CONSTRUCTION OF THE FLEET.
DECEMBER, 1520-FEBRUARY, 1521.
THE OBJECTIVE POINT—VESSELS NEEDED—MARTIN LOPEZ SENT TO
TLASCALA FOR TIMBER—THIRTEEN BRIGANTINES ORDERED—CORTÉS
AT TLASCALA—DRILL AND DISCIPLINE—ADDRESS OF THE
GENERAL—PARADE OF THE TLASCALTECS—MARCH TO TEZCUCO—NEW RULER
APPOINTED—SACKING OF IZTAPALAPAN—THE CHALCANS—ARRIVAL AT
TEZCUCO OF THE BRIGANTINE BRIGADE.
The Tepeaca campaign had been only part of the plan conceived during
the flight to Tlascala for the recovery of the dominating point of
the empire. The strength of the capital, and the ascendancy acquired
by the Aztecs during Spanish exclusion from the lake region, made it
impossible to strike directly at the centre of the uprising. It was
necessary first to conquer the surrounding provinces on which Mexico
depended for aid, and to do this in detail was easier than to meet the
combined strength of the foe. This would also leave the conquering
troops free to turn their whole attention against the capital, with
fresh allies and larger resources. A centre for operation was now
needed within the valley, and one from which the Aztecs might be
attacked in due time both by land and water. For this object Tezcuco
presented the greatest advantages in being situated on the lake,
some six leagues from Mexico, in the midst of a fertile country, and
near enough to Tlascala, from and through which reinforcements might
readily be obtained.[1013]
With a prudent foresight to these movements Cortés had shortly after
his first successes in Tepeaca sent Martin Lopez, the shipwright, to
Tlascala to prepare timber for thirteen brigantines, which were to be
transported to the lake for besieging purposes. The republic offered to
provide material and native carpenters, and aided by Andrés Nuñez and
others, Lopez soon formed an efficient corps of assistants for felling
and shaping the pieces, as modelled and numbered by himself. The
site of construction was at Atempan, on the Rio Zahuatl,[1014] which
afforded the necessary water for the trial launch, and had forests
near by from which timber, masts, and pitch could be obtained.[1015]
Iron, sails, cordage, and other needful articles taken from the sunken
fleet were forwarded from Villa Rica, together with smiths and other
workmen.
With the arrival of Cortés at Tlascala, preparations receive a fresh
impulse, and weapons and armor are overhauled, pikes and arrows made,
and stores collected. An opportune addition is made by the arrival of
a vessel from Spain and the Canaries, laden with war material, bows,
bowstrings, arquebuses, powder, and a variety of goods; also over a
dozen soldiers, with three horses. Cortés purchases the whole cargo,
and persuades the owner, Juan de Búrgos, the captain, and the men to
join him.[1016]
Drill receives attention, and equally necessary is the maintenance
of order, for they are few, remote from succor, and surrounded by a
powerful, warlike, and astute foe. Then they must maintain friendly
relations with their allies, whose aid is essential to the achievement
of their plans. One hasty utterance, one unjust act, can raise a storm
wherein all may perish. Good treatment on every hand is necessary to
win neutral and hostile provinces. It is often easier to persuade than
to enforce. With this view Cortés, as captain-general and justicia
mayor for his majesty, prepares a series of regulations which are
proclaimed on the 26th of December 1520.
In a lengthy preamble are set forth some reasons for its publication
and the necessity for good conduct, as recognized not only in human
but in divine affairs, and practised since time immemorial for the
regulation of wars.
The first article proclaims the primary motive of this, and indeed of
all their campaigns, to be spiritual conquest, in the absence of which
material conquests must be regarded as unjust. Blasphemy is forbidden
lest the offended Almighty should refuse his assistance. Gambling in
a modified form is permitted, but quarrelling is prohibited.
Rules are laid down for discipline in camp and field for sentinels,
for prompt and courageous performance of duty. No Spaniard may enter
houses in a hostile city to plunder until the foe has been driven
forth and victory secured; and booty of whatsoever nature, however
and wherever acquired, must be declared before the proper officers,
under penalty of death. Any captain who attacks an enemy without
orders shall be put to death.[1017]
Orders were also issued to regulate the prices of clothing and
accoutrements, which were excessive. In order to enforce the necessary
respect for the regulations, Cortés punished the earlier infringements
with a severity even in excess of the penalty proclaimed. Two of
the general’s own negro slaves were hanged for petty theft, and a
pilfering soldier was pardoned only when half strangled.[1018]
After a fortnight of rest and preparation Cortés concluded to resume
the campaign, partly lest a longer delay should cool the ardor of
the soldiers and allies. On the day following Christmas the troops
were mustered for review in the main square of Tlascala, where Cortés
in velvet-covered mail stood surrounded by the royal officials, the
leading chiefs of the republic, and a brilliant suite. First marched
the cross-bowmen in double file, who at a signal discharged their arms
aloft and passed on with a salute. After them came the shield-bearers,
waving their swords, which they sheathed after saluting; then the
pikemen with copper-headed pikes, followed by arquebusiers, who saluted
with a thundering salvo that reëchoed along the circling hills and
sent a tremor through the crowd of native spectators. Last came the
cavalry, prancing and skirmishing in rapid evolutions, to display
their skill as fighters and riders, and to dazzle the beholders with
their glittering arms and adornment. The total force consisted of
five hundred and fifty infantry, divided into nine companies, and
forty cavalry in four squads, with nine small pieces of artillery,
eighty cross-bows and arquebuses.[1019]
The main reliance of the infantry was in the swords and pikes, the long
Chinantec poles being largely introduced, even among the allies, and
made effective by long drilling. The nucleus of the troops, whereon
rested the highest hopes, was of course the horsemen, whose safety
had been carefully looked to by providing the steeds with poitrels,
and side and quarter coverings of stout bulls’-hide, reaching to the
hocks. They were fringed with small pieces of iron which jingled like
bells, and were supposed to add to the terror ever spread by these
animals among the natives.[1020] The riders were equally protected,
some with helmet and body mail of steel, which covered even the limbs,
leaving the wearer vulnerable only at the joints.[1021] Others had
less complete mail, while many possessed only the twisted cotton armor
worn by the foot-soldiers, though this was sufficiently effective
in native warfare. Thus was experience rapidly developing the art of
war in America.
