DEATH OF MONTEZUMA.
JUNE, 1520.
A LIVING DEATH—THE OLD IMPERIAL PARTY AND THE NEW POWER—AZTEC
DEFIANCE—PERILOUS POSITION OR THE SPANIARDS—DISAPPOINTMENT
TO CORTÉS—ANOTHER SALLY—THE DYING MONARCH—HE HAS NO DESIRE
TO LIVE—HIS REJECTION OF A NEW FAITH—HE WILL NONE OF THE
HEAVEN OF THE SPANIARDS—COMMENDS HIS CHILDREN TO CORTÉS—THE
CHARACTER OF MONTEZUMA AND OF HIS REIGN.
Long before this the Spaniards had learned that the power which had
arisen in Montezuma’s stead was of a different quality from that lately
wielded by the poor caged monarch, whose proud spirit they had so
blighted and brought low. No Quetzalcoatl or other personage, fair or
dark, heaven-descended or of import infernal, might now interpose to
prevent the killing and cooking of the strangers. Cortés had thought
that the late spoliation of idols would fill the people with awe
toward beings so superior to their gods. But when he threatened that
if they did not lay down their arms not a man of them should remain
alive, nor one stone be left on another throughout all their city, they
laughed at him, the priests abetting. “How speak you so foolishly,”
they said, “mortal as we now know you to be, when for every Spanish
life we are prepared to sacrifice, if need be, twenty-five thousand
of our own lives?” They had cut off retreat at the causeways, so that
the lake alone was open to exit, and here they were prepared with
fleets of canoes filled with resolute men. Even should the Spaniards
hold out against assault, hunger and thirst must overcome them in
the end. “The truth of this was too evident,” observes Cortés, “for
hunger alone would have soon killed us.”
The imperial party, which had sunk to insignificance since the
elevation of Cuitlahuatzin to the leadership, and was now sustained
only by a few relatives of Montezuma, had no longer a voice in the
direction of affairs. Their efforts to make terms with the Spaniards
might have gained public approval, but the ambition of Cuitlahuatzin
stood in the way of any compromise. To release the strangers would be
to restore Montezuma, and he preferred to occupy the throne himself.
He was also covetous of military fame; and knowing the desperate
condition of the besieged, he hoped by their reduction to add to his
record of glorious achievements.[793]
The soldiers felt the peril of their position more than the general.
They had been cheered for a moment by victory, only to find how barren
it was; only to realize that many such triumphs would prove their ruin.
In order to counteract this growing despondency, Cortés resolved on
a night sally with half his force. The Indians being unprepared for
this, the party advanced with comparative impunity, destroyed several
barricades, and fired a large number of houses along the Tlacopan
road, where the roof assault had been so severe. The warriors having
finally gathered in sufficient force to render retreat advisable, the
Spaniards destroyed a number of buildings in the vicinity of their
quarters before entering, and thus secured additional immunity.[794]
The present purpose of the Spaniards was to open an exit from the
city. At a council, called to consider the situation, it was admitted
that delay would only reduce their strength without corresponding
gain, and with the prospect of closing more effectually the gate
against them.[795] It was a great disappointment to Cortés thus to
abandon his hard-earned advantage. There were those who would exult
over his misfortunes, and never could he hope to win favor from the
king except by some brilliant success. But this he would yet achieve,
God willing, or perish in the attempt.
The engines were strengthened, and every preparation was made to meet
the rapidly accumulating difficulties. At dawn a large force set out in
the direction of the Tlacopan causeway to secure its approaches.[796]
The advance was made in the order of the day previous, with guns and
pioneers, and with cavalry in front and rear. The late destruction
of houses proved of no considerable advantage, but the cannon being
brought to play on the barricades, an opening was soon made. The
engines, with their fortified sides and covers, proved more efficient
than formerly in checking assaults from the roofs. The soldiers
accordingly advanced with firmer resolution, and although the showers
from the house-tops were still troublesome, and resistance on the
streets was as fierce as ever, yet one after another the first four
canals were captured. The nearest houses were razed, and with the
débris roadways were thrown across the channels.
