FIGHT UPON THE TEMPLE SUMMIT.
JUNE, 1520.
THE NATIVES CONTINUE THE ASSAULT—THEIR FIERCE BRAVERY—THE
SPANIARDS BUILD TURRETS—STILL THE MEXICANS PROVE TOO STRONG
FOR THEM—MONTEZUMA CALLED TO INTERCEDE—HE IS INSULTED AND
STONED BY HIS SUBJECTS—CORTÉS ATTEMPTS EGRESS BY THE TLACOPAN
CAUSEWAY—FAILURE OF ESCOBAR TO TAKE THE PYRAMID—CORTÉS GAINS
THE SLIPPERY HEIGHT—THE GLADIATORIAL COMBAT THERE.
At dawn the assault was renewed with the same fierceness as before,
and with even less regard for the sweeping volleys of the cannon,
which were fired without aim into the packed masses of the natives,
bringing them down by the score. The gaps were quickly closed, and
the rapidly repeated shots seemed to make no more impression on the
surging mass than pebbles dropped into the boiling surf. It was a
critical time for Cortés, who seemed not yet to recognize the full
extent of the danger. He felt the necessity of open communication with
the mainland, for obvious reasons, and to this end, in the course of
the morning, he arranged another sortie like that of the preceding
day, but in one direction only. The Indians retired, as before, into
lanes and buildings, and beyond canals, raising; the bridges behind
them. Barricades having been thrown up to impede the advance since
the last sally, some guns were brought to the front, and with their
aid a few of the obstructions were demolished and more than one
bridge was gained, together with a number of houses, to which the
torch was applied. The discharges from the roofs were kept up with
galling pertinacity, although the effect was not so fatal as during
the preceding day, owing to the experience then gained. The forces
below, who had retired before the charges of the advance, rolled back
like recurring billows, and in ever increasing number, upon flank and
rear, as if to overwhelm them. Such were their numbers and stubborn
recklessness that ten thousand Hectors and Rolands, says Bernal Diaz,
could have effected nothing against them, and soldiers from the Italian
war swore that never among Christians or Turks had they witnessed such
fierceness. Considerable alarm was also created by the appearance
of long pikes, like those of the Chinantecs, directed particularly
against the cavalry. Fortunately they were not numerous, nor were
the pikemen sufficiently practised to be very dangerous. Worn out in
the unequal contest Cortés turned to gain his camp, which was no easy
task, since the natives were massed in greatest number in the rear,
determined to cut off retreat. The fort was gained, nevertheless,
although hardly a man escaped uninjured, while about a dozen were
killed; one unfortunate soldier being captured and sacrificed in full
view of the garrison.[770]
It had been found that the greatest danger to the sallying parties came
from the roofs, whence discharges could be directed with comparative
impunity and with greater effect than from the ground. In order to
counteract them, three _mantas_, or movable turrets, were planned,
whose occupants were to devote their attention wholly to clearing
the roofs of assailants. The completing of these machines and other
preparations kept the garrison busy all the 27th of June, so that
no sally was made. Ascribing this to fear, the Indians became more
pressing in their assault, and more profuse with their insults.
“Dogs!” cried some, “of hunger and thirst shall you die!” Others
shouted, “Here is a piece of my tortilla!” at the same time flinging
them unpalatable fragments of toasted bread. “Eat it, you perjured
villains, who can fight only on the backs of animals; for soon shall
your own bodies be cut up for food and cast before the beasts!” The
enemy appeared more numerous than ever, and the roofs and yards were
literally covered with their missiles. The greatest danger to the
Spaniards lay in the operations of the battering and mining parties,
who, regardless of bullets from the wall turrets, sought steadily to
open fresh breaches. Conspicuous in the hostile camp was a richly
dressed Indian, surrounded by a staff of finely attired warriors,
who seemed to direct operations, and whose orders were received with
the deepest reverence. This personage the prisoners declared to be
Cuitlahuatzin, and the next in rank Quauhtemotzin.[771] Charge after
charge was made by his direction, and with a vehemence that threatened
to carry everything before it; and loudly rang the yells, whether of
delight at some advantage gained or of fury over a repulse.