The troops having fallen into line, Cortés advanced on horseback and
addressed them. They had mustered for a most important enterprise,
to recover the rich provinces once acquired but wrested from them by
treacherous rebels, to elevate the holy faith insulted by idolaters,
and to avenge the blood of cruelly murdered friends and comrades. “Just
are the reasons which impel us,” cried the speaker, “and necessary
to our security. Spaniards! God has ever favored you; therefore be
fearless. Let your conduct be such as to inspire with respect and
confidence our stout and tried allies, a hundred thousand and more
of whom stand ready and eager to join us. What more can Christian
soldiers desire than the double favors which God here giveth us, rich
rewards in temporal blessings and that glory immortal which follows
victory?” Thus the astute commander stirred the hearts of his men;
and believing his own words, was himself stirred thereby. And the
shout came back to him that they would regain the lost and avenge
themselves on the exultant Tenochtitlans.[1022]
Not to be outdone by foreigners, next morning the Tlascaltecs marched
into the plaza to the sound of conchs, pipes, and drums, the four
lords at the head richly attired and in plumage studded with precious
stones, which rose a yard above their heads in variegated colors,
denoting their rank and achievements. Following them were four squires
bearing their weapons, and the standard-bearers of the respective
quarters. Then in files of twenty deep came the regular warriors,
divided into archers, shieldmen, and pikemen, and into companies, each
with its ensigns and musicians. A striking spectacle they presented
in their orderly lines, gay with flowing plumes, glittering arms, and
many-colored devices; some of the latter displayed on a broad plane
of shields extended; others embroidered on the quilted cotton tunics
of leading warriors. All together formed a series of gay streaks
broken by wider bronze-hued masses of naked rank and file, while above
all heads rose a profusion of feather-work banners, speckled with
brilliant ornaments.[1023] These were lowered as the companies passed
before Cortés, who doffed his cap in acknowledgment, the warriors
responding by bending the head and discharging their bows. Their
number on this occasion has been estimated as high as one hundred
and fifty thousand, and although this is evidently exaggerated, there
is no doubt that the large Tlascaltec army was swelled by companies
from the neighboring provinces.[1024]
The march over, Cortés addressed the allies, extolling their deeds
which had covered the republic with glory. Soon again would they
add to its renown and its wealth, while avenging ancient wrongs. He
would see to it that their services were recognized by the emperor.
A small proportion would accompany him on the present march; the
remainder could follow after the completion of the brigantines.[1025]
In orthodox cheers the native warriors testified approbation. Their
general then spoke, exhorting them ever to remember that they were
Tlascaltecs, a name of terror to all foes. Only twenty thousand of the
eager republicans, including some Huexotzincas and the carriers, were
allowed to join the expedition, for more could not be conveniently used
during the preliminary campaign. Their general was Chichimecatl.[1026]
On the following day, the 28th of December, after the invocation of
divine aid, and midst the stirring strains of music, the army filed
out of Tlascala, the populace lining the route and shouting their
farewell blessings. “The gods grant you victory!” they cried, “and
successful return.” “There go the strong ones to humble the proud,”
said some, while of the women many sobbed: “Oh! if our eyes should
never behold you again!” There were three routes leading into the
lake provinces, two of them tried already during former marches; but
since the enemy were doubtless on the alert with ambuscades and other
measures, it was deemed best to select the third and worst road,
north of snow-crowned Iztaccihuatl, by which an approach would be
least expected.[1027] This led through Tezmeluca,[1028] a village in
Huexotzinco, six leagues from Tlascala, where camp was formed. Here
began a three-league ascent of the pass, and the Tezcucan border
was crossed amidst intense cold, the gradually dwindling vegetation
giving freer scope to the bleak wind which came whistling from the
summits. A league farther a convenient spot was found for a halt,
and the tired and shivering soldiers were soon huddling round fires.
On the following day a thick pine forest was entered, and soon after
the road was found blocked with felled trees. This created no little
stir among the men, but Cortés, who had not expected an unobstructed
path, sent forward a body of natives to clear it.[1029] With forces
massed and arms prepared, Cortés thereupon led the way, and in half a
league open ground was gained, to the relief of all. The difficulties
of the march were passed, and behind the army now lay the grim expanse
of barren rocks and hoary peaks; while beneath a pale-blue sky they
descended the wooded slopes to the valley below, rich in variegated
hues of field and garden, and enlivened with the gleaming white of
human habitation. Beyond spread the glassy surface of the lakes,
bordered on the farther side by the misty outline of low ranges,
fading in the distance like the glories of the now fading empire. The
queen city was the theme, however, and while some descanted to late
recruits on its wealth and beauties, others stood silently gazing on
the spot so dimmed with sad remembrances. Thus pondering on the past
they could almost hear the voices of fallen comrades calling on them
for vengeance, and “we vowed,” writes Cortés, “there to achieve victory
or perish.”[1030] As if in response to the challenge, ominous smoke
columns rose from the circling heights, the signal of the Mexicans
to rouse the inhabitants against the invaders.
