So freely
flowed blood, the soldiers say, that the creek at the foot of the
fortress was stained sanguine, and so remained for an hour, repelling
in horror the victors who approached it to quench their thirst.[1073]
The Chalcans being now content, Sandoval returned to Tezcuco with
considerable spoils and a number of pretty slaves.
Informed of the victorious advance of the Spaniards, Emperor
Quauhtemotzin hastened to send reinforcements to his garrisons, and
hardly had Sandoval tendered a report to his general before the alarmed
Chalcans sent messengers stating that a fleet of two thousand large
canoes with numerous warriors were descending upon them. Believing
that Sandoval must have been too hasty or negligent, Cortés without
deigning to listen to excuses ordered him to return immediately.
Meanwhile the Chalcans, encouraged by the allies, had faced the
invaders bravely and routed them in a fierce battle, killing quite a
number and capturing over twoscore warriors, among them the general
and several chiefs.[1074] When Sandoval came up the fight was over,
and the proud victors surrendered their captives, who were sent to
Tezcuco, the Spaniards following as soon as the danger appeared to
be over.
Aggrieved at the brusqueness of his commander, Sandoval sent in
his report without presenting himself; but Cortés had by this time
recognized the injustice of his treatment, and actuated by policy no
less than by affection, he summoned his captain and frankly avowed
his haste, thus strengthening the friendship which ever after bound
them. The victories in Chalco left secure the entire region between
Villa Rica and the Spanish lines, and communication was henceforth
regularly maintained, permitting fresh supplies and war material to be
brought from a vessel which had recently reached the coast. A great
event was the arrival of three vessels with two hundred Spaniards,
eighty horses, and a full complement of arms, ammunition, and other
effects, partly bought and partly enlisted by the agents whom Cortés
had despatched to the Islands during the previous autumn. Among the
new-comers were Julian de Alderete of Tordesillas, appointed royal
treasurer for New Spain, and the Franciscan Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea
of Seville, bearing a supply of papal indulgences for the men who
had been engaged in the crusade. That the soldiers were conscious
of frequent transgressions may be judged from the suggestive and not
wholly reverential observation of Bernal Diaz, that “after patching
their defects the friar returned to Spain within a few months, a rich
man.”[1075]
Cortés was cheered by offers of submission and alliance, owing partly
to the good offices of Tezcucans and other allies. Some came from
places quite distant, such as Nautla and Tuzapan, on the coast north
of Villa Rica, laden as usual with presents.[1076] Another pleasing
evidence of still more devoted loyalty came not long after from the
south, from the country of the valiant Chinantecs, of the long pikes.
During the great uprising, when Spaniards in small or straggling
parties had everywhere been slaughtered, this people faithfully
protected the two soldiers who happened to be with them, and were in
return aided by their prowess and advice to achieve victories over
adjoining tribes. One of these men, Captain Hernando de Barrientos,
sent two natives in April with a letter to his countrymen imparting
the assurance that Chinantla and its six sub-towns were loyal.[1077]
The recent successes and the arrival of the two hundred men induced
Cortés once more to propose peace to Quauhtemotzin. To this end,
during passion week, he bade some of the captured nobles proceed to
Mexico with a letter as a symbol of their commission, and impress upon
their master the superiority in arms and skill of the Spanish forces,
their constant and large reinforcements, and their unvarying success
in the field. They must point out the generous and humane treatment
of the provinces which had submitted, and assure the Aztec leaders
that equal forgiveness would be accorded them. Refusal to return to
their allegiance would lead to the destruction of themselves and their
city. Only two of the captives ventured to accept the commission,
for according to Aztec articles of war any noble who returned to
his country after having been captured by an enemy was doomed to
decapitation unless he had performed some extraordinary deed.[1078]
No answer came from Mexico, and it was afterward learned that the
messengers had suffered death. The Aztec ruler had not even given a
thought to peace. He was watching his opponents, prepared to take
advantage of any neglect or relaxation in their effort. No sooner
had Sandoval been induced by peaceful appearances to retire from
Chalco than Aztec forces again prepared to invade the province. The
Chalcans had due warning, and close upon the heels of Sandoval came
two messengers lamenting louder than ever, and exhibiting a painting
wherein were named the many towns whose forces were coming upon them,
fully fifty thousand strong. These constant menaces and movements
were exasperating, and Cortés resolved personally to inflict a lesson
which might be lasting. At the same time he proposed to complete
his reconnoissance of the lake region and encourage his troops with
spoils from hostile localities whereon the Aztecs yet relied for
support.[1079]
Cortés selected thirty horse, three hundred infantry, a number
of Tlascaltecs, and over twenty thousand Tezcucans, under Prince
Ixtlilxochitl, to which twice that number of other allies were added
on the way. A large proportion of archers and aquebusiers were taken,
together with Alvarado, Olid, Alderete, Melgarejo, and others, while
Sandoval was left in charge of Tezcuco, with instructions to watch
and promote the completion of the brigantines against which several
incendiary attempts had been made.
The expedition left Friday, the 5th of April, and passed through
Chalco, Tlalmanalco, and Chimalhuacan,[1080] and crossing in a
south-westerly direction into the Totolapan province, they entered
the hills which form the southern border of the Mexican valley.