Thus the besieged were harassed beyond endurance. Large numbers were
wounded, and all were exhausted from vigils, hard fighting, trying
work, and the want of sufficient water and food; for in view of the
stoppage of supplies, rations had been reduced. Those of the Narvaez
expedition were particularly disheartened, and bestowed freely their
maledictions, first on Velazquez, who had sent them to such a country,
and then upon Cortés, whose promises of golden treasures and well
stocked encomiendas had lured them to this plight. Perceiving, however,
that unity of purpose alone could save them, they stifled regrets
and showed Cortés that something must immediately be done to stay the
onslaught, lest the building fall about their ears. It was exceedingly
disagreeable, but it must be done; the proud Spanish general must
sue to the greatly injured captive king, pleading for his influence
in behalf of peace.[772] Montezuma had all these days been closely
confined to his rooms brooding over the insults offered him, and
apparently indifferent to the danger from without. When the message
was brought he sullenly said, “Why does Malinche address himself to
me, who care no longer for life? I will not listen to him, for he it
is who has brought me into this plight.” He intimated further that the
promises of the general could not be relied upon, and that his words
carried a double meaning. Olmedo and Olid, who had come to urge the
request, had recourse to soothing words and persuasion, and succeeded
in mollifying him somewhat.[773] He replied, however, that it was
probably too late to appease the Mexicans by promises. “They have now
a new leader,” he said, “who is resolved to spare no Spaniard, and
I believe that you have all to die in this city.”[774] Nevertheless
he yielded, and as befitted the momentous point at issue, he arrayed
himself in the richly bejewelled robes of state, and placed upon his
head the mitred _copilli_, beneath whose precious feathers gleamed
the golden plate.[775] Carefully guarded he ascended to the roof and
stepped to the parapet, preceded by a courtier who bore the triple
wand of the empire, as was customary on such occasions. Instantly
the tumult was hushed, even before the leaders could issue orders
for a stay of hostilities; instantly a thousand heads were bent in
humble adoration before the august majesty of their sovereign. This
attitude, however, was assumed but for a moment; soon these same heads
were held higher than ever. Then the chiefs drew near to listen to
the unhappy monarch.
Montezuma had appeared with a feeling of mingled fear and doubt as to
what his reception might be, and he did not fail to observe that the
accustomed reverence was shown only for an instant, involuntarily,
as it were, and that silence was prompted rather by curiosity than
respect. The urgency of the moment demanded that he should speak, but
it was rather as supplicant than ruler that he turned to his people.
“You are in arms, my children,” he said, “in hot battle. Why is this?
You will be slain, and there will be heard throughout the land for
many years the wail of wives and little ones. You would give me my
liberty, and I thank you. You do not turn from me in anger, and I
thank you. You have not chosen another king in my stead, and I thank
you. Such an act would displease the gods, and bring destruction on
all. And see! I am no prisoner. Go your way; I am free. By divine
command I must remain the guest of the Spaniards yet a little longer,
and you must not molest them, for soon they will return whence they
came. Alas, my people, my country, my crown!”[776]
With a heavy sigh, and midst copious tears, his head fell on his
breast. The monarch’s strength had indeed departed. The people knew
that he spoke falsely, that he was little better than imbecile, unfit
to be their sovereign. Oh, if he but had the good fortune to die while
helping them to grind to powder these hated enemies! Only a little
while ago his words would have been received as the utterances of a
deity. Now the scales had fallen from their eyes, and they saw him as
he was. They could bear no more. Jeers and groans reached him from
every direction. “Coward! chicken! Woman to the Spaniards, fit only
for the gown and the spindle! Murderer of your nobles!” Such were the
cries which now reached his ears as he stood stupefied with agony.