No opposition was met during the descent, but beyond a ravine, on level
ground, forces were seen approaching from different directions.[1031]
By a quick movement Cortés managed to leave the broken ground and gain
the bridges ere the foe had united. Having now a plain before them,
fifteen of the horsemen charged and routed the main body. The rest
dispersed, with the Tlascaltecs in close pursuit to kill and ravage.
The army did not camp till they reached the deserted Coatepec, some
three leagues from Tezcuco.
Shortly before this there had been an accession in the person of
Ixtlilxochitl,[1032] the ruler of the northern part of Acolhuacan, who
had offered his friendship to the Spaniards before they ever entered
the valley. His faith in them was unshaken, particularly under the
aspect of their late successes, and he came to renew his protestations,
assuring Cortés that no opposition would be offered at Tezcuco. He gave
information about the political feeling, the prospect for humbling
the hated Aztecs, and the fate of certain small bodies of Spaniards
during the uprising. He also stated that Cuicuetzcatl was no more.
While at Tepeaca, Cortés had sent to Cohuanacoch, the usurper king at
Tezcuco, an Acolhua noble,[1033] with peaceful proposals. The envoy was
executed. Not long after, Cuicuetzcatl set out for Tezcuco, without
leave, tired as he was of the semi-captive restraint at Tlascala,
and confident that with the aid of his adherents and the prestige of
Spanish success he would be able to overthrow his usurping brother
and resume the sceptre entrusted him by Montezuma and Cortés. The
presence of so powerful an intriguer in the capital could not long
escape the spies of Cohuanacoch, who had him seized, and by the advice
of Quauhtemotzin summarily removed from his path.[1034]
* * * * *
Although fully a hundred thousand warriors were rumored to be hovering
hereabout, no formidable evidences of hostility were encountered during
the march to Tezcuco. A short distance from Coatepec a procession of
Acolhua nobles appeared, headed by four prominent personages, and
bearing a golden banner as a peace offering. They came in the name
of Cohuanacoch to tender his submission and the hospitality of the
city, with the request that no ravages be committed. After what he had
learned Cortés could hardly look upon their master as other than an
inimical usurper, whose tardy proffers could not be trusted, and whose
opposition need not be feared. He accordingly received the message
coldly, referred to the treacherous slaughter of the Yuste party of
fifty Spaniards and three hundred Tlascaltecs, and demanded that at
least the treasures seized on that occasion should be restored; failing
in which, a thousand natives should die for every Spaniard killed. The
envoys tremblingly explained that the outrage had been committed by
Zoltepecs at the instance of the Aztec ruler, whose men had carried
off the valuables. Still, they would institute a search.[1035]
Regardless of their urgent request that the entry into the capital
should be deferred till quarters had been prepared, Cortés proceeded
through the outlying suburbs of Coatlichan and Huexotla, where the
chiefs came forth to render homage, and passed on Monday, the 31st
of December, into Tezcuco, which was for many a month to be his
‘halting-place,’ as the name signifies.[1036] Quarters were taken up
in Nezahualcoyotl’s palace, as the largest and strongest place.[1037]
* * * * *
Meanwhile some soldiers who had ascended a tower came to report that
the inhabitants were hurrying away by land and water. Cortés now
understood why the envoys had sought to detain him on the road, and
gave immediate orders to seize the ruler and as many leading men as
possible. It was too late, however. Cohuanacoch had escaped. After
usurping the throne, combining with the foes of the Spaniards, and
murdering the ruler appointed by them, he did not dare to trust himself
within their reach. Hence, as the invaders marched in he embarked for
Mexico with his family, his chief adherents and treasures, attended by
a fleet of canoes with fugitives and effects. The anger of Cortés at
this escape encouraged the pursuing troops to commit certain excesses;
and in this they could hardly be blamed, for in one of the temples
were found relics of the Yuste party, which very naturally fired the
soldiers with a desire for vengeance.[1038] Ixtlilxochitl and other
friendly chiefs implored pity for the unoffending inhabitants, and
orders were issued in accordance, though not until the allies had
sacked a number of houses and fired the beautiful Nezahualpilli palace
containing the national archives.[1039]
Not knowing what might follow this exodus, Cortés hastened to fortify
his quarters and to collect supplies, aided by Ixtlilxochitl, who
had succeeded somewhat in reassuring the people. In order to restore
confidence, however, and win the inhabitants to his purposes, he saw
that there should be a recognized head, with influence to control
them, and one whom he could trust. The former necessity demanded that
the choice should be made among the brothers of Cohuanacoch, children
of Nezahualpilli, and of these Ixtlilxochitl and Tecocoltzin were
the only professed friends of the Spaniards. The latter was of less
legitimate birth, it seems, than some of the brothers, and a mere
youth, who had shared the _quasi_ captivity of Cuicuetzcatl, and had
accepted baptism with the name of Fernando Cortés de Monroy.[1040]
He was tall and well formed, of noble presence, and as fair as the
average Spaniard. Of docile disposition, he had readily conformed to
the teachings of the friars, had adopted Spanish ideas, and had become
a favorite among the conquerors. It may be readily understood that
this easily ruled boy should be preferred by Cortés to Ixtlilxochitl,
whose stay in Tezcuco during the troublous times had not tended to
strengthen Spanish confidence.
