KING-MAKING AND CONVERTING.
OCTOBER-DECEMBER, 1520.
CONQUEST IN DETAIL—BARBA CAUGHT—OTHER ARRIVALS AND
REINFORCEMENTS—THE SMALL-POX COMES TO THE ASSISTANCE OF THE
SPANIARDS—LETTERS TO THE EMPEROR—ESTABLISHING OF SEGURA DE
LA FRONTERA—CERTAIN OF THE DISAFFECTED WITHDRAW FROM THE
ARMY AND RETURN TO CUBA—DIVISION OF SPOILS—HEAD-QUARTERS
ESTABLISHED AT TLASCALA.
Thus all was going gayly with the Estremaduran once more. It was easy
work overcoming the divided Aztec forces, which combined had proved
so formidable. And there was little trouble now from factions. None
advocated a station by the sea-side, with ships ready for flight; none
thought of abandoning New Spain for Cuba. The simple presence of the
general was as the shield of Abas, which performed so many marvels,
and the mere sight of which could on the instant stay a revolt or
reduce a province to submission.
The successes of the Spaniards were rapidly enlarging the fame and
influence of their leader, bringing among other fruits, as we have
seen, alliances and reinforcements, not alone from native sources,
but from Spanish. The first accession of the latter was thirteen
soldiers and two horses, brought in a small vessel under the hidalgo,
Pedro Barba, formerly commandant at Habana. Commandant Rangel at
Villa Rica had received instructions to secure any vessel that might
arrive, both with a view to obtain recruits, and to prevent news from
travelling to Cuba of the defeat of Narvaez, or other incidents. As
the vessel entered the roadstead he accordingly approached it in a well
manned boat, with hidden arms. “How fares Narvaez?” was Barba’s first
inquiry. “Exceedingly well,” replied Rangel. “He is prosperous and
rich, while Cortés is a fugitive, with a score of miserable followers
at the most; or he even may be dead.” “All the better,” rejoined
Barba; “for I bear letters from the most magnificent Velazquez, with
instructions to secure the traitor, if he be alive, and send him at
once to Cuba, whence he shall go to Spain, as commanded by our most
illustrious Bishop Fonseca.” As a matter of course, Señor Barba will
accept the proffered hospitality; he will go ashore and deliver his
message to Narvaez in person. And he will catch this slippery fox
from Estremadura, and carry him hence to be hanged; he will carry
him to his worshipful master Velazquez to be hanged. So entering the
boat he is conveyed away, but only, alas! to be declared a prisoner;
only, alas! to learn that though damned, Cortés is not dead, and is
by no means likely at once to meet strangulation at the hand either
of Barba, Narvaez, or Velazquez. Meanwhile other visitors in other
boats proceed to secure the crew. The vessel is dismantled; and
since Cortés is the king, and not Narvaez, the so lately fierce and
loyal Barba, nothing loath, declares for Cortés. Indeed, Barba was
by no means unfriendly to the general, as proven by his attitude at
Habana two years before. Any such reinforcement was gladly welcomed
at Tepeaca, and Cortés sought to insure Barba’s loyalty by making him
captain of archers.[959] A week later arrived another small vessel,
under the hidalgo Rodrigo Morejon de Lobera, with eight soldiers, a
mare, a quantity of crossbow material, and a cargo of provisions. It
was secured in the same manner, and the soldiers and sailors proceeded
to join the army. Thus Cortés draws them in, friend and foe alike
being his fish, if once they enter his net.
More substantial reinforcements were in store, however. Governor
Garay, of Jamaica, had in no manner been discouraged by the failure
of his last expedition to Pánuco, and the rumors of his rival’s
success in New Spain fired him to renewed efforts, the more so since
he possessed the royal grant, the vessels, and the men, with ample
means to sustain them. In the spring of 1520 he had despatched three
vessels, with about one hundred and fifty soldiers and sailors, a few
horses, and some artillery, under the former commander, Pineda.[960]
Ascending the Pánuco the expedition came to a town,[961] and met
with good reception, but the natives soon tired of giving their
substance to strangers, who may beside have been guilty of excesses,
and they made hostile demonstrations. Pineda showed a bold front, and
proceeded to attack the town, but was surprised and killed, together
with a number of soldiers and the horses.[962] The rest escaped as
best they could in two of the vessels, pursued by a fleet of canoes.
One of the caravels was wrecked not far above Villa Rica, whereupon
a portion of the men resolved to proceed by land rather than suffer
starvation on board, for in the hurry of the flight the lockers had
received no attention. Both the sea and land parties arrived at the
Spanish port, where every care was given them.[963] Thence they were
forwarded to Tepeaca, where their cadaverous complexion and swollen
bodies procured for them the nickname of ‘panzaverdetes,’ or green
paunches. Hardship and bad food had carried a number past relief,
and even in Tepeaca several died, including Camargo, as Bernal Diaz
believes.
A month later, after the Quauhquechollan expedition, another vessel
arrived with about fifty soldiers,[964] under Miguel Diaz de Auz, an
Aragonian cavalier. He had been sent to reinforce Pineda, but after
remaining at Rio Pánuco for a month, without seeing even a native,
he had come down to search for the fleet. The fame of Cortés and the
promise of rich spoils induced him to follow the preceding party,
in contradistinction to which his stout and lusty recruits were
dubbed the ‘strong-backs.’[965] Hearing that two other vessels had
been fitted out to follow the Pánuco expeditions, and were probably
now cruising along the coast, Cortés ordered a crew to be sent in
pursuit, with the sole desire, as he expressed it, to save them from
the fate which had so nearly overtaken Camargo. One was never heard
of, and the other, the largest, entered the port before the searching
vessel had left, it seems, bringing about one hundred and twenty
men and sixteen horses. Camargo was induced to remonstrate with the
captain against proceeding to Pánuco, since the result could only be
disastrous, the native lord having, beside, tendered allegiance to
Cortés in Montezuma’s time.[966] But the captain would not listen to
him. To the joy of Cortés, however, a storm arose, which obliged this
captain to slip his anchor and put to sea; obliged him to take refuge
in San Juan de Ulua harbor, where he found his vessel so unsafe as to
require her to be stranded, whereupon the forces and armaments were
landed.[967] Cortés at once sent a sympathizing message, offering
the captain every assistance, but never for a moment intending to
give him any. He even tendered other vessels for his voyage—so he
tells the emperor.[968] But there is no doubt that the tender was
illusive, and that he did all in his power, with bribery, promises,
and even force, to secure the men and armament, and at the same time
to weaken his rivals by their loss. According to some accounts he
caused their vessels to be sunk to prevent departure,[969] an act
which Oviedo declares a fair war measure, particularly on the part
of Cortés, who greatly needed reinforcements. Men destined for so
comparatively unattractive a region as Pánuco must have been pleased
by the prospect of ready spoils and Mexican treasures soon to fall
into their hands under so able and successful a leader as Cortés. They
were therefore readily induced to join him, the captains alone, as in
the last instance, interposing objections for a while. These several
accessions amounted, according to the testimony of Cortés, to about
two hundred men and some twenty horses,[970] together with a large
quantity of small-arms, artillery, and ammunition. Thus again and
again was the shrewd and lucky Cortés aided by the very means which
his great enemies and rivals had sent to be used against him; aided to
reap the advantages they had planned and plotted to secure. And all
the while he was pitting the antagonisms of native foes one against
another, employing them also to assist him in securing the grand
prize. Greatness is but another name for good fortune. Circumstances
certainly did as much for Cortés in promoting success as Spanish arms
and superior civilization.