Presently came a shower of arrows and stones, and before the Spanish
guard could interpose their shields several missiles struck him, one
on the left temple, which caused him to fall senseless into the arms
of the by-standers.[777]
Startled by the crime they had committed, awe fell upon the multitude
as the stricken sovereign was led away. Taking advantage of this
feeling Cortés beckoned the chiefs to a parley with a view to explain
what Montezuma had intended to convey. He had always wished them
well, he said, and felt grieved to wage war for what had occurred
during his absence. He desired peace, yet the desire was not prompted
by fear, but by consideration for their safety and that of the city.
The chiefs replied that the Spaniards must leave the country to the
natives, and depart at once. That was exactly what they wished to do,
replied Cortés, but they would not be driven away. If the Mexicans
desired them to go, they must abandon the siege, tear down the
barricade, and retire to their homes; they must likewise restore the
bridges and supply provisions. To this the chiefs declined to listen,
declaring that they would not lay down their arms so long as there
was a Spaniard left on whom to use them.[778] The evident desire of
the besieged for peace served only to encourage the Indians, and the
assault was renewed with an increased ardor that taxed the defenders
to the utmost.
And now, whatever the cost, a way out of this place must be opened.
Cortés knew of three causeways which led to the mainland, the only
means of exit for his forces. He knew that they were low and narrow,
exposed on both sides to the attacks of canoe fleets, and intersected
by a number of bridges which were perhaps by this time raised. Each of
these openings was an almost impassable chasm. The southern causeway
to Iztapalapan was two leagues in length, and provided with seven
drawbridges, besides a strong fortress, which rendered it impassable
to an enemy. The northern, leading to Tepeyacac, was one league long,
while the shortest, conducting westward to Tlacopan, half a league
distant, was broken by only three bridges.[779] Cortés resolved to
undertake the passage by this last named causeway. During the night
had been completed three mantas, of light framework and planks, each
to hold twenty musketeers and archers, with which it was hoped to
check the assailants on the roofs. These mantas were built with two
chambers, provided with loop-holes; the upper ranged on a level with
the house-tops of ordinary one-story buildings of the city, and had
doors, so as to allow of sallies upon the roofs.[780]
The following morning, June 28th, Cortés placed himself at the head
of five hundred Spaniards and over three thousand allies, and took
the direction of the Tlacopan causeway.[781] By a sudden charge the
cavalry drove back the Indians and allowed the free passage of the
mantas, which were drawn and pushed by Tlascaltecs, and protected
by bodies of infantry. A corps of pioneers accompanied them with
pickaxes, mattocks, crow-bars, and ladders, to destroy barricades and
walls, and to scale buildings. Four cannon were also brought. The
rear was protected by a portion of the cavalry. The Aztecs were at
first amazed at the curious moving turrets, and feared that they might
contain more terrible destroyers even than the grape-charged guns;
but finding them less dangerous, they continued their efforts, and
fast and thick poured the stones and arrows on the line of advance,
particularly on the engines, which were severely damaged. The march
proceeded, however, with more or less interruption till a raised
bridge was reached on the main road, where the Indians had gathered in
vast numbers, with an evident determination to check the expedition.
The turrets were brought alongside the houses adjoining the canal in
order to clear the crowded roofs, but regardless of the volleys from
the firelocks, the natives on the roofs plied their missiles only the
faster, letting fly heavy rocks[782] upon the engine coverings, so
as to render them untenable and hinder the manœuvring of the cannon.