Cortés summoned the chiefs and represented that since Cohuanacoch
had forfeited any claims that he might have had to the throne, by
murdering the lawfully elected king and by abandoning his country,
they should therefore choose another ruler. He took care that his
selection should become known to them, and the electors hastened to
conform to the conqueror’s will, not even Ixtlilxochitl venturing to
remonstrate.[1041]
Fernando was accordingly brought from Tlascala soon after and installed
with great ceremony, receiving a Spanish dress with arms.[1042] He
proved kind and faithful, particularly to his patrons, yet Cortés never
relaxed his caution, and in order to keep him under safe surveillance
Antonio de Villareal was appointed his tutor, and Bachiller Escobar
captain of Tezcuco, while Pedro Sanchez Farfan and his brave wife
María de Estrada also remained there. This recognition of an esteemed
descendant of the beloved Nezahualpilli, and the just and moderate
conduct of the Spaniards, served to reconcile the people, who speedily
returned to their homes and avocations. The caciques of Coatlichan,
Huexotla, and Atenco tendered allegiance within three days of the
Spanish entry, protesting that their hostility had been wholly
compulsory.
This ready submission was by no means palatable to Quauhtemotzin, who
sent messengers to stir anew the spirit of revolt, while preparing to
strike a blow. But the emissaries were promptly surrendered to the
Spaniards, before whom they pretended to be merely peace mediators.
It pleased Cortés to accept the explanation, and after treating the
captives with great kindness he sent them back to Mexico to carry
peace proposals. Those who had been the chief promoters of the late
uprising were now dead, and it was better the past should be forgotten,
and friendship established. To this no answer was vouchsafed.
No hostile demonstration having occurred for eight days after the entry
into Tezcuco, Cortés resolved to waste no further time in preparation,
but to begin the campaign. This course was also needed to maintain
the troops in activity, to encourage them with spoils, and to save
the friendly Tezcucans from the constant drain of providing supplies.
Among the intended head-quarters during the siege of Mexico to follow
was the rich and beautiful garden city of Iztapalapan, close to the
southern entrance of the capital. This was an advantageous point,
through which a blow might be dealt the Mexicans while chastising
the town itself for the hostility of its inhabitants and their late
ruler, Cuitlahuatzin, the brother and successor of Montezuma. The
expedition consisted of eighteen horse and two hundred foot, with
a few thousand Tlascaltecs and Tezcucans,[1043] headed by Cortés,
Sandoval remaining in charge of the camp.
Warned by the movement, the inhabitants began to remove their families
and valuables, while the warriors marched along the lake shore for
nearly two leagues to meet and detain the invaders, supported by
Aztec forces and a fleet of canoes. As soon as the Spaniards came
up a lively skirmish ensued, the warriors being obliged to retreat,
though slowly, rallying at times, when the nature of the ground
permitted.[1044] Three hours of fighting brought them near the town,
and a final assault by the soldiers effected an entrance and forced
the warriors to take refuge in canoes and houses. The first comers
occupied the upper quarters, the others continued their course toward
the lake, where the dwellings stood on piles, cutting down every person
encountered in the streets. General massacre was followed by pillage,
and before nightfall six thousand bodies were ready for the funeral
pyre.[1045] Suddenly midst the work of destruction Cortés observed
startling signs of increasing waters, and soon after a Tezcucan brought
word that the dike shielding the town on the west had been cut. In
their desperation the inhabitants had invoked the flood, whose mercy
could not be more pitiless than the invaders, while it might assist
the work of revenge.[1046]
The opening was widening every moment. No time was to be lost. The
recall was sounded, but with the people so scattered it took some time
to gather them. Staggering under the weight of spoil they fell into
line, their march being dimly lighted by the flames behind them. The
flood increased so much that few of them could retain their burdens,
and near the opening the water came with such force as to make the
passage difficult. Several of the allies were swept away. It was nine
o’clock before the last of the troops gained the high land beyond
the dike. “A delay of three hours longer, and none of us would have
escaped,” writes Cortés. Failing in their desperate sacrifice to
catch the invaders in the flooded houses, there to be imprisoned all
night by the rushing waters, the enemy were at hand in canoes with
early dawn, showering missiles and sallying against the flanks of
the invaders. The Spaniards could only reply with sword and lance,
for the powder was wet, and since nothing more could be done under
the circumstances, they continued the retreat to Tezcuco. A number
of allies fell, and even the soldiers, who had suffered no casualties
in the capture of Iztapalapan, now lost one out of their ranks.[1047]
Notwithstanding the loss of booty and the humiliating retreat, the
expedition had succeeded in its main object, to inflict a severe lesson
on the foe by desolating one of the finest cities in the valley, at
the very threshold of the capital. The effect was noticed in the
arrival, the day after the return to Tezcuco, of messengers from
Otumba and several adjacent towns,[1048] penitently to renew their
allegiance, which was never again broken. A number of other towns
and domains followed the example, notably Chalco, a large and fertile
district extending round Chalco Lake, and toward the south-eastward.