These operations were carried on in the face of a bitter onslaught,
and occupied the entire day. Evening being at hand the crossings were
left in charge of a strong guard, composed of the freshest men, while
the rest returned to the fort.
Montezuma the while lay a-dying, prostrate a-dying, not as Vespasian
would have an emperor die—standing; but with manhood, and the
aspirations of man, ay, even the regrets and remorse incident to
foiled endeavor, all crushed he was killed when the insults of his
people fell upon him; he scarcely heeded their darts and stones.
It is not necessary always that breath shall cease before one can be
dead. From Ianthe’s spirit fell the shackles of sense, the body being
left with its animal life, but soulless. And though corporal life was
yet present in Montezuma, the soul was already free: the accursed
aliens had done their worst. When the might of sacred sovereignty
was extinguished, the remains were less than man, though they walked,
and talked, and wept.
Compared with his present condition, how dignified and happy death
would have been by the hands of his brother priests, before the gods,
in the eyes of the nation, on the sacred sacrificial stone! Or, like
that among the Massagetæ, told of by Herodotus, who sacrificed and
ate their old people, holding natural death a misfortune—even this
or any other stepping down and out would have been preferable to thus
dying like a silly hare in a trap!
He refused food and any attention to the wounds, which were far
from fatal. He tore off the bandages, threw from him all medicines,
and bared his body to disease, even as his soul had been long since
bared, and stretched out his hand to hasten the cold stony grasp of
death. What a farce was life, and honor, and majesty, all to end in
poverty and disgrace! Feeling the all-changing moment at hand, he
summoned Cortés; for despite his long maltreatment he entertained
a kind of affection for the monster, who might even yet prove to be
the demi-god of some far away incomprehensible world. Moreover, the
Spaniard’s intellect and arm were the stronger; he was his son-in-law
and probable successor; therefore, though his jailer, he would speak
with him. And when he came Montezuma said: “The end for me approaches,
Malinche; it is even here. You cannot harm me further, nor help me
if you would. I have given you all; you have taken all—my liberty, my
kingdom, my life, and that which is more to me than kingdom, liberty,
or life, the affection of my people, the love of my counsellors and
friends; and respect—respect of self, and that sacred respect which,
living or dead, is mine by inheritance, and by virtue of my office.
But I would not upbraid you; I pray only that my ruin will benefit
you; I beg of you care for my children, and I conjure you to avenge
me on my rebel subjects and their leaders.”[797]
Moved by the touching appeal, Cortés promised all that was asked of
him, while remonstrating with the monarch for rejecting food and
medicine. Montezuma then, in like manner, exhorted his nobles who
were prisoners with him, and was touched by their sorrow for the
sad state of the empire, and their manifestation of affection for
himself. Father Olmedo, who had never relaxed his efforts for the
captive’s conversion, now pressed to his aid the general. But in vain.
All else these beings maledict had taken from him; they should not
now rob him of his religion. His faith was as dear to him, as true,
as pure, as efficacious, as was theirs to them. Away with another’s
gods! Let each live and die by his own. He was high-priest, too, and
for him to prove recreant to the national faith would overshadow
all his former crimes combined. “What is this they would have of
me?” he groaned within himself. Then turning suddenly to Olmedo, he
asked, “Do Spaniards go to this heaven of yours?” “Assuredly,” was
the reply; “it was made for them, and is held by Christians, against
all others, as the reward of their pure belief and gentle deeds.” “It
is enough; I will none of it,” said Montezuma, who from that moment
would not listen to a word of Christian exhortation.[798] It was early
in the morning of the 30th of June,[799] three days after the trying
scene in the presence of his people, that the monarch breathed his
last. And even the Spaniards forgot for a moment their diabolisms,
and allowed their minds to dwell on the virtues of this magnificent
heathen, this mighty sovereign, their sweet-tempered prisoner, and
kind and generous host.[800]
Of a truth, despite his pusillanimity with regard to the Spaniards,
which was indeed little else than pardonable superstition, this man was
in many respects not unworthy the title of Great so freely bestowed
upon him. Montezuma was but forty-one[801] at the time of his death,
and had wielded the sceptre for nearly eighteen years with wonderful
success. Under him the Aztec empire acquired its widest extent and
greatest glory. While his armies by well directed operations spread