* * * * *
Civilization! What fools we are, pluming ourselves in its radiance,
the radiance of ghastly electrical lights, adopted instead of the
glorious sun of nature. For is not the unartificial nature, and nature
God, while artifice is rather of the devil? And yet we persist in
glorifying artifice and calling it deity. The human sacrifice of the
Aztecs was a horrible rite, but in the hands of the Spaniards is not
Christianity a bloody mistress? And does not European civilization
constantly demand the sacrifice of millions of lives, if not for
the propitiation of gods, then to avenge an insult, to preserve the
integrity of a nation, or to gratify the spleen of rulers? At hand even
now, coming to the assistance of the magnificent Cortés, civilization’s
pride and pet for the moment, is another ally of civilization, more
terrible than horses, blood-hounds, gunpowder, or steel. At the
time of Narvaez’ departure for Cuba, small-pox was raging there so
severely that it offered a reason for preventing the governor from
leaving with the expedition. A pioneer vessel of the fleet sowed
the malady at Cozumel, whence it entered the continent. Before it
spread far in this direction Cempoala was infected by a negro slave
of Narvaez.[971] The Spaniards knew little about its treatment, and
that little they sought to impart, not for their own safety, since
those that were left of them were considered almost proof against the
malady, but for the sake of the allies. Their advice did not avail
much, however, for the natives were too devoted to their panacea,
the hot and cold bath, which only intensified the evil. The terrible
force of the first attacks of epidemics and endemics is well known,
and it has been advocated with apparent truth that the diseases of
a strong people fall with particular force on weaker races. After
desolating the coast region for some time, the small-pox crossed
the plateau border during the summer, and in September[972] it broke
out round the lakes, on its way to the western sea, smiting high and
low, rich and poor. For sixty days, according to native records, the
_hueyzahuatl_, or great pest, raged here with such virulence as to
fix itself a central point in their chronology. In most districts,
says Motolinia, over half the population died, leaving towns almost
deserted, and in others the mortality was appalling. Those who
recovered presented an appearance that made their neighbors flee
from them, until they became accustomed to the sight. Learning how
contagious was the disease, and terrified by the number of deaths,
the inhabitants left the bodies to putrefy, thus aiding to extend the
pest. In some cases the authorities ordered the houses to be pulled
down over the dead, so as to check the contagion. Not the least of
the evil was a famine, which resulted from a lack of harvesters.[973]
Among the first victims at the capital were King Totoquihuatzin, of
Tlacopan, and Cuitlahuatzin, the successor of Montezuma. The latter
had ruled barely three months,[974] but sufficiently long to prove
himself a most able leader of his people in their struggle for liberty,
for he was brave, full of devices, and energetic, yet prudent; a
man who, not content with securing the expulsion of invaders, had
sought to strengthen his position with alliances and by attracting
the subject provinces through gifts, remissions, and promises. If he
did not succeed so well as he had hoped, the fault must be ascribed
to the reputation of the previous government and to dereliction of
duty among his officers.
As a monarch he would not have fallen far short of the native ideal,
for as a general he had distinguished himself; and, the brother of
Montezuma, he had in his court imbibed the dignity and majestic manner
born of constant adulation from subservient nobles and plebeians.
Crafty and unscrupulous, he appears not to have hesitated at crime and
breach of faith to secure his aims for personal and state advancement.
The flourishing condition of his own province indicated a not unwise
administrator; and the beauty of Iztapalapan, its magnificent palaces,
and exquisite gardens filled with choice plants from different regions,
pointed to a ruler of cultivated taste.
There is no doubt that Mexico lost in him one of the most promising
of sovereigns, and perhaps the only leader capable of giving her
a longer lease of freedom in face of the irresistible onslaught of
foreigners.[975] Thus bravely worked the small-pox for Cortés and
the superior civilization.
* * * * *
The strongest candidate for the Mexican throne was now the high-priest
Quauhtemotzin,[976] a young man of about twenty-three[977] years,
rather handsome, of fairer complexion than the average of his race,
grave and dignified, as befitted a prince, and ‘quite a gentleman for
an Indian.’ He is said to have been the son of Montezuma’s sister by
Itzquauhtzin, lord of Tlatelulco, the twin town or suburb of Mexico,
who had been fellow-prisoner of the late emperor, and sharer in his
fate.[978] The brothers and descendants of Montezuma had been pretty
well removed by death, or through the machinations of Cuitlahuatzin;
but if nearer legitimate claimants existed, Quauhtemotzin had eclipsed
them all in experience, influence, and fame, as a brave and able
leader. As the chief companion of his predecessor, and one who even
before the appearance of the latter had led the uprising against
the Spaniards, he had become identified as a true patriot, keeping
himself at the head of the dominant party which began and continued
the struggle for freedom. In order further to secure his influence
he had taken to wife the only legitimate daughter of Montezuma,
Princess Tecuichpo, or Isabel; and although the marriage was merely
nominal, she being but a child, yet the alliance served the intended
aim.[979] The Tepanecs at the same time elected as successor to their
king, his son Tetlepanquetzaltzin,[980] whose coronation took place
at the same time as that of Quauhtemotzin, hallowed by the blood of
captive enemies, including no doubt some Spaniards. Cohuanacoch had
meanwhile been chosen at Tezcuco in lieu of the disowned protégé
whom Cortés had foisted upon them. By this trio were taken up the
plans of Cuitlahuatzin for the deliverance of the country from her
invaders, and especially were their efforts directed toward securing
the loyalty of provinces and allies which had been stirred by the
alarming progress of Spanish arms in Tepeaca.
A loss to the Spaniards through the epidemic, which outweighed many
a gain, was the death of Maxixcatzin, to whose devoted friendship
they chiefly owed their escape from the recent crises;[981] for he
it was who took the lead in offering the Tlascaltec alliance and
in overthrowing the inimical plans of the younger Xicotencatl in
favor of the Aztecs. When the sad news came, Cortés felt as if he
had lost a father, says Bernal Diaz, and mourning robes were donned
by quite a number of the captains and men. In this they felt the
more justified, since the chief, on finding himself stricken by the
dread disease, had expressed a wish to become a Christian, and with
the name of Lorenzo had received baptism at the hands of Olmedo, who
joyfully hastened to Tlascala to perform so welcome a service for
the Spaniards’ champion. He died exhorting his family and friends to
obey Cortés and his brethren, the destined rulers of the land, and
to accept their god, who had given victory over the idols.[982] It
was fortunate that he did not die before Spanish prestige had been
reëstablished by the Tepeaca campaign; for his friendship sufficed
to confirm the allies in their adhesion, to gain for the Spaniards
further coöperation, and to obtain for them a firm footing in the
country.
* * * * *
The allied forces had become so numerous by the time Itzucan fell
that they were absolutely unmanageable, and on returning from this
place to Tepeaca Cortés dismissed them with friendly words to their
homes, retaining only the tried Tlascaltecs, who had become efficient
in the European style of warfare under the Spanish discipline and
tactics.[983]
* * * * *
Before the Quauhquechollan expedition summoned him away, Cortés
had begun a report to the emperor on the condition of affairs. On
returning, he completed this his second and perhaps most interesting
letter, dated at Segura de la Frontera, or Tepeaca, October 30, 1520,
wherein are related the occurrences since the despatch of the first
letter in the middle of July, a year before. “I write your Majesty,”
it states, “although poorly told, the truth of all that has happened
in these parts, and that which your Majesty has most need of knowing.
With the aid of God the conquest is progressing in this new country,
which from its similarity to Spain, in fertility, extent, temperature,
and many other things, I have called La Nueva España del Mar Océano.”
Then he proceeds to humbly beg his majesty to confirm this name. In
a brief supplementary letter he asks the emperor to send a person of
confidence to investigate and prove the truth of his statements.[984]
The council also wrote a letter to the emperor, speaking hopefully
of the conquest, which already “extended, over one hundred and
fifty leagues of the coast, from Rio Grande de Tabasco to Rio de
Pánuco,”[985] while the remainder of the interior was on the sure
way to reduction, under the able leadership of Cortés, whose valor
and energy they praised.