It had fallen from the rank of an independent kingdom to that of a
province tributary to the Aztecs. The severity of its taskmasters
kept ever smouldering the flame of revolt, and deeply the people
sighed for deliverance. Owing to the proximity of the Mexicans and
the presence of their lawless garrisons, they like many others had
not before ventured to cast off the yoke, but with the approach of
the Spaniards they gathered courage, and two envoys were sent to
implore protection.[1049]
* * * * *
This accorded with Cortés’ plans, and Sandoval was instructed to
assist them. His first order, however, was to escort to Tlascala with
twenty horsemen and two hundred infantry the carriers, together with
a number of warriors, who desired to return home with the booty so
far acquired. Fresh supplies were likewise desired, and communication
with Villa Rica must be kept open. They had not proceeded far before
the Tlascaltecs, who had hastened in advance of the Spanish main
body, found themselves attacked by a large force, which slew a number
and captured the carriers’ train. Sandoval routed the assailants and
recaptured most of the booty.[1050]
From Tlascala Sandoval turned to Chalco. In certain maizefields in
front of the capital the Mexicans stood prepared with twelve thousand
warriors to dispute possession. He charged them at the head of his
cavalry, but, though yielding for a moment, they rallied and with
their long pikes compelled him to fall back upon the infantry and
allies. The second charge was more successful, and within two hours
the foe was in flight, during which large numbers were slaughtered
and some captives taken, including three leading men, while but few
of the Spaniards were even wounded.
The Chalcans came forth to tender an ovation, and the two young rulers
Acazitzin and Omacatzin[1051] accompanied the troops to personally
offer allegiance to Cortés, together with some small presents. Their
father had always admired the Spaniards and sought to serve them,[1052]
and on his death-bed, during the late small-pox epidemic, he had
recommended them and their counsellors to submit to the white chief,
for to him and his children of the sun did prophecy point as rulers
of that land. So important an accession gave no little pleasure to
Cortés, who treated the young prisoners with every consideration. At
their own request he confirmed them in the lordship, assigning to the
eldest Chalco city, with more than half the towns in the province,
while the younger received Tlalmanalco and Chimalhuacan, with Ayotzinco
and other places subject to them.[1053]
The eight captives were kindly treated, and sent to Mexico with
peace proposals similar to those transmitted by the former captors;
but there came no reply. The secession of Chalco was a blow to the
Mexicans even more severe than the capture of Iztapalapan, owing to the
bad example to submissive and wavering provinces, and Quauhtemotzin
hastened with allurements and threats to reimpress upon them the
necessity for remaining true to the empire. These messages were also
sent to the towns round Tezcuco; and the caciques of Coatlichan and
Huexotla came to the Spanish camp in great distress, to say that all
Mexico was coming upon them. They were doubtful whether to flee to
the mountains or come to Tezcuco. They were reassured and promised
succor when required; meanwhile they must entrench themselves and
prepare the warriors. The Mexicans did little, however, beyond making
raids on farms and stragglers from two towns,[1054] wherein they were
entrenched, not far from Tezcuco. This attack on the larder of the
army could not be endured, and Cortés went forth on two occasions
to secure the threatened crops for himself, driving off a force of
marauders who had come with quite a fleet in the expectation of a
fine harvest, and capturing their strongholds on the lake.[1055]
All this made communication with Tlascala insecure, and on last leaving
that province Sandoval had strictly forbidden any one to cross to
Tezcuco without a permit. It so happened that a vessel arrived at
Villa Rica with over thirty soldiers, besides the crew, eight horses,
and a quantity of war stores. Knowing how pleased Cortés would be,
a young soldier broke the rules, adventured his life, and carried
the tidings to the general, who freely forgave the disobedience of
orders. This young cavalier also reported that the brigantines were
completed and ready for transport. Since siege operations could not
begin until the brigantines were floated on Tezcuco Lake, no time
was to be lost, and Sandoval received orders to proceed at once to
Tlascala and convoy the precious train. In going he must pass through
Zoltepec, five leagues distant, near the eastern border of Acolhuacan,
and there inflict chastisement for the murder of the Yuste party
during the late uprising.
Sandoval set out with fifteen horse and two hundred foot. On the way
a house was passed bearing upon its wall the touching inscription,
“Herein the unhappy Juan Yuste was a prisoner.” The inhabitants
of Zoltepec, henceforth termed ‘pueblo Morisco,’ had long expected
this descent, and no sooner did the party appear in sight than they
hastened to the mountains. One body of soldiers entered the town to
plunder, and found among other things relics of the dress, arms, and
accoutrements of their slain comrades in one of the temples.[1056]
Another body pursued the fugitives, killing a few and capturing a
large number, chiefly women, who were enslaved. Their pleading so
moved the heart of Sandoval that he issued a pardon to those who had
escaped.
Meanwhile Martin Lopez, the master shipwright in Tlascala, had arranged
for the transportation of the brigantines. A trial launch had been
made of one or two above a dam thrown across Zahuatl River,[1057] and
this proving satisfactory they were broken up. Upon the shoulders of
eight thousand carriers were now loaded the separate pieces of timber
and planks, duly marked and numbered for fitting them together; also
the spars, cordage, sails, together with a quantity of ammunition, two
heavy guns, and other effects.[1058] Gayly they bent to the burden
wherein lay enginery so portentous for the destruction of the hated
Aztecs. The caravan set forth, escorted by a large force of warriors,
and halted at Hueyotlipan to await the Spanish convoy. After a time the
Tlascaltecs became impatient, and regardless of warnings proceeded.
While encamped near the border an alarm was raised, and tumultuously
the warriors rushed to arms to protect a portion at least of the train
which had cost such labor and embodied such hopes. The next moment
a cheer was heard. It was Sandoval and his men.