the terror of his name to distant provinces and increased the national
domain by fresh conquests, his subtle intrigues secured advantages
at home, and established the supremacy of Mexico in the tripartite
alliance. With a high regard for the dignity of his throne, he caused
the sovereign to be worshipped almost like a god, and sustained the
grandeur of his surroundings with lavish expenditure. This severe and
ostentatious pride kept him above the reach of his people, and failing
to understand their wants or to sympathize with their condition, he
ruled not by love, but by fear. Thus it is that we find the native
records dwell upon his fitful cold-blooded cruelty and superstition,
not as a tyrant, however, but as an administrator of their own cruel
yet revered rites. He was reputed just, but this quality was to be
found rather in the intention than in the act. With all his pride
he appears to have been most affable and kind to those with whom
he came in contact. The Spaniards certainly found him so. In their
later intercourse other considerations may have ruled him, however,
and with the cunning and secrecy of his race he may have submitted
to the inevitable demands of circumstances.[802]
Surrounded by fawning ministers, whose existence depended on his favor,
he was encouraged in the extravagant habits of a magnificent court,
which promoted their schemes at the expense of a tax-ridden people.
The ambition to extend his fame and power required the maintenance of
immense armies, of numerous garrisons, and of costly campaigns, which
proved another drain on the people. This was augmented in subjected
provinces by the extortions of imperial officers, who found means to
prevent the cry of the oppressed from reaching the throne. Perhaps the
most terrible infliction was the levy on the youth of both sexes for
slaves, and for sacrificial victims to appease the bloody appetite of
Aztec gods—an appetite which had increased in horror with the abject
superstition of this otherwise enlightened monarch. Enlightened he
undoubtedly was, for as high-priest he had become versed in the higher
learning of the priesthood. The study of mythology came naturally
to him, while astronomy and natural history were favorite subjects
with the lords of the lake peoples, the former connected with myths
and divinations, the latter illustrated by specimens from different
regions, and collected in the botanic and zoologic gardens of Mexico
and other cities. The studies of his youth had gained for him a well
merited respect from his priestly confrères, and the prudence and
sagacity which controlled the well stored mind commanded attention
in the council.[803] While yet a young man there seemed to develop
qualities which fitted him for the position of high-priest, also as
counsellor, to which his princely rank paved an easy way. Besides this
he had shown himself possessed of great courage, and had established
his fame as a general by many victories.
It was with this reputation, as zealous and learned priest, prudent
statesman, and brave soldier, that he ascended the throne in 1503,
while only twenty-three years of age. It is in such terms that his
colleague Nezahualpilli in his coronation address refers to the hopes
entertained of the youthful ruler.[804] Though ever a devout servant
of the gods, the effeminate pleasures of the court weakened the nerves
and energy of the soldier, till his warlike ardor survived only in
a taste for military reviews and for the chase. The caution of the
general remained, but timidity saves few leaders from disaster. Vanity
and designing ministers overruled too often the dictates of wisdom
in the administration of affairs.[805] His path had been prepared by
able predecessors, and answered well for the policy of aggrandizement
which became the leading feature of his reign. In this his natural
liberality and talent for intrigue, fostered by priestly training,
served him well and procured blindly devoted instruments for his plans.
Thus, by fair means and foul, the empire was raised to the pinnacle
of its glory, but not being of a natural or healthy growth it proved
unstable, and crumbling under the strong commotion created by the
approach of Castilians, it revived only for a moment in the present
uprising like the mental illumination preceding death. Montezuma could
not have failed to recognize the insecurity of the bonds which held
it, and influenced by the predictions of its downfall he readily fell
beneath the spell of the superior intellects which were to assume
control. It was his misfortune to have lost the sanguine energy of
his youth, which might have enabled him to rise above the weaknesses
of himself and his age. Duty and honor were overcome by superstition
and absorbing love of power, of life, and he reaped the natural fruit
of puerile and misdirected efforts by losing both. Resistance might
not long have delayed the inevitable, but it would at least have
procured for him an end worthy of his grandeur.