They prayed that he, the beloved of all the troops, might be confirmed
in the office of captain-general, as the only man whose genius and
experience could be relied on to carry out and maintain the conquest.
The natives being docile and ready to receive conversion, friars
should be sent to secure this harvest for the church, and also to
administer to the spiritual wants of the Spaniards. Colonists were
needed; also horses, and other live-stock—the latter to be paid for
at a future time—in order to secure the country and develop its wealth.
With these letters went one from the army, which, recounting but
briefly the leading incidents of the campaigns, had for its main
object to decry Narvaez and Velazquez as the sole cause of all the
disasters that had occurred in the country, and to praise Cortés as
a noble, loyal, and able man, by whom alone the conquest could be
achieved.[986] These and other letters were intrusted to Alonso de
Mendoza, a townsman of Cortés, together with thirty thousand pesos,
in fifths and presents, and a number of commissions from different
members of the expedition. A well appointed vessel was assigned for
the voyage, and three other vessels were despatched for Española,
there to enlist recruits and to buy horses, arms and ammunition,
cattle, clothing, and other requirements, and four strong vessels to
maintain traffic with the Antilles. Letters were sent to Licenciado
Rodrigo de Figueroa and other royal officers on the Island, inclosing
duplicates of those forwarded to Spain; and a number of specimens of
the jewels, manufactures, and natural resources of the country, were
transmitted as presents and as samples to allure recruits. The letters
and the ample funds for the enlistment and purchases were intrusted to
Contador Ávila and another officer,[987] with instructions to use every
effort to confirm the audiencia officials in their good opinion of
Cortés, so that they might plead his cause in Spain. The ill-treatment
of Aillon by Velazquez and Narvaez had already impelled them to do
this, as we have seen. Their advice was to be asked regarding the
enslavement of rebels and other measures, and their authority and aid
sought for obtaining men and stores.[988] Another vessel was sent
under Solis[989] to Jamaica to buy horses and war material. Bernal
Diaz does not fail to point out the evidence in the large remittance
for Spain and the Antilles of treasures secretly taken from Mexico
by Cortés and his clique, and accuses him of having appropriated
also the share for Villa Rica, claimed to have been captured by the
Indians during its transmission from Tlascala.[990]
No sooner were these preparations announced than Duero and a number
of others of the Narvaez party claimed a fulfilment of the promise
regarding their departure. The success of the Spanish arms and the
allurement of spoils had reconciled most of the lately disaffected,
so that those who now demanded to return were only a few of the more
wealthy. The services of these could be readily dispensed with, now
that such large reinforcements had been received, and the display of
their accumulations at home might inspire fresh recruits. Therefore
Cortés gave his consent, with abundant promises that as soon as the
conquest was fully accomplished, gold and other rewards would flow
on those who supported his cause either in the Islands or in Spain.
Leaders like Duero and Bermudez were the chief recipients of such
offers; and offers alone they remained in most instances, for Cortés
was not the man to reward desertion. Duero and others evidently
expected nothing more, since they were soon after found arrayed on the
side of Velazquez. When some among the Cortés party raised objections
to this diminution of the force, they were quieted with the declaration
that the army was better rid of unwilling and inefficient soldiers,
whose presence served only to discourage others.[991]
The vessel for Spain and two of those for the Islands were wrecked
on the coast; and one consequence was that Mendoza’s departure was
delayed till the 5th of March. He took with him a supplementary letter
for the emperor, relating the progress so far made for the recovery of
Mexico. By this time Ordaz was, according to Bernal Diaz, commissioned
to join him and plead the cause of Cortés before the emperor, and at
the same time to receive the reward for his many achievements, one
of which was the ascent of the volcano. Several of the Narvaez party
appear to have left by the same vessel.[992]
* * * * *
In course of the late campaign the advantages of the town of Tepeaca
for permanent occupation had become apparent, chiefly as a point of
observation for watching over the new conquest. It was well situated
for protecting the road to Villa Rica,[993] and for communicating
with Cholula and Tlascala, each capital eight or nine leagues
distant, and it lay in the midst of a fertile maize country, which
offered ample subsistence for a garrison. Although the punishment at
first inflicted, by sacking and enslaving, had been severe, yet the
treatment of the inhabitants became afterward so considerate that
they themselves prayed for a continuance of Spanish protection.[994]
Every circumstance, therefore, demanding a settlement, it was decided
in council to found a villa in this same town, with the appropriate
name of Segura de la Frontera, intended, as it was, to secure the
frontier against the Mexicans. Pedro de Ircio was made alcalde, with
Francisco de Orozco and others as regidores.[995]
The campaign being practically concluded, a division was ordered to
be made of the spoils not hitherto distributed, including slaves,
which had now become a prominent feature thereof, and were intended
for personal and plantation service, as already practised in the
Antilles. The pretence was to enslave only the inhabitants of districts
concerned in the murder of Spaniards, but the distinction was not
very strictly observed, and rebellious tribes and those addicted
to cannibalism and other vicious practices were included.[996] The
Spaniards, as a rule, kept only the women and the children, the men
being transferred to the allies for their share, “because they were
difficult to watch,” says Bernal Diaz, “and because their services
were not needed while we had the Tlascaltecs with us.”[997]
The soldiers were ordered to bring in all their captives, which from
the first had been branded for recognition with a ‘G,’ signifying
_guerra_, war.[998] When the day for distribution came, it was found
that the leaders and favored men had already secured their share by
appropriating the prettiest and choicest slaves. They had probably
been priced by the officials, and the leaders, being entitled to
larger shares, had secured the best articles. At this there was a
considerable uproar, increased by the outcry against the fifth set
apart for Cortés, after deducting the royal fifth.[999] How the matter
was settled is not clear, except that the general had recourse to the
soothing eloquence he knew so well how to apply, promising that for
the future he would conform to the general desire, which appeared
to be in favor of offering the slaves at auction, so as to arrive
at their proper value, and to give all members of the expedition an
equal chance in securing the more desirable.[1000]
One of the last expeditions fitted out at Segura was for the reduction
of the northern route to Villa Rica, by which the Spaniards had first
entered the plateau, and for the punishment of those concerned in
the murder of Alcántara and other Spaniards.[1001] It set out in the
beginning of December, under Sandoval, with two hundred infantry,
twenty horses, and the usual complement of allies, and entered
Xocotlan valley, which readily submitted, with the exception of the
main town, named Castilblanco during the first entry into the country.