With this new protection many of the Tlascaltec escort could be
dismissed, and the remaining twenty thousand were redistributed,
the rear being assigned to the leading chief, Chichimecatl, and the
flanks to Axotecatl and Teotepil.[1059]
It was a strange sight in those parts, this serpentine procession as
it wound its way across the Tezcucan border, along the narrow defiles
of the mountains,[1060] extending two miles from front to rear, it
is said. A fleet impelled by human agencies over mountain and plain,
through forest and dale, it was indeed a “cosa maravillosa,” as Cortés
expresses it. The feat of Vasco Nuñez stood repeated, but magnified
in some respects, in the number of the vessels, in the distance of
the journey, the lurking foe being ever present, and in the audacity
of purpose, the subjugation of the proudest metropolis on all this
vast continent. And great was the rejoicing at Tezcuco as the caravan
came in sight on the fourth day, arrayed in gala attire, with brightly
gleaming devices and ornaments, and waving plumage, advancing in one
long line to inspiring music. With a large retinue, also in gala dress,
Cortés went forth to meet them, and as the procession passed into
the city the Tlascaltecs rolled forth their newly acquired Spanish
vivas: “Viva el Emperador!” “Viva Malinche!” “Castilla!” “Tlascala,
Tlascala, Castilla!” The march past occupied six hours, says Cortés.
Ship-yards were prepared for the vessels on the border of a creek or
irrigation canal, which had been deepened and widened for nearly half
a league, fortified in places with timber and masonry, and provided
with dams and locks. This labor had occupied eight thousand Tezcucans
fifty days.[1061]
FOOTNOTES
[1013] Many favored Ayotzinco, near Chalco, which offered
also a good launching place for the vessels. _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 118.
[1014] Where now is the chapel of San Buenaventura.
_Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, 176. Yet Lorenzana says: ‘Por
constante tradicion se trabajó en un Barrio de Hueyothlipan,
que llaman Quausimalán, que quiere decir, donde labran
los Palos.’ _Cortés_, _Hist. N. Esp._, 167. But it is more
likely to have been on the river passing through Tlascala
city, and near Matlalcueye Mount.
[1015] The timber came probably from the Matlalcueye slopes;
the masts from Hueyotlipan; the pitch from the pine woods
near Huexotzinco, says Bernal Diaz, where it was prepared
by four sailors, for the natives did not understand its
manufacture. ‘Es la Sierra Matlalcuie,’ states Torquemada,
_Monarq. Ind._, i. 524. ‘La brea se saca de ... la sierra
de la Agua de Xalapa,’ near San Juan de los Llanos.
_Bustamante_, in _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 13.
This applies rather to colonial times. Bernal Diaz, _Hist.
Verdad._, 118, 124, names a number of those who aided in
building. See also _Mora_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_,
x. 302-3.
[1016] Bernal Diaz names several of the thirteen soldiers.
The captain was Francisco Medel. One of the men, Monjaraz,
was said to have murdered his wife. He kept aloof from all
combat, but once he ascended a tower to look on, and was
that same day killed by Indians. _Hist. Verdad._, 118-19.
[1017] Such are in substance the famous regulations of
Cortés. The document was witnessed on the 22d of December
by the leading officers, before Juan de Ribera, ‘notary
public in all the kingdoms of Spain,’ and was publicly read
at the review of the troops, the 26th, by Anton García,
crier. The full text has been reproduced in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. Doc._, i. 445-51, and _Cortés_, _Escritos Sueltos_,
13-23, owing to the defects of the copy by Prescott, and
the briefness and blunders of earlier references to it.
[1018] ‘Quedò tal, que no boluio en si, ni pudo tragar en
vn mes.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx. One soldier
was lashed for imposing on an Indian, and another degraded.
[1019] This is Cortés’ own account, with the exception that
he gives the field-pieces as eight or nine. _Cartas_, 165.
Gomara says 540 infantry and nine guns. _Hist. Mex._, 174.
Vetancurt writes six guns, which may be a misprint. _Teatro
Mex._, pt. iii. 150.
[1020] ‘Anqueras,’ as Spaniards call the covering, are
still in use by rich horsemen in Mexico, highly ornamented.
[1021] Thompson describes the armor of Alvarado at the
Mexico museum. It indicates that this renowned cavalier was
a smaller man than Cortés, whom he supposes to have been
of Napoleon’s size. _Recol. Mex._, 119.
[1022] In _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 165-6, are given the main
points of the speech, too brief evidently for Gomara,
who fabricates a verbose spiritless oration according to
his fancy, _Hist. Mex._, 174-5, while shorter versions
are presented by Ixtlilxochitl, Oviedo, Torquemada, and
Clavigero.
[1023] See _Native Races_, ii. 405-12, for description of
arms, banners, etc.
[1024] Herrera, who objects to Ojeda’s large figure, gives
60,000 archers, 40,000 shieldmen, and 10,000 pikemen, dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xx., and this Vetancurt accepts, _Teatro
Mex._, pt. iii. 150, while Solis reduces the men at the
review to 10,000, though he allows over 60,000 to join the
march the following day. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 287-8.
[1025] If any there were who followed not of their free-will
they should remain behind. He had enough men as it was.