Of his many wives may be named the princesses Teitlalco, Acatlan,
and Miahuaxochitl, of whom the first named appears to have been the
only legitimate consort.[806] By her he left a son, Asupacaci, who
fell during the _noche triste_, and a daughter, Tecuichpo, baptized
as Isabel, married consecutively to Quauhtemotzin, the last Mexican
sovereign, to visitador general Alonso Grado, to Pedro Andrade Gallego,
and to Juan Cano de Saavedra. She had children by the latter two,
from whom descend the illustrious families of Andrade-Montezuma and
Cano-Montezuma.
By the Princess Acatlan were left two daughters, baptized as María
and Mariana. The latter alone left offspring, from whom descends the
Sotelo-Montezuma family. By the third wife came to the emperor the
son Tlacahuepantzin, known after baptism as Pedro Yohualicahuacatzin
Montezuma, whose descendants, the condes de Montezuma y de Tula,
intermarried with the noblest families of Spain, and connected the name
with the highest offices of state, and with the title of grandee.[807]
FOOTNOTES
[793] In _Manuscrit de 1528_, _Aubin Col._, Cihuacohuatl
and Tzihuacpopocatzin, brothers of Montezuma, are named as
the leaders of the opposition party, connected also with
the followers of Quetzalcoatl, who abhorred the cruel rites
of the Aztecs. They succeeded, it is said, in introducing
provisions for the besieged. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, iv. 317-18. But this is doubtful.
[794] This is probably the sally which Herrera intrusts to
Salcedo. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii.
[795] ‘Por importunidad de muchos ... acordó de salir della.’
_Carta del Ejército_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i.
429. ‘El ... capitan dilataba de cada dia la dicha salida,’
but the officers insisted that he should leave. _Segunda
Probanza de Lejalde_, in _Id._, 423.
[796] Clavigero directs the operation against the Iztapalapan
road, which would have been a useless manœuvre. Cortés is
explicit enough on the point.
[797] In a _privilegio_ in favor of the daughter Isabel,
Cortés refers to this interview, saying that three daughters
were intrusted to him. No allusion is made to any son. The
affectionate terms in which he herein speaks of Montezuma
must be due to political reasons, and perhaps to a regard
for the princesses. _Panes_, _Vireyes_, in _Monumentos
Domin. Esp._, MS., 67-8. Ramirez ridicules the idea of an
appeal by the emperor to Cortés, who was on unfriendly terms
with him. _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, x. 359 et seq. But
the effort of Montezuma to save the Spaniards shows that
intercourse had been reëstablished; and was not Cortés,
as the husband of one or more of his daughters, the proper
person to protect their sisters?
[798] The question of his conversion has been much discussed.
‘No le pudo atraer a que se bolviesse Cristiano,’ says
Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 105; and Herrera is even
more explicit. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. Cortés and his
followers, Martyr and Oviedo, give no indications to the
contrary. Ixtlilxochitl states, however, that he had learned
several prayers, and even begged for baptism, but that the
rite was deferred ‘por la pascua siguiente, que era de la
resurreccion, y fue tan desdichado, que nunca alcanzó tanto
bien.’ _Hist. Chich._, 299. Yet he adds that it has been said
‘que se bautizó y se llamó Don Juan.’ _Relaciones_, 457.