The cacique, who had then already shown himself unfriendly, rejected
every proposition, with the threat that he would make a feast on the
commander and his followers, as he had on the former party. There
being no alternative, the cavalry charged the large force which had
taken up position near a ravine, on the outskirts of the city, with
a view to defend the entrance. Under cover of the musketeers and
archers, who from one side of the ravine did considerable harm to
the enemy, the charge succeeded, though four riders and nine horses
were wounded, one of the latter dying. The enemy thrown into disorder
fled to join the remaining garrison, which occupied the temples on
the plaza. With the aid of the infantry and allies the stronghold
speedily fell, and a number of prisoners were secured.[1002]
Proceeding northward along the mountain border of the plateau Sandoval
added a considerable extent of country to his conquest, meeting serious
opposition only at Jalancingo, where the Aztec garrison, ever since
the beginning of the Tepeaca campaign, had been employed in fortifying
the place, and either considered themselves secure or feared that
a surrender would procure no better terms, for them, at least. They
were disconcerted by being attacked on different sides, under native
guidance, and after a brief resistance took to flight, during which
a number of them were captured, the Spaniards losing three horses,
and having eight men severely injured, Sandoval receiving an arrow
wound. In a temple were found relics of slaughtered Spaniards, in
the shape of dresses, arms, and saddles.[1003] A few days later the
expedition set out to rejoin the army, with a large amount of spoils
and a train of captives. The chiefs were pardoned by Cortés, with
politic regard for the future, and enjoined to furnish their quota
of supplies at Segura.[1004]
The head-quarters had meanwhile been removed to Tlascala, preparatory
to a march on Mexico, and Segura was now in charge of the alcalde,
Pedro de Ircio, lately lieutenant of Sandoval at Villa Rica, assisted
by the regidor, Francisco de Orozco, and sixty men, including the
invalids and the disabled.[1005] Cortés had left it in the middle
of December,[1006] taking with the cavalry the route through
Cholula,[1007] to settle the question of succession to a number of
cacique offices vacated during the epidemic. These appeals were made to
him not only as the representative of the Spanish monarch to whom the
people had sworn obedience, but as an acknowledgment of his influence
over the native mind. His treatment of the conquered and his equitable
decisions of disputes had made him the umpire and king-maker whom
not only allies, but half-reconciled tribes were willing to heed, in
private and public affairs. Having made the appointments, and formed
favorable arrangements for himself, he rejoined the army. The march to
Tlascala was one befitting the return of conquering heroes. Triumphal
arches covered the roads, and processions came to chant the praises
of the victors, and recount the successes achieved by the Tlascaltec
allies, as shown by spoils and banners from different provinces and
cities, and by long files of captives. On nearing the republican
capital the whole population came forth to join in the ovation, and
at the plaza an orator stepped forward to greet Cortés in a glowing
panegyric, wherein he reviewed his progress as conqueror and avenger.
In reply Cortés alluded feelingly to the brotherhood between the two
races, now cemented by blood and victories, and to the common loss
sustained in the death of the wise and noble Maxixcatzin. These words,
added to the evidence of sorrow in the mourning array of their dress
and arms, left a most favorable impression on the minds of the brave
allies.
He was again called as representative of his king to appoint as
successor to Maxixcatzin his eldest legitimate son, a boy of twelve
years, against whom a claimant had arisen.[1008] This done, Cortés
dubbed him a knight, according to Castilian usage, in recognition
of the services of his father, causing him also to be baptized, with
the name of Juan, Maxixcatzin becoming the family name.[1009] Taking
advantage of the occasion and of his own popularity, the general sought
to inspire a more general feeling in favor of his religion, but the
effort met with little encouragement, and he wisely refrained from
pressing so dangerous a subject. According to Bernal Diaz, the elder
Xicotencatl was among the limited number of saved souls, and received
the name of Vicente.[1010] The native records, as given by Camargo and
Torquemada, and adopted by most writers, assume that the four chiefs
were all baptized at this time, if not earlier; but they are neither
clear nor consistent, and are evidently impelled by a desire to redeem
the native leaders from the charge of idolatry. Cortés, Herrera,
Diaz, and other chroniclers would not have failed to record so large
and prominent a conquest for the church, particularly since the two
latter do mention the exceptional converts.[1011] Cortés also refers
to a conversion in the person of Tecocoltzin, a younger brother of
King Cacama, and the future head of Tezcuco, who is named Fernando;
but he does so in a manner which indicates that the conversion was
exceptional.[1012] His baptism took place probably on the same day
as that of young Maxixcatzin and old Xicotencatl, the occasion being
celebrated with banquets and dances, with illumination, sports, and
exchange of presents, the Spaniards adding horse-races and other
interesting proceedings for the gratification of the natives.
FOOTNOTES
[959] ‘Con este ... vino vn Francisco Lopez, vezino,
y Regidor que fue de Guatimala.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 113. Vetancurt assumes that Pedro del Castillo—Diaz
calls him ‘el Almirante Pedro Cauallero’—secured Barba
and his vessel. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 148; _Cortés_,
_Residencia_, ii. 165.
[960] ‘El capitã Diego de Camargo,’ says Herrera; but Bernal
Diaz explains that this man stepped into the captaincy on
the murder of ‘fulano Alvarez Pinedo,’ at Pánuco. ‘Dixeron,
que el Capitan Camargo auia sido Fraile Dominico, e que
auia hecho profession.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 114.
[961] Seven leagues up, says Herrera.
[962] ‘Muerto diez y siete ó diez y ocho cristianos, y
herido otros muchos. Asimismo ... muerto siete caballos.’
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 144. Bernal Diaz assumes that the whole
attacking force was killed and some vessels destroyed.
‘Dexaron vna carauela,’ says Herrera.
[963] Herrera states that hunger caused the land expedition
to abandon the vessels some twenty leagues above Almería.
The people from the wrecked caravel were taken on board the
last vessel. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xviii. Cortés leaves
the impression that both vessels arrived at Villa Rica,
perhaps because the one was wrecked so near it. ‘Vn nauio
... y traia sobre sesenta soldados.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 114. This may include the land party, but not
the sailors.
[964] ‘Con hasta treinta hombres de mar y tierra.’ _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 154. ‘Sus soldados, que eran mas de cincuenta,
y mas siete cauallos,’ says Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._,
114; and, since Cortés would be less apt to indicate large
accessions, he may be correct.
[965] ‘Este fue el mejor socorro.... Diaz de Auz sirvió muy
bien a su Magestad en todo lo que se ofreciò en las guerras,
... traxo pleyto despues, sobre el pleyto de la mitad de
Mestitan, ... conque le den la parte de lo que rentare el
pueblo mas de dos mil y quinientos pesos.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 114-15. He was excluded from the town
itself, owing to cruel treatment of Indians.
[966] ‘El señor de aquel rio y tierra, que se dice Pánuco,
se habia dado por vasallo de V. M., en cuyo reconocimiento me
habia enviado á la ciudad de Tenuxtitan, con sus mensajeros,
ciertas cosas.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 144-5. But this is
probably a mere assertion, since the Spanish expeditions
had never been higher than Almería, and the cacique could
have had no inducement for submitting.
[967] Bernal Diaz refers to the last accession from Garay’s
expeditions as 40 soldiers and 10 horses, under an old man
named Ramirez. Protected by heavy cotton armor they were
nicknamed the ‘albardillas.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 115.
[968] ‘Si todos ó algunos dellos se quisiesen volver en los
navíos que allí estaban, que les diese licencia.’ _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 163.
[969] _Oviedo_, iii. 335; and so Herrera also intimates
in reference to Camargo’s only remaining vessel, ‘la qual
se anegò tãbien dẽtro de 10. dias en el puerto.’ dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xviii.
[970] The last two vessels bring 150 men and 16 horses,
probably over 20, to which must be added Camargo’s force,
amounting no doubt to 50 effective men, for Bernal Diaz
admits 60 soldiers, not counting sailors; and Herrera
intimates that over 100 men must have reached Villa Rica of
the total force on board Camargo’s three vessels. Bernal
Diaz’ estimates for the five vessels which he enumerates
exceed 170 soldiers and 20 horses; on fol. 115 he contradicts
several points, including the total, to which the sailors may
be added, while a small reduction is to be made for deaths
among Camargo’s men. Vetancurt follows Bernal Diaz, and so
does Prescott, who assumes that full 150 men and 20 horses
must have been obtained. _Mex._, ii. 438. Robertson raises
this nearer to the truth by saying 180 men, _Hist. Am._,
ii. 104, as does Brasseur de Bourbourg, who nevertheless,
on an earlier page, adds Sahagun’s fanciful reinforcement
of 300 men. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 371, 387. While the
Spaniards were curing themselves, ‘llegó á Tlaxcala un
Francisco Hernandez, español, con 300 soldados castellanos
y con muchos caballos y armas.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._,
i. 37. The later edition does not give the number. Gomara
merely states that numerous small parties came over from
the Antilles, attracted by Cortés’ fame, through Aillon’s
reports, he seems to say. Many of them were murdered on
the way, but sufficient numbers reached him to restore the
army and encourage the prosecution of the conquest. _Hist.