By this time the forces had assumed proportions hardly inferior to
those of the Iztocan campaign, when over one hundred thousand moved
against the foe. Highly picturesque was the spectacle of this army,
its naked hordes of warriors relieved by plumage and glittering
iztli points which rose above the broad line of gaudy shields; its
white adventurers in mail of cotton and metal, surmounted by bright
helmets, and armed knights on proudly stepping steeds: picturesque
in particular as it wound in almost endless line along the rounded
slopes of the cliffs, or climbed in clearly defined file across the
hill-tops, only to descend again into gulches gloomy as their own
sinister purpose.
Alarmed by the invasion, the inhabitants had abandoned their valley
homes, and had sought refuge on the summits, whence they hurled
missiles at the passing lines. Little attention was paid these
irregular bands, composed as they were to a great extent of women and
children. On entering the Tlayacapan Valley, however, and observing
on the craggy sides of an almost perpendicular isolated rock, perched
there like an eagle’s nest, a place of refuge peopled with more
pretentious opposers, in a fit of insensate folly Cortés ordered
the place to be assailed. He seemed to think the honor of the army
demanded it, and was ready to stake the lives of valuable men on its
destruction.
Orders were given to attack from three several sides, the steepest
being assigned to Alférez Corral, a brave and spirited leader. Verdugo
and Villafuerte were given another side, and Ircio and Monjaraz the
third. Each party consisted of about threescore men, and included
archers and arquebusiers. At a given signal all rushed forward to the
ascent. Soon they were on hands and knees, crawling over projections
and pulling themselves up by means of shrubs. All the while stones
and darts rattled on helmet and breastplate; and huge rocks came
rolling down upon them. In vain they sought shelter in crevices and
under crags; they must face the storm. Bernal Diaz followed Corral,
and after receiving many a hard knock they gained what was called
two turns of the rock. There they paused and looked around, wondering
at their success thus far. Supporting himself against a small tree,
his face bathed in blood, his banner rent, Corral said, “Señor Diaz,
it is useless to advance farther; not a man will survive.” Then they
shouted a warning to Pedro Barba, at the head of his archers, not to
climb farther. “The order is to advance!” was the reply. The next
moment Barba was wounded by a stone, and a soldier at his side was
killed. Cortés then sounded the recall, but not until eight brave men
had laid down their lives, victims of their commander’s puerility,
and of the rest most of them returned wounded.[1081]
The recall was likewise prompted by the approach of a considerable
force in the valley. This the cavalry charged and quickly routed,
following in close pursuit, though the broken ground soon enabled
the fugitives to gain shelter. During this ride some of the horsemen
came, a league beyond, to another hill fortress, strong in its natural
features, and held by a large force. Near by were some springs. The
need of water was pressing, which afforded a plausible excuse for
abandoning the scaling of Tlayacapan, and the whole force was moved
to the springs. Early next morning Cortés examined the approaches
to the new stronghold. It extended over three hills, the central
one exceedingly steep and held by the largest force; the others
easier of ascent, though higher, and occupied by smaller numbers. In
reconnoitring, Cortés advanced toward the centre. This movement led
the occupants of the other hills to infer an attack on the central
height, and they began to abandon their positions with a view to
reënforce the threatened point. Observing this, Cortés ordered Barba
to occupy the most commanding elevation with some fifty arquebusiers
and archers, while he himself continued to scale the centre as a
feint, for there was little hope of capturing a point so steep and
strongly held. The stones and darts rained here as previously, and
man after man was struck down, some bleeding freely from the wounds
sustained.[1082]
Meanwhile Barba’s sharp-shooters had made so effective a use of their
weapons that within half an hour the volleys from the fortress ceased,
and the women began to wave their robes in token of truce, shouting
their submission. Cortés graciously met the advances, and extended
full pardon. He also prevailed on the chiefs to induce the Tlayacapans
to submit. On the extensive surface of the rock were collected all
the inhabitants of the neighborhood, with their effects, which Cortés
ordered not to be touched.[1083]
The army remained encamped for two days to refresh themselves after
their arduous march, and after sending the wounded to Tezcuco,
Cortés proceeded to Huastepec. The report of the clemency extended
to preceding settlements had a reassuring effect on this town, whose
cacique came forth to welcome them, and tender his palace for their
entertainment. This was situated in a garden, celebrated throughout
New Spain for its beauty and extent, and the immense variety of
its plants, collected partly for scientific purposes. A river with
tributary canals flowed through its grounds, which extended over a
circuit of nearly two leagues, murmuring its melody in unison with
winged songsters hidden in arbors or playing between bush and hedge,
mingling their bright color with the green expanse. Adjacent were steep
rocks, on whose smooth surface were sculptured the portraits of noted
warriors, statesmen, and orators, with hieroglyphic inscriptions of
their fame. It was a paradise formed equally for student and idler, and
to the weary soldiers no spot could perhaps have proven so grateful.