The lords replied that they would rather be drowned in the
lake than return without victory. _Torquemada_, i. 526. On
this occasion may have been presented to the Tlascaltec
battalion the red damask banner, bearing on one side the
crowned image of the virgin with the hands uplifted in
prayer, and on the other the royal arms of Castile and
Leon, a banner which Boturini obtained possession of with
proofs of its genuineness. _Catálogo_, 75. Yet this design
appears to belong to a standard borne by the Spaniards on
entering the conquered Mexico.
[1026] The chief motive for restricting the number was,
according to Gomara, the trouble of sustaining them. _Hist.
Mex._, 176. Bernal Diaz mentions only 10,000 warriors,
wherein he evidently does not include carriers. _Hist.
Verdad._, 119. Herrera increases the number to 80,000,
under four captains, directed to a certain extent by Ojeda
and Juan Marquez. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xx.
[1027] ‘Acordé de entrar por esta de Tezmoluca, porque ...
el puerto dél era mas agro y fragoso.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
167. Yet Lorenzana adds a note of explanation which shows
that he misunderstands the text. Ixtlilxochitl calls the
road Tlepehuacan. _Hist. Chich._, 306. Through the Rio Frio
Mountains. _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 19. The present
improved road from Vera Cruz to Mexico. _Orozco y Berra_,
in _Noticias Mex._, 255.
[1028] ‘Lugar de Enzinas.’ _Herrera_, loc. cit. Now San
Martin Tezmeluca. _Bustamante_, in _Chimalpain_, ubi sup.
[1029] Herrera leaves the impression that a new road was
now opened to escape the entrenchments and traps already
formed by the enemy. But he is evidently wrong.
[1030] ‘Prometimos todos de nunca dellas salir sin victoria,
ó déjar allí las vidas.’ _Cartas_, 169. ‘We vowed, if God
gave success, to act better in besieging the city.’ _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 119.
[1031] Herrera calls them 100,000; Vetancurt, 140,000.
[1032] At Tlepehuacan, near the border. _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Hist. Chich._, 306-7.
[1033] Ixtlilxochitl calls him in one place the brother of
Cohuanacoch. _Id._, 299.
[1034] ‘As a spy,’ adds Cortés, _Cartas_, 176. Ixtlilxochitl
states, contrary to Cortés, that this general sent him to
Tezcuco on the same errand as the previous envoy. _Hist.
Chich._, 306. But this appears a needless exposure of an
important personage.
[1035] Bernal Diaz states that Cortés nevertheless embraced
the envoys, three of whom were relatives of Montezuma.
_Hist. Verdad._, 120.
[1036] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 214.
[1037] Prescott says Nezahualpilli’s, but this was burned
at this very time according to the only authority on the
point, Ixtlilxochitl, _Hor. Crueldades_, 10. Brasseur de
Bourbourg assumes that the allies stayed at Huexotla, which
is doubtful. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 402.
[1038] The stuffed skins of the five horses were found,
and other things, offered to the idol. _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
183. Strange that the Tezcucans should not have removed so
palpable evidence against them.
[1039] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 306.
[1040] _Real Cédula, 1551._ In this cédula are named a number
of the brothers, but the pagan name is not given in every
instance. Bernal Diaz and Torquemada confirm this baptismal
name for the ruler now appointed; Cortés writes merely
Fernando; Ixtlilxochitl adds Tecocoltzin; Sahagun gives the
latter name and calls him legitimate, as he was in a certain
sense. _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 143. Clavigero calls him
Fernando Cortés Ixtlilxochitl; Chimalpain interpolates De
Alvarado in lieu of Cortés, but substitutes Tecocoltzin for
Ixtlilxochitl in one place. _Hist. Conq._, 21, 55. Vetancurt
evidently accepts the true name, but applies the baptism and
appointment to Ixtlilxochitl. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 152.
The latter, who succeeded to the Tezcucan rulership toward
the end of 1521, received the name of Fernando Pimentel,
and it is this similarity of the first name that has led to
the pretty general confusion about the appointee. Lockhart
actually attempts to rectify the correct statement of Bernal
Diaz with a blunder, _Memoirs_, ii. 411; and Zamacois, in
doing the same with the blundering Solis, gives a long note
amusingly erroneous. _Hist. Méj._, iii. 585.
[1041] Ixtlilxochitl states not wrongly that Tecocoltzin
was chosen by general request, but he adds that while the
political horizon was so cloudy the electors preferred
that a legitimate heir like Ixtlilxochitl should not fill
so dangerous a position; nor did the latter care to rule
while the elder brother lived. _Hist. Chich._, 307; _Hor.
Crueldades_, 11-13. Pretty good excuse for a prince who
forcibly wrested half the domain from Cacama. Brasseur de
Bourbourg assumes that he feared to be suspected of seeking
a Spanish alliance merely to obtain the crown. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 409. But this design he had long harbored, as
even the abbé intimates at times. He no doubt stood, with
his strong character, as one of the powers behind the throne.
Cohuanacoch does not appear to have had much influence.
[1042] Solis takes this opportunity to elaborate a few
of his specimen speeches. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 315-16. ‘Fue
el primero que en publico en Tezcuco se casò, y velò.’
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 152.
[1043] Bernal Diaz differs somewhat, and gives the proportion
of forces, attended also by Alvarado and Olid. _Hist.
Verdad._, 121. The Tlascaltecs numbered about 4000, and
the Tezcucans, according to Ixtlilxochitl, from 4000 to 6000.
[1044] Gomara assumes that they sought to allure the
Spaniards into the town. _Hist. Mex._, 179.
[1045] So estimated by Cortés and others. Herrera reduces
it to 5000.