Mex._, 173.
[971] Said to have been named Francisco Eguia. _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Conq._, i. 39, 66, and _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._,
i. 278. Herrera writes that many assumed the malady to have
been one of the periodical scourges that used to fall on
the country. ‘Y el no auer tocado a los Castellanos, parece
que trae aparencia de razon.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. iv. But
it appears to have been wholly a new disease to the natives.
[972] ‘En el mes que llamaban Tepeilhuitl que es al fin de
setiembre,’ as Sahagun assumes. _Hist. Conq._, i. 39.
[973] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Ind._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col.
Doc._, i. 14-15; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, i. 39, 66;
_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 514; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 101; _Id._ (Paris ed. 1837), iv. 460 (a chapter
omitted in the original); _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 148;
_Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, i. 279; _Torquemada_, i. 489;
_Tezcoco en los ultimos tiempos_, 273.
[974] ‘Vivió despues de su elecçion solos sessenta dias.’
_Cano_, in _Oviedo_, iii. 549. The election having taken
place twenty days after Montezuma’s death, according to
Ixtlilxochitl, who assumes that he ruled only 40 or 47 days.
_Hist. Chich._, 304; _Id._, _Relaciones_, 413. Others extend
the rule to 80 days, both as leader and king, perhaps,
which would agree with Cano’s version.
[975] Such characteristics may be seen in Spanish as well
as native records; yet Solis writes, ‘su tibieza y falta de
aplicacion dexáse poco menos que borrada entre los suyos
la memoria de su nombre.’ _Hist. Mex._, 372. Sufficient
proof of his energy is found in the siege resulting in the
expulsion from Mexico.
[976] The native authorities incline to Quauhtemoc, but the
Spanish generally add the ‘tzin,’ the ‘c’ being elided,
and the ‘Q’ changed to ‘G,’ making the name Guatemotzin.
‘Quauhtemoc, que significa Aguila que baja.’ _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 51.
[977] Bernal Diaz describes him about a year later as 23
or 24 years old, while on another occasion he alludes to
him as 25. _Hist. Verdad._, 112, 155. Ixtlilxochitl makes
him 18. _Hist. Chich._, 304.
[978] ‘Por muerte de su Padre gobernaba el Tlatelulco.’
_Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 479. ‘Sobrino de Monteçuma,
que era _papa_ ó saçerdote mayor entre los indios.’ _Cano_,
in _Oviedo_, iii. 549; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v. cap. vi.
‘Cuauhtemotctzin hijo del rey Ahuitzotzin y de la heredera
de el Tlatelulco.’ _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, 413. This
incorrect view is adopted by Brasseur de Bourbourg and many
others.
[979] ‘Moglie già del suo Zio Cuitlahuatzin,’ is the
supposition of Clavigero, _Storia Mess._, iii. 160. ‘Se
hizo temer de tal manera, que todos los suyos temblauan
dél.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 112. For fanciful
portraits of these last two emperors, see _Frost’s Pict.
Hist. Mex._, 104, 114.
[980] _Ixtlilxochitl_, loc. cit.; _Torquemada_, i. 570.
[981] ‘Al que solo fue causa q̄ los Christianos se
conseruassen en aquella tierra.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib.
x. cap. xix.
[982] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 118; _Herrera_, ubi
sup.
[983] During the absence of the troops, says Herrera, a part
of the Tepeacans had formed a plot to surprise them when
divided; but some women informed Marina in time to prevent
trouble. Cortés inflicted on them severe chastisement. dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xvi. xviii.
[984] The reports and other papers by Cortés, written during
a period of nearly three decades in connection with New
Spain, are both numerous and lengthy, but only the five
letters relating to the actual conquest of Mexico and Central
America have achieved bibliographic celebrity, under the
title of _Cortés’ Letters or Relations_. Although the first
letter has been lost, and the companion letter long missing,
yet an allusion to the expedition against Mexico appeared
as early as 1520 in _Ein auszug ettlicher sendbrieff dem
aller durchleüchtigisten grossmechtigistẽ Fürsten ... von
wegen einer new gefundẽ Inseln. Nürmberg durch Fryderichen
Peypus am. 17. tag Marcij MDXX._, wherein the voyages of
Córdoba and Grijalva are also described. Harrisse, _Bib.
Am. Vet._, 179, assumes that the information is taken
from Peter Martyr’s _Decades_. A later brief reference
to the city of Mexico itself is given in _Translationuss
hispanischer sprach zü Frantzösisch gemacht so durch dẽ
Vice Rey in Neapole fraw Margareten Hertzogiñ iñ Burgundi
zü geschrieben_, published in 1522. On folio A. iii. is
written: Not far from the same island they have conquered
a city called Tenustitan, wherein 60,000 hearths have been
counted, within a good wall. The letter of the ayuntamiento
was first published in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i., 1842.
By the time of the receipt in Spain of Cortés’ second
letter, of October 30, 1520, the general and his conquest
had become so famous that his communications were not likely
to be lost sight of. The incidents treated of were besides
highly enticing, particularly the victories in Tlascala, the
entry into Montezuma’s wonderful island city, the disastrous
expulsion, and the renewal of the campaign, and Cromberger
had it printed in 1522 under the title of _Carta de relaciõ
ẽbiada a su. S. majestad del ẽpador nt̃o señor por el
capitã general dela nueua spaña: llamado fernãdo cortes_,
etc. _Seuilla: por Jacobo crõberger aleman. A viii. dias
de Nouiẽbre. Año de M. d. y xxij._ ‘Fué las Primicias de
el Arte de la Imprenta en Sevilla, y acaso de toda España,’
observes Lorenzana, in _Cortes_, _Hist. N. España_, 171, but
this is a great mistake, for printing had been done already
for several decades in Spain. An Italian abstract of the
letter appeared immediately after, as _Noue de le Isole
& Terra ferma Nouamente trouate In India per el Capitaneo
de larmata de la Cesarea Maiestate. Mediolani decimosexto
calẽ. Decembris M.D.XXII._ A reprint of the Seville text
was issued at Saragossa in January, 1523. A later abridged
account of the conquest is given in _Ein schöne Newe zeytung
so Kayserlich Mayestet auss India yetz newlich zükommen
seind_, ascribed to Sigmund Grimm of Augsburg, about 1522.
_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_ and _Harrisse_. Ternaux-Compans
wrongly supposes the narrative to extend only to 1519,
instead of 1522, and assumes the imprint to be Augsburg,
1520. _Bibl. Amér._, 5. Perhaps 1523 is the more correct
date, which may also be ascribed to _Tres sacree Imperiale
et catholique mageste ... eust nouuelles des marches ysles
et terre ferme occeanes_. Colophon, fol. 16. _Depuis sont
venues a sa mageste nouuelles de certaīes ysles trouuez
par les espagnolz plaines despecerie et beaucoup de mines
dor, lesquelles nouuelles il receupt en ceste ville de
vailladolid le primier doctobre xv. cent. xxij._ This is a
book noticed by no bibliographer except Sabin, who believes
that it contains only the second letter, although the
holder supposes the third letter to be also used. In 1524
appeared the first Latin version of the second letter, by
Savorgnanus, _Praeclara Ferdinãdi Cortesii de Noua maris
Oceani Hyspania Narratio, Norimberga. M.D.XXIIII._, which
contains a copy of the now lost map of the Gulf of Mexico,
and also a plan of Mexico City. In the same year two Italian
translations of this version, by Liburnius, _La Preclara
Narratione_, were printed at Venice, one by Lexona, the
other by Sabio, yet both at the instance of Pederzani. The
plan and map are often missing. Antonio, _Bib. Hisp. Nova_,
iii. 375, mentions only Lexona’s issue. A translation from
Flavigny appeared in the _Portfolio_, Philadelphia, 1817.