Cortés certainly grows ecstatic in describing it, declaring it “the
largest, most beautiful, and freshest garden ever seen.”[1084] Tempting
as was the retreat, Cortés tore himself from it the following day,
and proceeded in a south-westerly direction to Yauhtepec. Although
many warriors were gathered there, they fled on the approach of the
Spaniards, and were chased, with some slaughter, for about two leagues,
into the town of Xiuhtepec.[1085] The women and effects there found
were appropriated as spoils, and rendered agreeable the two days’
stay. The ruler failing to appear, the place was fired, and terrified
by this warning the lord of Yauhtepec hastened to proffer submission.
After a day’s hard march the army came in sight of Quauhnahuac,[1086]
capital of the Tlahuicas. They were one of the Nahuatlaca tribes, which
according to tradition had entered the Anáhuac country to supplant
the Toltecs. Coming rather late, they found their brethren already
in possession of the lake region, and so they crossed the range to
seek a home on the headwaters of the Zacatula, where soon a number
of settlements rose round Quauhnahuac. They afterward fell under
the sway of the Chichimecs, and finally the Aztecs took advantage of
internal discord to establish sovereignty,[1087] maintaining it by a
garrison in the capital. This was a natural stronghold, situated on
a tongue of land between two steep ravines over forty feet in depth,
and through which ran a little stream during the rainy season. It was
further protected by strong walls, particularly on the side where a
strongly guarded gate opened to a fine stretch of country. Two other
entrances faced the ravines, sometimes spanned by bridges, which were
now removed.
Situated at the gateway to the tropical southern valleys, between
which and the colder lake region interposed a range of mountains,
the spot stood as a new Eden in its manifold beauties. A sight even
of the pine-fringed mountains that rolled off toward the north,
with their green slopes shaded by oak and birch, and bathed in soft
though bracing airs, was refreshing to the indolent inhabitants of
the burning plain beyond. On the other hand the sturdy toilers of
the northern plateaux might in this sunny south seek relaxation in
the varied charms of a softer air balmy with the incense of a more
lustrous vegetation.[1088]
It was an opulent community that of Quauhnahuac, surrounded as it was
by endless resources and advantages, and the people were in no mood
tamely to yield their wealth to invaders. And in this determination
they were sustained by their lord, Yohuatzin,[1089] who was not only a
vassal but a relative of Quauhtemotzin. Confident in the impregnable
position of his city, in which supplies were ample, he replied with
volleys to the demands of the Spanish forces as they appeared on the
other side of the ravines. It seemed almost impossible to effect
a crossing and climb the steep wall of the ravine to the city;
nevertheless Cortés selected a position and began to open fire so as
to occupy the attention of the garrison and cover the scaling parties.
While they were thus busied a brave Tlascaltec reconnoitred and came
to a point half a league beyond, where the ravine was steepest and
narrowed to an abyss. On the two sides grew two large trees, which
inclined toward each other, with branches intertwined, forming a sort
of natural bridge, though by no means secure. He called the attention
of his party to this and led the way across, followed by several
Spaniards. The natives, who were more accustomed to this kind of
tactics, found comparatively little difficulty in swinging themselves
across; but to the soldiers it was far from easy, and three of them,
overcome by dizziness or weight of armor, slipped and fell.[1090]
The attention of the inhabitants being attracted elsewhere, a number
of the invaders had gained a secure foothold within the city before
they were observed. Even now a few resolute men might have driven
them back, but such were wanting, and the sudden appearance of the
dreaded white men, as if indeed they had dropped into the stronghold
from some cloud made radiant by the sun whose reputed children they
were, struck terror to the hearts of the poor natives. All impotent
and nerveless, they permitted the daring strangers to lower the
drawbridge, and turned to spread the panic. Meanwhile the reports
of a formidable army advancing from the rear so wrought on the fears
of the garrison that, when the handful who had crossed on the bushy
bridge fell on them, they offered no resistance. This also allowed
the scaling forces to pour in, so that within a short time the siege
was turned into a rout, wherein the cavalry played a prominent part.
The zeal of the allies was already indicated by smoky columns in
different parts of the city, and the foot-soldiers hastened to share
in the rich plunder and intercept the women.
Most of the fugitives had gathered on an adjacent height, and though
no attempt was made that day to molest them, yet they began to fear
that men who could so readily capture one of the strongest fortresses
in the country, would find no difficulty in reaching them anywhere;
therefore, after listening to the advice of messengers sent by
Cortés, Yohuatzin concluded to surrender, and presented himself on the
following day with a large retinue and rich presents. The Mexicans were
as usual blamed for the opposition offered. He would have submitted
before, but thought it best to expiate the fault of resistance by
allowing the Spaniards to pursue, so that after spending their fury
they might be more ready to forgive.[1091]
There was no time at present to extend the reconnoissance farther
in this direction, and after a brief rest Cortés turned northward
to the lakes. The route over the mountains proved far more difficult
than before, and after issuing from the pine forest the army entered
a desert country terminating in a three-league pass through the
Ajuzco Mountains. Here thirst became so intense that several natives
succumbed.[1092] This suffering was relieved in a hamlet not far from
the pass.