This success enabled the warriors beyond the canal and behind the
barricades to maintain their assault with great effect, and to prevent
a further advance. They gained a considerable advantage by a change
of tactics in directing the missiles to a great extent against the
legs of the Spaniards, to their serious discomfiture.[783] After
spending the greater part of the forenoon in an unsuccessful attempt
to destroy the houses nearest the canal, and to fill a passage across
it, the troops retired to the fort greatly disheartened. Even the
Tlascaltecs, who were usually so glib of tongue in replying to Aztec
taunts, for once held their peace.[784]
Meanwhile the battle raged fiercely round the fort. The temple in
front of it, since its evacuation by the Spaniards, had been occupied
by some five hundred Mexicans, chosen men,[785] who introduced a large
quantity of ammunition and supplies, and began to batter the besieged
quarter. It was this shower which had first damaged the turrets and
harassed the march. Perceiving the danger of leaving so commanding a
position in hostile hands, Cortés had sent his chamberlain, Escobar,
with one hundred men[786] and some allies to dispossess them. This
was no easy task, for the pyramid was of great extent and over eighty
feet in height, composed of a series of abrupt stone terraces, each
receding about six feet from the one beneath, and so arranged that
the ascent led along the entire circuit of each ledge before the
steps conducting to the next could be gained.[787] Twenty men, says
Cortés, could have held it against a thousand; yet the one hundred
were to attempt it. Step by step they fought their way, beneath
showers of arrows, and against javelins, and sword and lance thrusts
from the upper ledges. More dangerous even than these weapons were
the cumbrous missiles in the shape of heavy stones and timber which
came crashing down upon them. Three times[788] did Escobar lead his
men to the charge, only to see them repulsed and sent rolling down
the steps and over the ledges. Finally he sent word to Cortés that
the task was impracticable. The general received this notice while
vainly battling at the canal, and he eagerly seized upon it as excuse
for changing his base of operation. He hurried to the spot, threw a
cordon round the pyramid, and although badly wounded in the left hand
he immediately led his men to the charge. The Spaniards were making
fair progress, when two heavy beams, which had been reserved at the
summit for the last extremity, were loosened and sent tumbling down
the side, so directed as to sweep to destruction the assailants along
its entire length. At about the centre of their terrible passage, full
before them, stood Cortés. Immediate death for himself and his brave
comrades seemed inevitable, when behold! by some unseen finger the
beams were turned end foremost and shot harmlessly through the opening
made for them by the soldiers. “Thanks be to God and the virgin, whose
image was placed in this tower!” cried Cortés, as without the loss
of a moment he sprang forward and speedily gained the summit. There
the fight assumed the form of a gladiatorial combat, a hand-to-hand
and line-to-line conflict, poised in mid-air on this narrow slippery
summit, and in full view of the whole city. As if by common consent
the combatants below paused in their bloody work and stood breathless,
lost in the more thrilling sight above.
At the eastern end of the platform stood the two three-story chapels,
over fifty feet in height, originally dedicated to Huitzilopochtli
and Tezcatlipoca. Against this the Indians had massed themselves,
fierce in their desperation. The Castilians had taken their stand
at the other end. It was an awful situation, dire destruction being
inevitable to one side or the other. With nerves and sinews strained to
their utmost tension, they stood between attacks regarding each other,
regarding every motion, anon picking from the other’s number with
javelin, dart, or musket, as they were able. It was with difficulty
the Spaniards could stand, and there was no railing round the slippery
height; but fortune again assisted by unveiling the sun and sending
its blinding rays full in the face of the enemy. Every now and then
the soldiers charged in solid phalanx into the centre of the opposite
mass, only to be obliged to retire under the pressure of its weight,
and to receive the counter-charge, encouraged by wildly gesticulating
priests, who flitted to and fro in bloody robes and dishevelled hair.
Aware of the inferiority of their weapons, the natives sought rather
to seize hold of the Spaniards, singly or in groups, and with the
recklessness of doomed men to hurl themselves with their victims
from the dizzy height. In one instance Cortés himself was selected
for this terrible fate. Inspired to martyrdom and revenge, two young
nobles watched their opportunity, and approached him on their knees,
as if pleading for mercy. Ere he had time to consider the situation
they had seized him in their arms and were struggling to gain the
edge. One moment more and he would have been dashed to death, but by
putting forth his whole strength, nerved by desperation, he succeeded
in freeing himself from their grasp. Ojeda was singled out for a
similar attempt, and would have perished had not a Genoese come to
his aid.[789]
For three hours the struggle lasted, while one Indian after another
was picked off by the bullet and the arrow, or pierced by the pike
and sword, or sent headlong over the platform, either to be crushed
by the fall or to be transfixed by the Spaniards on the ledges below.