According to Gomara he asked for baptism in the beginning
of lent, but it was determined to postpone the rite till
pentecost, for greater effect, and as more appropriate
for so high a personage. Owing to the troubles arising out
of Narvaez’ arrival nothing was done then, ‘y despues de
herido oluidose con la prissa del pelear!’ _Hist. Mex._,
154. Cortés had persuaded him, says Vetancurt, during the
early days of his imprisonment, to accept baptism, and he
was taken to the temple for the purpose, but at the last
moment he excused himself on the ground that the Indians
would elect another lord and attack them all if he abandoned
the faith. _Teatro Mex._, iii. 132-3. Father Duran, on the
contrary, ever zealous for the natives, and particularly
for his hero, Montezuma, asserts that trustworthy men had
vouched for his baptism. Padre Olmedo had also expressed
belief therein, although he had not been present when it
was administered. _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 445. The father’s
memory must have failed him with respect to Olmedo. Camargo
has also been assured of his baptism, with Cortés and
Alvarado for sponsors. _Hist. Tlax._, 166. Tezozomoc, who
claims to have investigated the point, declares explicitly
that the rite was administered on his death-bed, when he
received the name of Cárlos, and that Cortés, Olid, and
Alvarado were the sponsors. _Recopilacion de verídicas
tradiciones, probando que el emperador Moteuhsoma recibió
el santo sacramento del bautismo._ This author wrote at
the close of the sixteenth century, and follows traditions
only. Bustamante, in modern times, has also reviewed the
question, and follows Tezozomoc implicitly. In support
thereof he quotes a poem, by Captain Angel Betancourt,
wherein he refers to Montezuma as the ‘indio _bautizado_,’
introduces the vague utterance of Ixtlilxochitl, and even
attempts to misconstrue a certain expression of Cortés.
Montezuma tells the latter to baptize his daughters, and
this Bustamante regards as proof that he himself desired the
rite. He does not suppose that the religion of the vicious
Spaniards could have had great attractions for him, but when
about to die he accepted it, ‘as the drowning man does the
saving plank.’ Article in _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, i.
287-95. Still fuller is the review of Ramirez, who follows
Torquemada in pointing out the fact that neither Cortés
nor Alvarado ever referred to their supposed sponsorship,
as they certainly would have done in connection with so
distinguished a personage had they felt empowered. _Soc.
Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_.
[799] Cortés’ chronology, as indicated in the _Cartas_, shows
clearly that he left Mexico during the night of June 30th,
as will be demonstrated. He also implies what Bernal Diaz
and Herrera distinctly assert, that considerable fighting
took place on the Tlacopan road between the time the corpse
was surrendered to the Aztecs and the Spaniards returned to
their quarters preparatory to evacuation. Hence the death
must have occurred early on that day. Herrera confirms
Cortés’ testimony that he could not have died before the
30th, by saying, ‘en quatro dias se murio.’ dec. ii. lib.
x. cap. x. It is also generally admitted that he was not
wounded before the third day of the siege.
[800] ‘Cortes lloró por èl, y todos nuestros Capitanes, y
soldados: è hombres huvo entre nosotros ... que tan llorado
fue, como si fuera nuestro padre.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 104. Cortés speaks highly of him, ‘y siempre tuvo
mui buena voluntad á los Españoles,’ but this is in the deed
presented to his daughter. See _Privilegio_, _Monumentos
Domin. Esp._, MS., 66. In the Cartas he is referred to
merely as a captive who dies. After saying that he never
consented to the death of a Spaniard nor to injury against
Cortés, Gomara adds: ‘Tambien ay quien lo cõtrario diga.’
_Hist. Mex._, 154-5.
[801] Clavigero says 54, but Bernal Diaz, who was so much
in his company, could hardly have been mistaken, and the
comparative youth of his children also indicates that 41
is more correct.
[802] ‘Antes ni despues huvo en este mundo quien le
igualase en magestad y profanidad ... fue muy justiciero
... de condicion muy severo, aunque cuerdo y gracioso.’
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 301. ‘Dizen los Indios
que fue el mejor de su linaje, y el mayor rey de Mexico.’
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 155. ‘Fu circospetto, magnifico,
liberale ... sua giustizia degenerava in crudeltà.’
Clavigero, _Storia Mess._, iii. 132; _Herrera_, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. x.; _Torquemada_, i. 499-500.
[803] ‘Fue muy sabio, pues passaua por las cosas assi,
o muy necio q̄ no las sentia.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
155. ‘El hombre mas sábio de su siglo,’ is Bustamante’s
interpretation. He also discovers that Montezuma objected
to sacrifices! _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, 292-3.
[804] See _Native Races_, ii. 149-50.
[805] ‘Pareva aver cangiato di sesso, siccome dicevano i
suoi sudditi.’ _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 132.