On the following day they passed through a fine and cultivated
country toward Xochilmilco, that is to say, Field of Flowers, aptly
named, for round almost every house, particularly on the outskirts,
was a flower-garden enclosed by canals. Many of them were of the
chinampa class, or floating gardens,[1093] the outgrowth of early
Aztec weakness, now forming a picturesque border to the lake towns.
Altogether the aspect was most pleasing, while the buildings of the
central parts were artistic and striking. Besides the strength added
by canals and moats, pile buildings were frequent, and intrenchments
had been thrown up and drawbridges raised to defend the approach
against any enemy of the Aztecs, for its loyalty to the queen city
was fully as great as that of Iztapalapan. It was the most important
place on the thickly settled fresh-water lake. Bishop Garcés relates
that angels were heard to sing praises in the Mexican tongue when it
was converted.[1094] The usual summons was issued by the Spaniards,
and no heed being given, they attacked in three divisions by different
approaches. The enemy fell back behind the raised bridges and
intrenchments, whence they kept up a steady volley. The archers and
arquebusiers replied briskly, and covered the van as it plunged into
not very deep water and waded across to capture the fortifications.
This effected, the foe was driven from one retreat to another. Seeing
how affairs went, they sought to parley, but the pursuers paid no
heed, regarding it as a trick to gain time for the removal of their
families and property. Within half an hour the greater part of the city
was won, and soldiers and allies were sacking as they advanced. The
foe rallied now and then to cover their retreat, and in one instance
managed to despatch two soldiers who had allowed avarice to overcome
prudence.
Not long after, a body of some ten thousand warriors, reënforced by
fugitives from the city, was seen advancing from the rear as if to
cut off retreat. They were already close at hand when first observed,
and without losing a moment Cortés charged them at the head of a body
of cavalry.[1095]
At first they boldly faced the animals, and fought so well as to
severely wound four, besides several riders; but the mounted body
kept breaking through their ranks and then turned to fall on the rear.
This movement proved decisive, and the enemy dispersed in flight, the
horsemen scattering in pursuit. Already weakened by the severe march
across the mountains, the horse of Cortés became quite exhausted,
and while its rider was striking right and left into a large body of
fugitives, it fell. No other horseman being near, the enemy gathered
courage and rushed upon the general, who had risen to his feet and
stood with sword in hand to defend himself. It was a critical moment,
and had not a brave Tlascaltec warrior come to his rescue thus
opportunely, the career of the Estremaduran would have ended there;
for he had already received a severe blow on the head and was about
to be dragged away when thus rescued. The general’s body-guard then
came up and cut in pieces his late stupid assailants—stupid because
they might so easily have killed him, and did not.[1096] The pursuit
was not long maintained, tired as the horses were, and remounting
his steed Cortés led the way back to camp in the square.
Late as it was he superintended the filling of all the channels which
broke the causeways, and the erection of defences, and ordered the
soldiers to put in order their arms and prepare arrows. The forces
were distributed at three points, and extra guards were posted for
the night, together with bodies of troops at probable landing-points.
These precautions were prompted chiefly by the evident effort of the
last body of the enemy to shut up the army within the city, a movement
which boded other attempts, as Cortés rightly supposed.
* * * * *
When Quauhtemotzin heard that the Spaniards had marched against
Xochimilco he called a council to consider the course to adopt, and
the result was the despatch of reënforcements. Finding that the city
had so easily fallen, he became furious. The gods were indignant at
the outrages of the strangers. Arms must be employed more manfully,
and, these failing, the loyal ones must let their nails grow, as the
last means of protection. The first step should be the recovery of
Xochimilco. That very night two thousand canoes were sent with some
twelve thousand warriors, and a similar force by land, all approaching
stealthily, without music.[1097]
* * * * *
The rumor of a probable night attack kept the Spanish camp on the
alert, and advised of this, the enemy made no attack. At dawn their
canoes were already swarming round the city, the inmates rending the
air with loud and repeated shouts, and brandishing their weapons,
those of the chiefs being captured Spanish swords. “With your own
arms you shall be killed, and we will eat you!” they cried. “We fear
you not, for Montezuma is dead!” At the same time the land forces
were seen approaching, evidently to assist the fleet in besieging
the Spaniards within the city, which would give the Mexicans greater
advantage, as they had well learned during the siege of Mexico. Cortés
understood the manœuvre, and leaving the greater part of the infantry
and allies to guard the city, he sallied with most of the horse, in
three parties, a few of the infantry and several hundred Tlascaltecs,
breaking through the enemy’s ranks and gaining the foot of a hill in
their rear, the Tepechpan.
While the enemy were rallying, Cortés led the horse round to their
denser flank, and gave orders to the infantry to allure the Mexicans
by climbing the steepest part of the hill and pretending to escape.