[1046] Cortés states that he saw men cutting the dike as
he entered the town, but did not consider the significance
until the water rose and recalled it to him. _Cartas_, 174.
[1047] So says Cortés, while Bernal Diaz assumes that two
men and one horse were lost, he himself receiving so severe
a wound in the throat as to become an invalid for some
time. _Hist. Verdad._, 121. Solis refers to the affair as
a glorious victory.
[1048] Four, says Cortés, and Lorenzana enumerates several
which may have embraced them. _Hist. N. Esp._, 196. Brasseur
de Bourbourg confounds some with southern Chalco towns.
[1049] Duran states that the Chalcans had sent presents
with offers of alliance before the Spaniards crossed the
mountain border. _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 491. But this is
doubtful. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that they appealed first to
his namesake, as their suzerain, and he advised submission
to Cortés. Mizquic and Cuitlahuac appear to have joined in
the submission.
[1050] Bernal Diaz writes that two archers fell and seven
of the foe. Owing to this incident Sandoval left orders
that no reënforcements from Villa Rica should advance
beyond Tlascala till further orders. _Hist. Verdad._, 122.
Prescott wrongly assumes that this attack occurred on the
march to Chalco.
[1051] Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._ 314. On another
page, 307, he names Omacatzin and four other caciques, and
Chimalpain, several others, _Hist. Conq._, 36-7; but they
appear nearly all to be sub-caciques. Brasseur de Bourbourg
calls the first lord Itzcahuatzin.
[1052] He had served the Spaniards during the late uprising.
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 178-9.
[1053] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 123; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Mess._, iii. 174. After taking them back to Chalco,
Sandoval escorted from Tlascala some Spaniards and Don
Fernando, the new ruler of Tezcuco.
[1054] Chimalpain names Chimalhuacàn, Chitlahuaca, and
Chicoaloapan. _Hist. Conq._, ii. 24.
[1055] Some of the raided fields were Mexico temple
properties. One Spaniard was killed and twelve wounded,
while the Mexicans lost over a dozen, besides a number
of prisoners. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 122-3. The
caciques of the captured strongholds came now to submit. The
Aztecs recaptured them, and had again to be driven forth.
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 180-1; _Torquemada_, i. 529.
[1056] ‘Dos caras que auian desollado ... quatro cueros de
cauallos curtidos ... muchos vestidos de los Españoles q̄
auiã muerto.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 124.
[1057] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. v., intimates that
all were launched, as do Camargo, Prescott, and others, but
Torquemada observes that it would have been needless injury
to the timbers to put all together. Besides, all were made
on one or two models, the different pieces being shaped in
exact imitation of those for the models.
[1058] Ojeda, who appears to have rendered great service
as interpreter and in controlling the Tlascaltecs, was
soon after rewarded with what he terms a generalship over
all the auxiliaries under Cortés. Herrera makes a special
later expedition of 5000 Tlascaltecs convey the guns and
other effects, carried in wooden beds by relays of twenty
natives for each. dec. iii. lib. i. cap. vi.
[1059] The names are written in different ways by different
authors. The former is probably identical with the chief
of Atlihuetzian, who afterward killed his two sons for
becoming Christians, says Clavigero, _Storia Mess._, iii.
176. Chimalpain calls them brothers. _Hist. Conq._, ii. 26.
Camargo, followed by Herrera, assumes that the original
native force was 180,000. Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl allow
20,000 to have been retained, besides carriers; others give
each of the chiefs 10,000 men, while Bernal Diaz, who as a
rule seeks to ignore the value of native aid, reduces the
number to 8000 warriors and 2000 carriers. Chichimecatl
became quite indignant at finding himself removed from
the van. He was a lord of Tlascala, and had ever been
accustomed to posts of honor and danger. ‘For this very
reason,’ replied Sandoval, ‘have I placed you in the rear,
for there the foe will be most likely to attack.’ Though
mollified in the main, Chichimecatl still grumbled, and
considered his army sufficient to guard the rear without
the aid of the Spanish force attached to his. Sandoval
no doubt took the van, though Bernal Diaz states that he
joined the rear. _Hist. Verdad._, 124. Cortés implies that
the change was owing to the risk, in case of attack, to
have in the van the cumbersome timber under Chichimecatl’s
care. _Cartas_, 184-5. Chimalpain supposes that the chief
carried his points. _Hist. Conq._, ii. 27.
[1060] North of Telapon, as the easiest route, is the
supposition of Orozco y Berra, in _Noticias Mex._, 256.
[1061] ‘Hizieronla quatro cientos mil hombres.’ _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 191. That is, 8000 fresh men daily for 50
days, to judge by the figure. Ixtlilxochitl fails not to
adopt a number which speaks so well for the size of his
province. _Hist. Chich._, 307; _Relaciones_, 416. ‘La
zanja tenia mas de dos estados de hondura y otros tantos
de anchura, y iba toda chapada y estacada.’ _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 206. Bustamante claims to have seen traces of
it, _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 66-7, as did Lorenzana in his
time. _Cortés_, _Hist. N. Esp._, 234. For the caulking of
the vessels cotton was also used, and for want of grease,
human fat was obtained from slain enemies, writes Gomara.
Oidor Zuazo was assured of this pagan consecration for the
fleet. This has been denied by others, observes Oviedo,
iii. 423-4; but there is nothing improbable in a partial
use thereof, for human fat had been frequently used in other
cases, as Cortés admits. Additional timber was obtained in
Tolantzinco, says Ixtlilxochitl.