[806] So Cano, the son-in-law, declares, _Oviedo_, iii.
549, and so Cortés intimates in the _privilegio_ to Isabel,
whom he calls ‘su legitima heredera,’ especially commended
to him.
[807] Of the rest of the imperial wives and concubines
nothing positive is known, save that a number of them
and their daughters were liberally bestowed, as a mark
of imperial favor, on prominent personages, including
Spaniards. After the conquest they sank into obscurity,
although some of them still managed to maintain a certain
consideration among the natives, despite their poverty.
Bernal Diaz claims that he received one of the concubines;
upon Olid was bestowed a daughter, and upon Cortés two,
it is said, one baptized as Ana, the other as Inés. Two
witnesses declare that Isabel also ‘cinco meses questava
casada con ... Gallego e que pario una fija y que hera del
... Cortés.’ _Cortés_, _Residencia_, ii. 242, 244; i. 63,
99, 221, 263. The three daughters confided to Cortés on
their father’s death-bed were not in the Spanish quarters
at the time, at least not all of them, but were found after
the conquest and baptized. The eldest and legitimate,
the attractive Tecuichpo, was then the wife of the last
and captive sovereign, Quauhtemotzin, her cousin, who had
married her chiefly with a view to strengthen his hold on
the throne, for she was too young for the married state.
She was baptized as Isabel, and her Indian husband having
been executed, Cortés, on his return from Honduras, gave
her in marriage to the hidalgo Alonso Grado, of Alcántara,
who had succeeded Ávila as contador, and now held the
position of visitador general of New Spain. In consideration
partly of Grado’s services and partly of Isabel’s rank, the
captain-general bestowed as dower, in the emperor’s name,
the town of Tacuba (Tlacopan), with the villages and farms
subject to it, together with the title of señora thereof.
The deed, which recounts the services of her father and the
intrusting of his daughters to Cortés, is signed by him as
captain-general and governor of New Spain, and dated June 27,
1523. It is given, among other books, in _Monumentos Domin.
Esp._, MS., 65-8. Grado dying soon after, without issue,
she married Pedro Andrade Gallego, by whom she had one son,
Juan Andrade, the founder of the Andrade-Montezuma family.
This branch inherited the Villa Alta villages, in Oajaca,
and other estates, which in 1745 were bought up by the
crown for a pension of 3000 pesos, continued by the Mexican
government in irregular payments. A member of this branch
was the bishop of Chiapas a few years later. _Certificacion
de las Mercedes_, MS., 14-18. M. Fossey describes a visit,
in 1849, to the poverty-stricken yet proud descendants.
_Mexique_, 497-500. The omission of Gallego’s middle name
has led the critical Alaman, among others, to assume that
this family descends from Isabel’s fifth marriage with
Juan Andrade. _Prescott’s Mex._ (Mex. 1844), ii. 31. Nor
is Prescott free from error in connection with Montezuma’s
descendants. The Andrade branch became allied to the Condes
de Miravalle, and a daughter of this house was the wife of
General Barragan, who became _presidente interino_ of the
republic, thus raising a descendant of Montezuma once again
to the supreme place in the country. The Princess Isabel
was married a fourth time, to Juan Cano de Saavedra, by
whom she had five children, the inheritors of the Tacuba
estates, also exchanged for a pension which was continued
by the republic. Of the Princess Acatlan’s two daughters,
María and Mariana, the former left no issue. Mariana
married the conquistador Juan de Paz, bringing a dower of
three towns, and after his death she took for husband the
conqueror Cristóbal de Valderrama. By him she had a daughter,
Leonor, who, marrying Diego Arias Sotelo, gave origin to
the Sotelo-Montezuma family. _Fonseca_, _Hist. Hacienda_,
i. 464. This work, with its collection of official papers
and extracts, gives a mass of information about the imperial
descendants and estates. Prescott confounds the mother and
daughter. _Mex._, ii. 351-2. Viceroy Mendoza, in a despatch
to the emperor of December 10, 1537, refers to the death,
three weeks before, of Valderrama, and speaks of children
by the former husband, which are not admitted in Fonseca.