The originals of the second and other letters were, in the
early part of the eighteenth century, ‘en la Libreria de
Don Miguel Nuñez de Rojas, del Consejo Real de las Ordenes,’
says Pinelo, _Epitome_, ii. 597. Much of the vagueness which
involves the narrative of events previous to the flight from
Mexico may be due to the loss of diary and documents during
that episode. The loss was convenient to Cortés, since it
afforded an excuse for glossing over many irregularities
and misfortunes.
The third letter, dated Coyuhuacan, May 15, 1522, and
relating the siege and fall of Mexico, was first published
at Seville, on Cromberger’s press, March 30, 1523, as _Carta
tercera de relaciõ: embiada por Fernãdo cortes capitan
y justicia mayor del yucatan llamado la nueua espana del
mar oceano_. It received a reproduction in Latin by the
same hand and at the same time as the second letter. Both
were reprinted, together with some missionary letters and
Peter Martyr’s _De Insulis_, in _De Insvlis nuper Inventis
Ferdinandi Cortesii. Coloniæ, M.D.XXXII._ The title-page
displays a portrait of Charles V., and is bordered with his
arms. Martyr’s part, which tells rather briefly of Cortés,
found frequent reprint, while the second and third letters
were republished, with other matter, in the Spanish _Thesoro
de virtudes_, 1543; in the German _Ferdinandi Cortesii.
Von dem Newen Hispanien. Augspurg_, 1550, wherein they
are called first and second narratives, and divided into
chapters, with considerable liberty; in the Latin _Novus
Orbis_ of 1555 and 1616; and in the Flemish _Nieuwe Weerelt_
of 1563; while a French abridgment appeared at Paris in
1532. The secret epistle accompanying the third letter was
first printed in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i., and afterward by
Kingsborough and Gayangos.
The fourth letter, on the progress of conquest after the
fall of Mexico, dated at Temixtitan (Mexico), October 15,
1524, was issued at Toledo, 1525, as _La quarta relacion_,
together with Alvarado’s and Godoy’s reports to Cortés.
A second edition followed at Valencia the year after.
The secret letter accompanying it was not published till
1865, when Icazbalceta, the well known Mexican collector,
reproduced it in separate black-letter form, and in his
_Col. Doc._, i. 470-83.
The substance of the above three relations has been given
in a vast number of collections and histories, while in
only a limited number have they been reproduced in a full
or abridged form, the first reproduction being in the
third volume of _Ramusio Viaggi_, of 1556, 1565, and 1606,
which contains several other pieces on the conquest, all
supplied with appropriate headings and marginals. Barcia
next published them direct from the manuscript, in the
_Historiadores Primitivos_, i. This collection bears the
imprint Madrid, 1749, but the letters had already been
printed in 1731, as Pinelo affirms, _Epitome_, ii. 597.
Barcia died a few years before his set was issued. From this
source Archbishop Lorenzana took the version published by
him under the title of _Historia de Nueva-España_, Mexico,
1770, which is not free from omissions and faults, though
provided with valuable notes on localities and customs,
and supplemented with illustrated pieces on routes and
native institutions, a map of New Spain by Alzate, an
article on the Gobierno Politico by Vetancurt, a copy
of a native tribute-roll from picture records, not very
accurately explained, and the first map of Lower California
and adjoining coast, by Castillo, in 1541. This version of
the letters was reproduced in New York, 1828, with a not
wholly successful attempt by Del Mar to introduce modern
spelling. The work is also marked by a number of omissions
and blunders, and the introductory biographic sketch by
Robert Sands adds little to its value. An abridgment from
Lorenzana appeared as _Correspondance de Fernand Cortés,
par le Vicomte de Flavigny_, Paris, 1778, which obtained
three reprints during the following year at different
places. A great many liberties are taken with facts, as may
be imagined; and the letters are, beside, misnamed first,
second, and third. From the same source, or perhaps from
Flavigny, of whom they savor, are _Briefe des Ferdinand
Cortes_, Heidelberg, 1779, with several reproductions,
and with notes; and the corrected _Brieven van Ferdinand
Cortes_, Amsterdam, 1780-1. The first edition in English,
from Lorenzana, was issued by Folsom, as _Despatches of
Hernando Cortes_, New York, 1843, also with notes.
The fifth letter of the conqueror, on the famous expedition
to Honduras, dated at Temixtitan, September 3, 1526, lay
hidden in the Vienna Imperial Library till Robertson’s
search for the first letter brought it to light. _Hist.
Am._, i. xi. He made use of it, but the first complete copy
was not published till of late, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, iv.
8-167, reprinted at New York, 1848, and, in translation, in
the Hakluyt Society collection, London, 1868. It bore no
date, but the copy found at Madrid has that of September
3, 1526, and the companion letter printed in _Col. Doc.
Inéd._, i. 14-23, that of September 11th. This, as well as
the preceding letters, was issued by Vedia, in Ribadeneyra’s
_Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, xxii.; the first three
letters being taken from Barcia, and the fifth from its MS.
The letter of the ayuntamiento is given and a bibliographic
notice of little value. A very similar collection is to be
found in the _Biblioteca Historica de la Iberia_, i. But
the most complete reproduction of the principal writings
by Cortés, and connected with him, is in the _Cartas y
Relaciones de Hernan Cortés_, Paris, 1866, by Gayangos,
which contains 26 pieces, beside the relations, chiefly
letters and memorials to the sovereign, a third of which
are here printed for the first time. Although a few of
Lorenzana’s blunders find correction, others are committed,
and the notes of the archbishop are adopted without credit,
and without the necessary amendment of date, etc., which
often makes them absurd. The earliest combined production
of Cortés’ relations, and many of his other writings, may
be credited to Peter Martyr, who in his _Decades_ gave the
substance of all that they relate, although he also mingled
other versions. Oviedo, in the third volume of his _Hist.
Gen._, gives two versions of the conquest, the first, p.
258 et seq., almost a reproduction of Cortés’ letters, and
the other, p. 506 et seq., from different sources.
Beside the relations, there are a number of miscellaneous
letters, petitions, orders, instructions, and regulations,
by Cortés, largely published in _Navarrete_, _Col. de
Viages_; _Col. Doc. Inéd._; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._; _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._; _Kingsborough’s Mex.
Antiq._; _Alaman_, _Disert._, and as appendices to histories
of Mexico. A special collection is the _Escritos Sueltos
de Hernan Cortés_, Mex., 1871, forming vol. xii. of the
_Bib. Hist. de la Iberia_, which presents 43 miscellaneous
documents from various printed sources, instructions,
memorials, and brief letters, nearly all of which are filled
with complaints against ruling men in Mexico.