This succeeded, and the next moment they were attacked in several
directions with such effect as to cause a panic and drive them in
flight toward a quarter where one division of horse had taken a
stand. Five hundred Mexicans covered the field and five leaders were
among the captured, while the Spanish loss was only one soldier and
a few allies, including three Tlascaltec chiefs, although a number
were wounded. During the pursuit the foremost division of horse came
upon a further Mexican reënforcement, estimated at ten thousand,
which rallied the fugitives and caused the pursuers to halt. Soon,
however, the remaining force came up, the charge was continued, and
the Mexicans routed.[1098]
Too tired for long pursuit, the Spaniards returned by ten o’clock
in the morning to Xochimilco, where their garrison had repulsed the
lake force. The fight had been fierce, and the soldiers had exhausted
all their ammunition, capturing in return two Spanish swords. These
victories brought little satisfaction, however, for the captives
gave information that the forces so far sent were but detachments
of the armies destined for Xochimilco, which must be recovered, and
the Spaniards driven forth, if it cost the lives of all the men in
Mexico. The Spaniards might defeat force after force, but even victory
must so weaken them that the Mexicans would finally triumph. This
seemed to be confirmed by the movements of the fleet, which, though
repulsed, was still hovering thereabout.
Cortés now gave orders to burn the city, as a warning to the wilful
inhabitants and preparatory to its evacuation. The soldiers, who
had been interrupted in their plundering the day before, obeyed with
alacrity. Xochimilco was a wealthy city, and not a Spaniard or ally
but obtained an abundance of robes, feathers, and other effects, and
even some gold, which helped to cheer those whom ordinary merchandise
and slaves did not satisfy. The enemy had been watchful, however, and
in their canoes they flitted round the city to cut off stragglers.
At one point quite a charge was made, wherein several Spaniards were
wounded and four carried off alive. This event did more to cast
a gloom over the army than many defeats, for all knew the fate of
prisoners.[1099]
After a stay of three days, all fraught with hard fighting, the army
filed out from Xochimilco, presenting the appearance of a dilapidated
caravan rather than of a reconnoitring and fighting expedition, so
much so that Cortés thought it necessary to remonstrate, but in vain.
The enemy hovered about like vultures, to harass them in what they
regarded as a retreat. The march was made in regular fighting order,
with cavalry distributed in three sections, in van, rear, and on flank.
In order to complete the reconnoissance, a north-westerly route was
taken to Coyuhuacan, the centre of a series of inner towns which lay
clustered within a radius of a league and a half, along the shores or
upon islands in the lake, all picturesque in their pyramidal temples
and their white walls, which gleamed amidst blooming orchards and
shady groves. Coyuhuacan itself was a beautiful town, and Cortés felt
so captivated with it that he afterward made it for some time his
favorite residence.[1100] It had been evacuated, but toward and beyond
Mexico the lake teemed with canoes, while in every direction spread
one continuous extent of farms and hamlets, connected by causeways
and roads with busy traffic. To Alderete and friar Melgarejo this
was a novel scene, and they could not refrain from expressing their
admiration at the enterprise and prowess of Cortés and his followers
in undertaking so vast a conquest. God’s aid alone could have enabled
them to succeed as they had done.[1101]
The army remained here over the following day, chiefly to examine
the place as intended head-quarters of a besieging force. It was
found satisfactory; and while arrows were prepared and the wounded
tended, the general advanced along the causeway leading to Mexico
and expended his remaining ammunition in the useless capture of the
temple fortress of Xoloc,[1102] during which a number of soldiers were
wounded, though the enemy suffered considerably. After offering to
heaven the fiery sacrifice of pagan temple, the army proceeded through
Tlacopan without halting, for they had no ammunition, and this place
had been examined on the previous expedition. This unexpected haste
encouraged the Mexicans to come forth in great numbers and attack
the baggage train and rear. Owing to the level nature of the ground
the cavalry found no difficulty in repelling them, yet they caused
more trouble, and succeeded even in carrying off two of the favorite
equerries[1103] of Cortés. He was deeply grieved at the loss, and
partly with a view to avenge them, partly to inflict a lesson which
should save the army from such annoyance, he formed an ambuscade beside
the road with twenty horse. Seeing the other ten horses engaged as
formerly in covering the rear, the Mexicans continued their pursuit.
At a favorable moment the hidden horsemen appeared, and soon over a
hundred of the flower of the Mexicans lay dead upon the ground,[1104]
their rich panoplies, dresses, and arms offering a pleasing addition
to the already heavy plunder. Freed from further molestation, the
army proceeded through Azcapuzalco and Tenayocan to Quauhtitlan, all
deserted. Here the army clustered round camp fires of green wood, wet
from a recent shower and supperless. Next morning they followed the
route already pursued during the flight from Mexico, round Zumpango
Lake through Citlaltepec, and thence through Acolman to Tezcuco.[1105]
A mass of booty and slaves being now at hand, a general distribution
was ordered, the second in Tezcuco. Again, says Bernal Diaz, Cortés
disregarded his promises and secured not only for himself the
objectionable fifth, but allowed his favorites to carry off the
prettiest women before they were brought forward at auction. Many
who remembered the former tricks hid their women and said they had
escaped, or they declared them free servants from allied tribes;
while a few managed to obtain a private branding, paying the fifth
required. A large proportion of the soldiers were so heavily in debt
for stores and fifths that their booty left them no surplus.[1106]
While the reconnoitring expeditions had on the whole been fraught
with pecuniary benefit and glory, they had nevertheless served to open
the eyes of many to the difficulty of the great purpose, the capture
of Mexico. This was particularly the case with the Velazquez party,
whose adhesion before the Tepeaca campaign had been compulsory, and
after it mercenary in its motives. Every obstacle to them appeared
terrible, magnified through constant fear of the dreaded stone of
sacrifice, on which so many comrades had already been laid. And this
they were encountering for what? the advancement of an envied usurper
and a pecuniary reward far beneath their expectations. The failure
at Iztapalapan, the repeated inroads of the Mexicans, unabashed by
constant repulses, and the hardships of the campaigns, particularly
the last, all tended to support their arguments against Cortés’ plans
as chimerical, involving long delays, constant toil, and waste of
life, and with poor recompense save for Cortés and his favorites.