As their number diminished, many a one sought the higher martyrdom
by leaping from the sacred spot into paradise. Thus melted away that
fated band of Aztec warriors. At the portal of Huitzilopochtli’s chapel
fell the last defender; and two priests, one of them the high-priest,
alone remained to offer themselves as captives. On entering the chapel
consecrated to the virgin no traces appeared of the holy emblems,
only evidences of idolatrous rites, and upon the altar stains from the
blackened hands of the temple attendants.[790] In the adjoining chapel
the war-god was found reinstalled in all its glittering hideousness.
Some consolation for this sacrilegious intrusion was offered to the
victors in despoiling it of the rich ornaments, while the cacao and
other provisions stored here by the garrison proved a prize to the
half-famished Spaniards. The Tlascaltecs, so long deprived of meat,
pounced upon the bodies of the slain heroes to secure them for a feast,
which should not only satisfy the cravings of hunger, but infuse their
hearts and minds with some of the qualities of the valiant dead.[791]
The chapels were then fired. The upper portion of the structure being
of wood, the flames rose in columns heavenward, heralding the triumph
of the Spaniard, and striking the Indian with awe. It was a great and
thrilling feat, this fight upon the temple top; and so the natives
regarded it, their heart, and mind, and paintings being all stained
sanguine over its remembrance.[792]
FOOTNOTES
[770] Bernal Diaz mentions the death of ten or twelve, but
Cortés acknowledges only three score of wounded. On this
occasion, apparently, Herrera allows Cortés to gain Tacuba,
whither he might have retreated in safety with all his forces
and wealth; yet he states that the return fight proved most
severe, the fort being regained with difficulty, after the
loss of two guns and several soldiers, one taken alive.
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ix. Solis manages to transform the
operation into a victory, wherein Cortés stays the slaughter
out of mercy. Prescott is quite arbitrary in the use of
the chronicles. He combines the incidents of several days
into one and transposes them at pleasure, with the sole aim
apparently of presenting an exciting description of what
the siege might have been. A few facts are elaborated, and
the rest sacrificed to style.
[771] Marina asked Montezuma if a new king had been chosen,
but he did not think they would elect one while he lived.
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 141.
[772] ‘Fue acordado de demandalles pazes para salir de
Mexico, ... acordò Cortes, que el gran Monteçuma les
hablasse.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 104. ‘Muteczuma
... dijo que le sacasen ... y que él hablaria á los
capitanes.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 129-30. The latter statement
may be Herrera’s authority for saying that Montezuma was
the first to propose speaking to the Mexicans. dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. x. Observing Cuitlahuatzin’s regal authority
over the besieging forces, Montezuma was seized with a
fit of jealous alarm for throne and life. ‘Chiamò Cortès,
... pregandolo instantemente di non differir più la sua
partenza.’ _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 124. This
implies that the emperor was not aware of the vain efforts
made to open communication with the mainland, or even to
approach it. Cortés had to urge him in any case to speak to
his subjects, an unwelcome task in view of his declining
influence and of the merely partial success of the former
appeal.
[773] Among other reasons it was represented that Cortés was
not to blame for the late massacre. ‘Que si la indignacion
de los mexicanos podia templarse con el castigo de los
culpados ... le prometia castigar.’ So says the native
version of _Tezozomoc_, _Recop. tradiciones_, MS., cap.
vi.; _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, 287-8.