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 208. Cortés
refers to three sons of Montezuma: the heir, who fell on
the causeway during the _noche triste_, and two surviving
boys, ‘one said to be insane, the other paralyzed.’ On
leaving Mexico he took with him one son and two daughters,
his concubines probably, all of whom perished. _Cartas_,
135, 153. Sahagun names two sons, who perished on that
occasion. _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 122, 126. Ixtlilxochitl
gives them different names. _Hist. Chich._, 302. Cano gives
the name Asupacaci to the heir, or only legitimate son, the
brother of his wife Isabel, and states that he was killed
by Quauhtemotzin, who feared him as the only rival to the
throne. _Oviedo_, iii. 549. Brasseur de Bourbourg follows
him, but prefers the name of Cipocatzin for the young
prince, while Axayoca is also applied. Cortés’ version is
more likely to be correct, however. One of the surviving
sons, ‘Signor di Tenajoccan,’ _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._,
iii. 133, was baptized with the intervention of his sponsor,
Rodrigo de Paz, and died three years after the conquest,
‘y se enterrò en la Capilla de San Joseph.’ _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 144. This author assumes that the
youth fled with the Spaniards from the capital and hid at
Tepotzotlan. The other prince, son of Miahuaxochitl, daughter
of the lord of Tula, and niece of Montezuma—baptized as
María, says Vetancurt—received the name of Don Pedro. He
accompanied Cortés to Spain in 1528, it appears, at the
age of eighteen, and made repeated appeals to the emperor
for a maintenance in accordance with his rank. At first
some trifling favors were granted, and he, together with a
cousin, was educated by the Franciscans in Madrid. _Puga_,
_Cedulario_, 85. President Fuenleal, of the audiencia, and
other prominent persons having added their recommendation,
regular pensions and encomiendas were bestowed, including
the town of Tula, the seat of his maternal grandparents,
upon which was based the second title of Condes de Montezuma
y de Tula, conferred on his grandson. The line expired on
the male side with the great great-grandson of the emperor,
whose daughter married Sarmiento de Valladares, duke of
Atlixco, and viceroy of New Spain, thus raising the name
again to the highest position in the country. Prescott,
following Humboldt, _Essai Pol._, i. 191, 203, calls
Valladares, by mistake, a descendant of Montezuma. The
cousin of the vice-queen married Silva, the first marquis
of Tenebron, whose descendants inherited the title and
estates from the other branch, and became grandees in 1765.
Their pension amounted at this time to 40,000 pesos, says
Berni, _Titulos de Castilla_, which represented in part
the encomiendas withdrawn by the government. The republic
recognized this portion, as it had the pensions to the
other branches. Shortly after the independence of Mexico the
holder of the title, Alonso Marcilla de Teruel Montezuma,
came over with the intention of asserting his claim to the
throne of his forefathers, but the prudent possessors of
the power thought it best not to admit him, and he passed
on to New Orleans, there to put an end to his life some
years later. Prescott understands that the septuagenarian
had been disappointed in love. _Mex._, ii. 352. Several
members of the Spanish nobility have intermarried with
this line, among them a branch of the Guzman family, whence
the claim made for the consort of Napoleon III. of having
Montezuma’s blood in her veins. Gondra gives a portrait
of a member married into the Mendoza family. _Prescott’s
Mex._ (ed. Mex. 1845), 219. One of the line, Padre Louis
de Montezuma, wrote the _Historia del Emperador_, which
has been consulted by Alaman, _Disert._, i. app. ii. 158.
Clavigero gives a genealogic table in _Storia Mess._, iii.
235, and Carbajal, while plagiarizing the statements and
blunders of others, adds a few of his own. _Hist. Mex._, ii.
378-88. In _Fonseca_, _Hist. Hacienda_, i. 455 et seq., are
to be found several valuable extracts concerning titles and
estates; also in _Reales Cédulas_, MS., i. pt. i. 5, ii.
4 etc.; _Certificacion de las Mercedes_, MS.; _Mex. Mem.