Presently the affair assumed the color of conspiracy, headed by
Antonio de Villafañe, a common soldier from Zamora, who is claimed
by Herrera to have had the active or passive sympathy of some three
hundred malcontents, nearly one third of the army. The professed
object was to secure a pliable leader who would consult the wishes
of the soldiers, even those desirous of returning. Such a man, and
withal of great influence and valor, was Verdugo, the brother-in-law
of the all-powerful patron Velazquez, and him the conspirators chose
as the new captain-general, unknown to himself, since he might prove
too honorable to engage in plots against the commander. As a reward
for his own efforts Villafañe claimed the position of alguacil mayor,
while other friends and influential men of Narvaez were assured of the
remaining offices, from alcalde mayor and maestre de campo downward,
now held by the retainers of Cortés, as well as a share in the arms
and other effects of the doomed number.[1107] It was arranged that
when Cortés was seated at table with his intimate friends, as Alvarado,
Sandoval, Olid, and Tápia, a letter was to be handed him, as if coming
from his father, and while he was reading, the conspirators should
fall on and stab him and his supporters, since all must be removed
who might prove troublesome. The new officers were thereupon to be
proclaimed, together with the liberal plan agreed on, by which it
was hoped to allure even the friends of Cortés.
There were too many in the secret, however, and Cortés was a man of
magnetic influence. At the eleventh hour, two days after the return
from Xochimilco, says Diaz, an accomplice, struck with compunction,
rushed distractedly to the feet of Cortés and implored pardon for
having even dared to listen to the vile machinations. He thereupon
revealed the plot and stated that Villafañe carried the names and
details on a list in his breast-pocket. Cortés quietly summoned his
captains. He represented the need for a “remedy, since, besides the
scandal, it was evident that all the Spaniards must perish if once
they turned one against the other; and to this end not only declared
foes but allies would join.”[1108]
Attended by Sandoval and others, Cortés hastened to the house of the
accused and found several persons assembled. Some were secured as they
sought escape. Villafañe found time to take a paper from his breast and
tear it in pieces, but Cortés gathered and arranged them,[1109] and
was grieved to read the names of quite a number of promising persons
whom he had honored and regarded as friends. Villafañe confessed
the details of the plot, which had been forming since the Tepeaca
campaign. A court-martial was held, presided over by Cortés himself,
and there being no doubt of his guilt, the accused was condemned to
death and promptly hanged from the window of his dwelling.[1110]
Cortés had probably no doubt regarding the guilt of the persons named
on the list, but the prosecution of so many notable men might not
be prudent, and would only widen the breach between himself and the
malcontents and gain them sympathy. The day following the execution
the general called a meeting. Many were the consciences that pricked
their possessors to trembling on that occasion. But the sage Cortés
preferred the traitors should risk their necks in winning for him
Mexico, rather than himself to break them with a rope.
Napoleon, who in national warfare could open with his sword the veins
of the people until there poured forth torrents of blood, shrank in
horror from blood shed in civil broils. It was policy with Cortés,
however. So, after finishing his narration of the conspiracy, he coolly
informed them that Villafañe had refused to reveal his accomplices,
and he could not therefore name the guilty. There were no doubt men
amongst them with real or fancied grievances which may have induced
them to harbor resentment; but let them frankly state their wrongs
and he would seek to right them. If he had erred, let the error be
named. The conclusion of the affair created general satisfaction.
Thankful for their escape, the guilty sought both by words and deeds
to prove their devotion, and although Cortés kept his eye upon them,
there was no indication that he suspected any. He rather sought to win
them back with favors.[1111] So impressed were his intimate followers
by the risk to which so valuable a life had been exposed that they
insisted on his accepting a body-guard of twelve select men, under
the command of Antonio de Quiñones, an hidalgo of Zamora,[1112] who
watched over him day and night.
FOOTNOTES
[1062] This is according to Cortés; others differ slightly,
and Ixtlilxochitl increases the Tezcucan force to 60,000.
_Hor. Crueldades_, 13.
[1063] From _tocatl_ and _xal_, spider and sand.
_Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 29. The lake in which it
lies is divided about the centre by an artificial causeway
about one league long, running from east to west, the
southern water being now known as San Cristóbal Ecatepec,
from the town of that name, and the northern water as
Xaltocan or Tomanitla, San Cristóbal being also the general
term for both waters.
[1064] See _Native Races_, ii. v.