Cortés’ letters have not inaptly been compared by Prescott
to the Commentaries of Cæsar, for both men were military
commanders of the highest order, who spoke and wrote like
soldiers; but their relative positions with regard to the
superior authorities of their states were different, and
so were their race feelings, and their times, and these
features are stamped upon their writings. Cortés was not the
powerful consul, the commander of legions, but the leader
of a horde of adventurers, and an aspirant for favor, who
made his narrative an advocate. The simplicity and energy
of the style lend an air of truth to the statements, and
Helps, among others, is so impressed thereby as to declare
that Cortés ‘would as soon have thought of committing a small
theft as of uttering a falsehood in a despatch addressed to
his sovereign.’ _Cortés_, ii. 211. But it requires little
study of the reports to discover that they are full of
calculated misstatements, both direct and negative, made
whenever he considered it best for his interest to conceal
disagreeable and discreditable facts, or to magnify the
danger and the deed. They are also stamped with the religious
zeal and superstition of the age, the naïve expressions of
reliance on God being even more frequent than the measured
declarations of devotedness to the king; while in between
are calmly related the most cold-blooded outrages on behalf
of both. There is no apparent effort to attract attention
to himself; there is even at times displayed a modesty most
refreshing in the narrative of his own achievements, by
which writers have as a rule been quite entranced; but this
savors of calculation, for the general tone is in support
of the _ego_, and this often to the exclusion of deserving
officers. Indeed, generous allusions to the character or
deeds of others are not frequent, or they are merged in
the non-committing term of ‘one of my captains.’ Pedro de
Alvarado complains of this in one of his _Relaciones_, in
_Barcia_, _Hist. Prim._, i. 165-6. In truth, the calculating
egotism of the diplomate mingles freely with the frankness
of the soldier. Cortés, however, is ever mindful of his
character as an hidalgo, for he never stoops to meanness,
and even in speaking of his enemies he does not resort to
the invectives or sharp insinuations which they so freely
scatter. His style bears evidence of training in rhetoric
and Latin, yet the parade of the latter is not so frequent
as might be expected from the half-bred student and zealot.
Equally indicative are his regulations and instructions
of the experience gained as notary and alcalde, and the
promise once entertained of him as a legal light. The
sentences are remarkably concise and clear for the time,
and the expression both fluent and pure. The whole tends
to confirm the opinion already formed of his character,
as one who, while not wholly free from defects of his age,
indulged in grand views, and stood forward conspicuous as
a born leader of men.
[985] Of the central provinces actually under control
Herrera enumerates: Cempoala, with 50 towns and villages,
containing over 120,000 families; Tlascala, with 60 vassal
lords, over 120,000; Huexotzinco, 50,000; Cholula, 40,000;
Tepeaca, Acatzingo, and Quecholac, 80,000; Quauhquechollan
and Itzucan, 20,000; ‘beside a number of others.’ dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xviii.
[986] Narvaez it was, they said, who without right or
without exhibiting evidence of such right, had set himself
up against Cortés, and begun to rouse the natives against
him and his followers as piratical intruders, intent on
mischief, while his own announced object was to right the
natives, release Montezuma, and then to depart from the
country without taking even gold with him. These intrigues
caused the uprising which lost Mexico to the emperor,
together with so many hundred lives and millions of treasure.
To Velazquez, therefore, no control should be given in a
country lost through the machinations of himself and his
lieutenant. If any grants had been made to him, they were
based on false representations, and would imperil the safety
of these extensive and rich lands. The second object of the
latter was to laud the character of Cortés as a man and
soldier, and to pray that he be confirmed in the office
of captain-general and justicia mayor as the only fit
and worthy person. At the foot came the signature of 534
Spaniards, the majority of the troops, headed by Alvarado,
Ordaz, and similar warm friends of the commander, and also
by such prominent personages of the Narvaez party as Vasco
Porcallo, and Juan Diaz, the clergyman. Bernal Diaz was
still down with fever, which accounts for the absence of
his name. Many others whose names might have been added
were probably away on expeditions and on garrison duty.
For copy of letter see _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 427-36.
[987] Whom Bernal Diaz calls Francisco Álvarez Chico; and
Vetancurt, Francisco Hernandez.
[988] Bernal Diaz insinuates that there were a number of
officers far more suitable than Captain Ávila for this
mission, but Cortés desired to be rid of so outspoken an
observer and champion of the men, and at the same time to
promote the more pliable Alonso de Grado to the vacated
contaduría, and the devoted Andrés de Tapia to the captaincy.
He thinks that Grado, or Alonso de Cáceres, the rich, should
have been sent. _Hist. Verdad._, 117. His insinuation cannot
be wholly correct, however, since Ávila had already been for
some time alcalde mayor of New Spain, and Grado, contador.
See _Lejalde_, _Probanza_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._,
i. 419 et seq.
[989] ‘Despues de ganado Mexico, le llamamos Solis el de la
huerta, yerno de ... Bachiller Ortega.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 118.
[990] This author indicates the despatch of only three
vessels for Spain, Española, and Jamaica, respectively, one
of which, or a fourth, conveyed the returning adherents of
Narvaez. _Id._, 117. But Cortés writes: ‘Envio á la isla
Española cuatro navíos para que luego vuelvan cargados de
caballos y gente.’ _Cartas_, 154, 162. The Jamaica vessel
is probably included in this number.
[991] Bernal Diaz names twelve of those who returned, two
going merely to bring their children. Pilot Cárdenas, whose
clamor at the treasure repartition at Mexico had called the
attention of Cortés, was allowed to return to his family,
with a present of 300 pesos from the general, only to join
the ranks of his enemies. With one of the Cubans Cortés sent
some bullion and jewels to his wife and brother-in-law.
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 117; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro
Mex._, pt. iii. 148.
[992] Cáceres also joined the commissioners. _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 117. Clavigero names Ordaz as the sole
commissioner, and he was probably the principal. _Storia
Mess._, iii. 160.
[993] ‘Para el camino de la costa de la mar no hay mas
de dos puertos muy agros y ásperos, que confinan con esta
dicha provincia.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 145. ‘Que señoreaua
los puertos, el vno que se dize de Siculchima, por donde
los Castellanos entraron en aquellas partes, y el otro
de Quochula, legua y media de Tepeaca, por donde van los
caminos Reales de la villa Rica.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib.
x. cap. xvi.
[994] ‘Le auian pedido presidio.’ _Id._ Cortés gives merely
the strategic motives.
[995] Francisco de Solis, Cristóbal Corral, and Cristóbal
Martin are mentioned as regidores in _Probanza de Lejalde_,
in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 418-19. Herrera adds to
their ranks Gerónimo de Aguilar, the interpreter, ‘porque
sabia Cortes honrar ... los benemeritos.’ dec. ii. lib.
x. cap. xvi. The villa was removed after the conquest to
a new site in the plain, not far from the old town. In
1545 it received the dignity of a city, and has ever since
ranked as a district seat, supported to some extent by
woollen factories. Of the strong fortress erected by the
conquerors the remains are still to be seen in the plaza
under the name of el Rollo de Tepeaca. _Chimalpain_, _Hist.
Conq._, ii. 8; and in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840),
145-6. In _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xxi. is given a
description of the city and district. _Clavigero_, _Storia
Mess._, iii. 153; _Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, i.
248; _Alcedo_, in _Dic. Univ._, v.
[996] ‘Tambien me movió á facer los dichos esclavos por
poner algun espanto á los de Culúa, y porque tambien hay
tanta gente, que si no ficiese grande y cruel castigo
en ellos, nunca se emendarian.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 144;
_Oviedo_, iii. 334. ‘Otros dizen que sin partido los tomo
a todos, y castigo asi aquellos en venganza, y por no auer
obedecido sus requerimiẽtos, por putos, por ydolatras,’
etc. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 168.
[997] _Hist. Verdad._, 116. This was probably the case, and
Tapia’s testimony appears to confirm it in saying that of the
6000 captives taken from the Tecamachalco region the males,
2000 in number, were slaughtered in cold blood. _Cortés_,
_Residencia_, i. 59. Perhaps it would be more correct to
assume that a few were killed to expiate the murder of
Spaniards, while the rest were given to the Tlascaltecs.
[998] ‘Saluo a las mugeres y niños,’ says Herrera, which
leads Brasseur de Bourbourg to assume that women and children
were not enslaved. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 370. ‘Creyerõ, q̄
a cada soldado bolveriã sus pieças, y q̄ apreciarian que
tantos pesos valian, y que como las apreciassen, pagassen
el quinto a su Magestad.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
116-17. This could hardly have been the case.