[774] He felt no eagerness to plead in behalf of those who
had caused all his misfortunes, and he was only too conscious
that his pusillanimity must have degraded him in the eyes
of his subjects, while the elevation of his brother to the
leadership must have diminished the influence which till then
may have remained with him. He could hardly avoid a feeling
of jealousy at the thought of this elevation; and if he,
during an impulse of anger against Cortés, had counselled
the proceedings of Cuitlahuatzin, he now felt probably both
grieved and terrified at the storm he had raised. He also
harbored a wholesome fear of Malinche, and the prospect
of his speedy departure helped to stir anew the embers of
hope. All might yet be well: the capital might be spared
further desolation, and he again resume his former grandeur.
[775] See description of his first meeting with Cortés,
_Native Races_, ii. This appearance of the emperor took
place on the 27th of June, as Cortés states, but Bernal
Diaz, Herrera, and Ixtlilxochitl place it respectively on
the 5th, 6th, and 7th day of the siege.
[776] _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x.; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 104. ‘No molestàsen à los estrangeros
y fuésen sus amigos, pues su persona corria riesgo.’
_Tezozomoc_, _Recop. tradiciones_, MS., cap. vi. Cortés,
followed by Gomara, gives him no time to speak ere the
people assault.
[777] They would no longer recognize him as emperor, etc.
Saying this, a chief threw a stone which struck Montezuma on
the forehead. _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 468. Acosta
attributes this first throw to ‘Quicuxtemoc,’ the later
king of Mexico. _Hist. Ind._, 523. ‘Ma io nol credo,’ says
Clavigero, _Storia Mess._, iii. 126. ‘Aunque vn Castellano
tenia cuydado de arrodelar a Motezuma ... le acertò vna
piedra en las sienes.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x.
Had not the Spaniards held up a shield before Montezuma
the people would have known it was he and not thrown the
stone which killed him, says Cano, his later son-in-law.
_Oviedo_, iii. 550. Gomara is inclined to believe this,
for his people ‘no lo quisieran hazer mas que sacarse los
ojos.’ _Hist. Mex._, 154. ‘Una saéta alcanzó al emperador
en el estòmago que lo atravezó por el baso, y una piedra
le dió en la sien izquierda.’ The people would never have
thrown missiles, for they pitied him, and were prepared
to obey his injunctions, but Cacama, who stood behind the
emperor, made signs that they should continue the attack
without regard for him or for the monarch. _Tezozomoc_,
_Recop. tradiciones_, MS., cap. vi. According to Bernal
Diaz, the four chiefs who had approached to confer with him
expressed their sympathy for his misfortunes. They had now
chosen as leader ‘Coadlabacan, señor de Iztapalapa,’ and had
sworn to the gods to continue the war till all Spaniards
were exterminated. Yet they prayed daily to the gods for
his safety, and if all went well he would more than ever
be their lord. They had hardly finished when showers of
missiles fell, of which three stones and an arrow hit him,
on the head, arm, and leg. _Hist. Verdad._, 104. ‘Remorse
succeeded to insult,’ and they fled, says Robertson, _Hist.
Am._, 90, a statement which Prescott improves by stating
that the square before the fort was left empty. But remorse
must have been brief, for the main authorities, Cortés,
Gomara, Bernal Diaz, and Torquemada, either declare or
intimate that the assault never stopped. ‘No por eso cesó la
guerra y muy mas recia y muy cruda de cada dia.’ _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 130.
[778] ‘Esta Fortaleza casi no tiene exemplar,’ exclaims Lorenzana,
forgetting that Cortés’ firmness was due to the justifiable
fear that a trap was intended. _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_,
136-7. Cortés concludes the sentence about Montezuma’s
being wounded by saying that he died within three days.
He thereupon resumes the account of parleys and siege
operations, leaving the impression that these took place
after his death, while such was not the case. Nevertheless,
Gomara, Herrera, and others, Bernal Diaz not excluded, are
misled, by this vagueness evidently, into extending the
siege and confounding the events, so that modern historians
have all more or less remained mystified. Solis assumes
that during Montezuma’s illness the siege was conducted
only by straggling parties, the main forces being occupied
with crowning the new emperor. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 155-6.