[1065] Bachiller Alonso Perez, afterward fiscal of Mexico.
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 135.
[1066] This incident was commemorated by some poetic follower
in a ballad which became a favorite with the conquerors:
En Tacuba está Cortés,
Con su esquadron esforçado,
Triste estaua, y muy penoso,
Triste, y con gran cuidado,
La vna mano en la mexilla,
Y la otra en el costado.
Which may be translated literally:
In Tacuba stands Cortés,
With his troopers strong and brave:
Sad he was and deeply grave;
Sad, and heavily oppressed.
With one hand his cheek he pressed;
Against his side, the other.
[1067] So runs Bernal Diaz’ account, which appears a little
exaggerated, for recently Cortés had shown the greatest
caution, and would hardly have allowed himself to be so
readily trapped on so memorable a spot. _Hist. Verdad._,
126. Cortés states that not a Spaniard was lost, though
several Mexicans fell. _Cartas_, 187.
[1068] _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vii.
[1069] They begged permission to return home, says
Chimalpain, _Hist. Conq._, i. 31. Herrera relates that
the efforts of Ojeda, by Cortés’ order, to take from the
Tlascaltecs the gold part of their booty so offended them
that they began to desert. The extortion was accordingly
stopped, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vii. Clavigero doubts
the story. Prescott regards the departure of the allies
as distasteful to Cortés; but we have seen that he did
not care at present to encumber himself with too many
unruly auxiliaries to prey upon the peaceful provinces.
The Tlascaltecs would willingly have remained to share in
raiding expeditions.
[1070] Including 8000 Tezcucans under Chichinquatzin.
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hor. Crueldades_, 15. On March 12th, says
Vetancurt, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 154.
[1071] Also known as Chimalhuacan-Chalco, to distinguish
it from Chimalhuacan on Tezcuco Lake.
[1072] Lorenzana inspected the position in later times.
_Cortés_, _Hist. N. Esp._, 214.
[1073] ‘Que todos los que allí se hallaron afirman.’
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 190. The general lauds the achievement
with rare fervor for him. Bernal Diaz sneers at the river
of blood story; but then he was not present to share the
glory. The Roman Mario was less dainty than these Spaniards
under a similar circumstance, commemorated by Plutarch;
or as Floro more prosaically puts it: ‘Ut victor Romanus
de cruento flumine non plus aquæ biberit quam sanguinis
barbarorum.’ _Epitome_, lib. iii. cap. iii.
[1074] Fifteen, says Bernal Diaz. Chimalpain, the Chalcan
narrator, states that his tribe lost 350 men, but killed
1500 foes, capturing the captain-general, Chimalpopocatzin,
a relative of the emperor, who now became a captain among
the Tezcucans, and was killed during the siege. _Hist.
Conq._, ii. 34. Some of these facts are evidently not very
reliable. He also assumes that Sandoval lost eight soldiers
on again returning to Tezcuco.
[1075] The ‘comissario’ or clerk in charge of the bulls
was Gerónimo Lopez, afterward secretary at Mexico. _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 129. This author names several of
the arrivals, some of whom became captains of vessels. A
number also arrived during the following week, he adds,
notably in Juan de Búrgos’ vessel, which brought much
material.
[1076] Gomara mentions also Maxcaltzinco as a distant place.
_Hist. Mex._, 186.
[1077] The chiefs were awaiting orders to appear before
Cortés. The general told them to wait till tranquillity
was more fully restored. The name of the other soldier was
Nicolás. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 203-5. Herrera assumes that
Barrientos arrived in camp during the late Tepeaca campaign,
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xvii.
[1078] Of the rank and file none suffered penalty on
returning, for captivity was regarded as disgraceful only
to a noble. _Native Races_, ii. 419.
[1079] Bernal Diaz states that the soldiers were tired of
these repeated calls, many being also on the sick-list,
but Cortés had now a large fresh force only too eager for
a fray attended with spoliation.
[1080] According to a native painting the army entered here
April 5th, which is a day or two too early, and received
a reënforcement of 20,000. See copy in Carbajal Espinosa,
_Hist. Mex._, ii. 523.
[1081] So says Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 130, who names
four. Cortés allows only two killed and twenty wounded; how
many fatally so, he carefully omits to mention. _Cartas_,
194.
[1082] Twenty fell, says Bernal Diaz. He speaks of two
futile attempts on the previous evening to scale the central
hill. It seems unlikely for soldiers, tired by repulse and
march, to undertake so difficult a feat, and that at the
least assailable point.
[1083] Yet Bernal Diaz relates a story to show that the
order was a mere pretence.
[1084] _Cartas_, 196; _Torquemada_, i. 536.
[1085] Some write Xilotepec. Bernal Diaz mentions Tepoxtlan,
which may have been visited by a detachment.
[1086] Place of the Eagle. Corrupted into the present
Cuernavaca, which singularly enough means cow’s horn.
[1087] See _Native Races_, v.
[1088] Cortés was so captivated by the alluring clime and
scenery that he made the town his favorite residence in
later years. It was included in the domains granted to him,
and descended to his heirs. Madame Calderon speaks of his
ruined palace and church. _Life in Mexico_, ii. 50.