[999] ‘Mandò Cortes vender a muchos que auia prendido ...
aplicando vna parte a su exercito, y a otra la republica
de Tlascala, sacando primero el quinto que pertenecia al
Rey.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv. ‘Y despues otro
quinto para Cortez,’ adds Vetancurt, _Teatro Mex._, pt.
iii. 148, and this appears correct; yet Clavigero and many
others do not refer to the second fifth. This deduction
was declared to be an attempt at installing a second king.
The deceit practised, as they claimed, at the distribution
of treasure at Mexico was again called up, and declared
to be less outrageous than the present effort to defraud
poor and wounded soldiers of the prize for which they had
shed their blood. Juan Bono de Quexo declared that he would
complain to the emperor, and others were no less bitter.
Previous to this a cause for dissatisfaction had been given
by a proclamation of Cortés ordering the surrender of all
gold saved from the common treasure at Mexico, thrown open
to the soldiers on the eve of the flight. One third was
to be retained by the possessor. Many refused to comply,
and since the royal officials and leaders had shared in
the treasure, the proclamation was allowed to lapse. What
had been surrendered Cortés kept as a loan. _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 116-117.
[1000] ‘Buenas, ò malas Indias, sacallas al almoneda ...
que se venderia.’ _Id._ This was to be done at the next
distribution in Tezcuco. The proceeding was discussed at
length in Spain, and favored also by a large body of the
clergy, as justifiable; but the emperor took the humane
course of allowing captives to be held only as prisoners,
so long as this was absolutely necessary. _Solis_, _Hist.
Mex._, ii. 233.
[1001] The party commissioned to carry the Villa Rican share
of the Aztec treasure from Tlascala to the coast. Bernal
Diaz intimates that another party of nine were killed at
Xocotlan. _Hist. Verdad._, 115-16.
[1002] The bodies of five of the Spaniards here murdered
had been sent to Mexico, the rest eaten.
[1003] Alcántara’s, it would seem. The treasure carried by
him had been dissipated.
[1004] ‘Dos dias ante de Navidad llegó el capitan con la
gente ... que habian ido á las provincias de Cecatami y
Xalazingo,’ says Cortés, _Cartas_, 163-5, who had already
taken up quarters at Tlascala. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 172.
Bernal Diaz speaks of a second expedition to Xocotlan,
with 30 cavalry and 100 infantry; but this must be owing
to a confusion of names, in one case the valley, Cacatami,
being mentioned, in the other the town, Cocotlan. _Hist.
Verdad._, 116.
[1005] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 172; _Herrera_, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xviii. See note 37. ‘Por Capitan vn Francisco
de Orozco, con obra de veynte soldados que estauan heridos,
y dolientes,’ says Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 118;
Vetancurt follows. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 149.
[1006] ‘Por tener la nauidad q̄ era de ay a doze dias en
Tlaxcallan.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 172.
[1007] Gomara calls it Coliman, which Chimalpain identifies
with Amozoc, still in existence. _Hist. Conq._, ii. 13.
[1008] In the person of an illegitimate brother, is the
assumption of modern authorities.
[1009] Herrera names him Lorenzo; but Torquemada insists
that this was the father’s name.
[1010] The old soldier calls him Lorenzo de Vargas, but is
probably mistaken. _Hist. Verdad._, 118.
[1011] Camargo gives at length the speeches of Cortés
and the chiefs on the occasion. The latter invites him
to accept their friendship and services, and settle among
them, whereupon the general explains that the main object
of his coming is to overthrow false idols, and that the
condition of his staying with them must be the adoption
of the true faith, wherein lies the sole reason for the
superiority of his race over theirs. The holy ghost assists
to impress his words, and they yield; but they implore him
not to cast down the revered idols, for such an act may be
fraught with the most terrible disasters. Cortés insists,
and promises to assume all risks. Thus pressed, they ask
to confer with the representatives of the people, lest a
revolt occur. The council objects, offers to give the most
prominent place to the new gods, and finally yields, amidst
tears and wailing. The people secretly hide the adored
images, and while accepting baptism still retain the old
worship in secret. The four chiefs first receive the rite,
under the sponsorship of the leading Spanish captains,
Maxixcatzin the elder being named Lorenzo; Xicotencatl,
Vicente; Tlehuexolotl, Gonzalo; and Citlalpopoca, Bartolomé.
The general baptism followed, those baptized on the first
day being named Juan, and María, and Ana, for men and women
respectively, each receiving a ticket whereon the name was
written. Many forgot their names, nevertheless, and had to
appeal to the register; some received baptism over again,
because they failed to acknowledge the previous rite, and
others attended service for years without having been to
the font. Among the idols and relics saved from the general
destruction were the ashes of Camaxtli, the chief god of the
tribe, said by some to have been the brother of Tezcatlipoca,
by others the father of Quetzalcoatl. They were jealously
guarded by the chief Tecpanecatl Tecuhtli, of Tepeticpac,
till 1576, when, tired of the temporal injuries which were
falling upon him, owing to their presence in his house, he
turned to the Church and surrendered the relic, and died
the same week, on holy Thursday, while penitently lashing
himself before the madonna. On opening the envelope of the
relic a mass of blonde hair fell out, showing that tradition
was true in describing the god as a white man. _Camargo_,
_Hist. Tlax._, 151-9, 178-9. Brasseur de Bourbourg eagerly
seizes on this statement to support his theory that the
Toltecs had come from the north of Europe to found their
empire and era of culture in Mexico. _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 392 et seq. Camargo places the general baptism on the
occasion of Cortés’ first arrival in the republic, but
herein Torquemada corrects him, although following the
version in other respects. The picture in the convent
at Tlascala indicates, he says, that the four chiefs,
including the elder Maxixcatzin, were baptized together,
and by the clergyman Juan Diaz. Great festivals followed
the ceremony, i. 523, iii. 166-9. Ixtlilxochitl, who also
refers to this picture, follows Camargo’s date, but names
Xicotencatl senior Bartolomé, Zitlapopocatzin Baltasar,
Tlehuexolotzin Gonzalo, and Maxixcatzin, a young man, Juan.
_Hist. Chich._, 294. Brasseur de Bourbourg corrects this by
substituting Xicotencatl junior for Maxixcatzin and naming
him Vicente. He adds Nezahualpilli’s son Tecocoltzin, who
receives the name of Fernando, ubi sup. The assumption
that the four elder chiefs were baptized together, and the
statement that the elder Maxixcatzin had died before Cortés
returned to Tlascala, appear contradictory, but Vetancurt
reconciles them by dating the general baptism just before the
beginning of the Tepeaca campaign, and adopting the names
as given on the picture in ‘our convent,’ and as quoted by
Camargo and Torquemada. Padre Juan Diaz, who performed the
rite, is supposed to have been killed soon after. Several
other versions of his fate and burial-place are given.
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 146. But he testified
during the residencia investigation against Alvarado, 1529.
See _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 124. Clavigero
follows Vetancurt, and maintains, notwithstanding the
failure of the conquest writers to notice that event, that
‘è certo, che tutti i quattro Capi di quella Repubblica
furono battezzati avanti la conquista.... Oltre ad’ altre
pruove ciò consta dalle pitture antiche.’ _Storia Mess._,
iii. 150. It would be interesting to know what the ‘altre
pruove’ are. Prescott admits only the baptism of the two
Maxixcatzins and old Xicotencatl, but avoids giving the new
names, owing to the conflict of authorities. _Mex._, ii. 445.
[1012] ‘Cómo era Muchacho, imprimió mas en él nuestra
conversacion y tornóse cristiano.’ _Cartas_, 177.