This is probably due to a misconstruction of Bernal Diaz.
[779] ‘En esta auia tres no mas, y en la de Yztapalapà,
siete.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.; _Native
Races_, ii. 561 et seq.
[780] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 130, 133. ‘Quatro ingenios ...
en que pudiessen yr veynte y cinco hombres,’ says Bernal
Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 103. ‘Tres mantas ... cõ sus ruedas;
leuauan treynta hombres a cada vna, cubierta con tablas
gruessas de tres dedos.’ _Herrera_, loc. cit. Drawn by men
within, adds Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. v. ‘Cabia cada vno
veynte hombres, con picas escopetas y ballestas y vn tiro.’
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 154.
[781] Herrera unwisely assumes that the three towers with
their forces were respectively directed against the three
causeway approaches.
[782] ‘De tres y quatro arrouas, que maltrataron a los que
yuan en los ingenios, y rompieron las tablas.’ _Herrera_,
dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi.
[783] ‘Hirieron a mas de docientos Castellanos.’ _Id._,
cap. ix.
[784] ‘Nos mataron un español y hirieron muchos.’ _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 130-1.
[785] ‘Subieron allá dos vigas rollizas para desde alli
echarlas sobre las casas reales y hundirlas.’ _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Conq._, 30. Peter Martyr supposes the temple to have
been long held by the enemy, but this is contrary to what
Cortés and Sahagun say.
[786] Three hundred, says Gomara.
[787] For a full description of this pyramid see _Native
Races_, ii. 579 et seq. Some horses had been taken to clear
the approaches, but they slipped on the smooth pavement,
and were sent back as unserviceable. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 105.
[788] ‘Acometiola tres o quatro vezes, y otros tantos dias,’
is Gomara’s interpretation, in order to fill up the time
assumed by him. _Hist. Mex._, 156.
[789] Ojeda appears to be the sole authority upon which
Herrera relies for these two struggles. dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. ix. Clavigero doubts them; yet there is nothing unlikely
in either attempt.
[790] It was related afterward that when the natives
first sought to remove the virgin image their hands clove
powerlessly to it for some time, and left their marks
upon it. _Oviedo_, iii. 510. Montezuma, being told of
this miracle, ordered the image to be left in its place.
Afterward, ‘pareciò, segun supimos, que el gran Monteçuma
tenia ó deuocion en ella, ó miedo, y la mandó guardar.’
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 104, 102. Others, as will
be shown, suppose it to have been saved by its owner,
Villafuerte, perhaps when Cortés withdrew the troops from
the temple, or to have fled by its own miraculous power to
the shrine at Remedios.
[791] ‘Comierõ de los caualleros Mexicanos muertos.’
_Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. ix.
[792] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 130-1. According to Bernal Diaz
the sally with the engines was directed against the temple,
which he appears to place at some distance. It was held by
3000 or 4000 Indians, ‘all chiefs,’ and cost the Spaniards
46 lives, every man being beside wounded. They returned
hard pressed by the enemy. ‘Se mostrò Cortes mui varõ, como
siẽpre.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 103-4. ‘Murieron todos quinientos
Indios, como valientes.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 157. ‘En
trecientos caualleros que alli estauan no quedaron seys
viuos.’ _Herrera_, loc. cit. This author describes on a later
occasion the capture of a tower attached to Montezuma’s own
palace, from which missiles fell with telling effect. Cortés
goes with 200 men to reduce it, and is hotly received; yet
the Indians, relying upon the execution to be made by some
loose beams which are to be rolled down upon the assailants
at a favorable moment, allow the Spaniards to rush forward
and gain the tower, putting almost every occupant to the
sword. This story is probably a version of the temple fight.