[1089] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 311. Brasseur de
Bourbourg calls him Yaomahuitl.
[1090] ‘El vno se quebró la pierna ... y se me desvanecia
la cabeça, y todavia pasè yo, y otros veinte, ô trienta
soldados.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 132. Solis
misinterprets the passage, and gives this author credit for
leading the party. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 362. Vetancurt calls
the district toward this spot Amanalco. _Teatro Mex._, pt.
iii. 155.
[1091] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 196. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that
the submission is tendered through his namesake, as prince
of Tezcuco, the only capital of the tripartite empire loyal
to the Spaniards. _Hor. Crueldades_, 17-18.
[1092] Also one old Spaniard, believes Bernal Diaz, who
relates his own sufferings minutely, and how he followed
some mounted scouts in search of water, which he found,
bringing a supply to Cortés. _Hist. Verdad._, 133. Vetancurt
names this watering-place Topilejo, now San Miguel. _Teatro
Mex._, pt. iii. 155. Chimalpain mentions Quauhxômolco, just
before. _Hist. Conq._, ii. 40.
[1093] See _Native Races_, ii., 345.
[1094] _Lorenzana_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. Esp._, 225.
[1095] Six, says Cortés.
[1096] Bernal Diaz states that a soldier named Olea was the
main instrument in saving Cortés, _Hist. Verdad._, 133; but
Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, 311, gives the credit to the
Tlascaltec lord Chichimecatl, and Chimalpain to a noble
named Ocelotzin. _Hist. Conq._, ii. 41. Cortés says: ‘Un
indio de los de Tlascaltecal,’ _Cartas_, 199, who could not
be found the next day, and Cortés accordingly attributed
the aid, writes Herrera, to St Peter, dec. iii. lib. i.
cap. viii.
[1097] Followed by other bodies. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 134; _Torquemada_, i. 537.
[1098] Cortés leaves the impression that the foremost
division of six horse defeated the foe. Both Gomara and
Herrera are confused, and Prescott and others are led into
several mistakes.
[1099] Bernal Diaz names two of them.
[1100] He even willed that his bones should there be
entombed, a request which was not carried out.
[1101] ‘No eran cosas de hombres humanos ... que ayan hecho
ningunos vasallos tan grandes servicios a su Rey ... y
dello harian relacion a su Magestad.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 135.
[1102] At the junctions of the causeways which led from
the different shores to the southern avenue of Mexico. The
place is also known as Acachinanco.
[1103] Bernal Diaz states that Cortés was preparing an
ambuscade with ten horse and four equerries when he fell
into one himself and lost the two, whom he names. Alarmed
at his delay, Alvarado went back to look for him. loc. cit.
This is less likely than the version of Cortés.
[1104] Nobles they are termed, and Herrera doubles the
number.
[1105] Prescott and others intimate that they passed between
the lakes, from Quauhtitlan to Acolman, but Cortés mentions
Zilotepec, which may be identical with Citlaltepec, as
mentioned by Herrera, or Xilotzinco, about two leagues
eastward, as given by Ixtlilxochitl. Bernal Diaz also
appears to indicate the northern route.
[1106] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 129.
[1107] Bernal Diaz assumes that more than one captain-general
was to be appointed. ‘Para boluerse a Cuba, y deshazer a
Cortes,’ is all the explanation given by Gomara, _Hist.
Mex._, 178.
[1108] Such are in substance the words used by Cortés in
his relation to the emperor. ‘E cómo yo vi que se me habia
revelado tan gran traicion, dí gracias á nuestro Señor,
porque en aquello consistia el remedio.’ _Cartas_, 269.
[1109] So Cortés intimates, while Herrera states that
Villafañe hastened to devour the paper. His throat being
pressed, about half of it was rescued. dec. iii. lib. i.
cap. i. He further says that Sandoval was sent to make
the arrest; but Bernal Diaz asserts that Cortés went in
person, which is likely under the circumstances, and took
from Villafañe’s breast the paper. Finding thereon so many
names of quality he caused it to be rumored that the man had
eaten it, or part of it. _Hist. Verdad._, 136-7. Clavigero
assumes that the culprit revealed the names, and that
Cortés preferred not to believe him. _Storia Mess._, iii.
191. Torture failed to extort any names from him, writes
Torquemada, i. 528, and those on the list he declared to
be merely of men whom he intended to sound.
[1110] ‘Un alcalde y yo lo condenamos á muerte.’ _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 269.
[1111] Bernal Diaz states that he frightened many by having
them arrested and threatened with trial; probably those
seized with Villafañe. Oviedo, iii. 515, mentions Escudero
as executed for plotting; but this is doubtful. As for
Verdugo, he became regidor of Mexico, and in 1529 alcalde.
He afterward joined Guzman’s expedition and settled at
Tonalá in Jalisco. _Razon_, in _Cortés_, _Residencia_, i.
363.
[1112] This was Cortés’ own idea, says Bernal Diaz, and
he appealed to us to guard him. _Hist. Verdad._, 137.
Quiñones was succeeded by Francisco de Tenesas [Terrazas].
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 313.