Hacienda, 1848_, 35-6; _Fuenleal_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 222. The family name has
been spelled in different ways, also by its possessors, as
Motezuma, Muteczuma, Moctezuma, Mocthecuzoma, Motecuhzuma,
Moteuhzuma; but Montezuma is the most common form.
The _Historia de las Indias de Nueva-España y Islas de Tierra
Firme_, by Father Diego Duran, is claimed by its author, in
the introductory to chapter lxxiv., to be devoted essentially
to the life and rule of this monarch, ‘cuya vida é história
yo escribo.’ The preparation of the work was more directly
prompted by a compassion for the maltreated natives, whose
champion he constituted himself, in common with so many
of the friars. This spirit led him naturally to color the
occurrences of the conquest; and a non-critical acceptance
of whimsical legends and statements in favor of his protégés
tends further to reduce the value of the work. His deep
interest in the aborigines and their history may be explained
by the fact that he was born at Tezcuco, of a native mother.
Franco wrongly calls him Pedro, and Clavigero, Fernando. He
professed as a Dominican at Mexico, in 1556, with missionary
aspirations, no doubt, but a delicate constitution and
constant suffering confined him rather to the monastery, and
directed his efforts to researches and writing. Castellanos,
_Defensa_, 28, attributes several works to him, and Eguiara,
_Bib. Mex._, 324, the compilation of the Dominican history
of Dávila Padilla, though not the style and form. Dávila
also, ‘scrisse la Storia antica de’ Messicani, servendosi
de’ materiali raccolti già da Ferdinando Duran Domenicano
da Tezcuco; ma questa opera non si trova.’ _Clavigero_,
_Storia Mess._, i. 13. But this may be a mistake. A similar
rewriting would have greatly improved the _Historia de las
Indias_, which is exceedingly unpolished and slovenly,
full of repetitions and bad spelling, and showing great
poverty of expression. On the other hand, it is relieved by
an admirable portrayal of character and knowledge of human
nature, and by a minute study of the effect of conversion
on the natives. The work consists of three tratados, the
first in 78 chapters, giving the history of Mexico from its
origin to the conquest, terminating with the expedition
to Honduras. This was completed in 1581, while the other
two were finished two years before. The second tratado, in
23 chapters, treats of Mexican divinities and rites, and
the third, in two, or more properly nineteen, chapters, of
calendar and festivals. Padre Duran died in 1588, leaving
the manuscripts to Juan Tovar, _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist.
Fvnd. Mex._, 653, who gave them to Acosta, then occupied
in preparing his _Natura Novi Orbis_, and other works. The
contribution came most opportunely, and was used chiefly for
his account of Mexico, as he frankly admits, though giving
the credit to Tovar, who may have claimed the authorship.
On the strength of this statement Clavigero, with others,
confirms the claim to the ‘nobilissimo Gesuita Messicano.’
Torquemada, i. 170-1, ii. 120, himself not spotless, takes
advantage of the confession to rail at Acosta for borrowed
plumage, mutilated at that. The manuscripts, now in the
Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, are written in double columns
and illustrated with numerous plates. Pinelo, _Epitome_,
ii. 711, refers to them as in two parts. A few copies have
been taken, mine forming three volumes. A set obtained by
José Fernando Ramirez, one of Maximilian’s ministers, was
prepared by him for publication, but, owing to the death of
the imperial patron, only the first 68 chapters were issued
at Mexico, 1867, in one volume, with notes and considerable
changes of the style. This mutilation, as some term it, may
have been a reason for the seizure of the whole edition,
together with the separate plates, by the republican
government. Only a few copies escaped this fate, one of
which I succeeded in obtaining. Although independent issue
was long withheld from Duran, he has at least enjoyed the
honor of being associated with one possessed of far greater
fame than he himself could ever hope to achieve.
The motives which impelled Joseph de Acosta to write on
America were quite pretentious. Among the many Spanish
books on the New World, he says: ‘I have not seene any
other author which treates of the causes and reasons of
these novelties and wonders of nature, or that hath made
any search thereof. Neither have I read any booke which
maketh mention of the histories of the antient Indians,
and naturall inhabitants.’ With a view to repair these
omissions he issued _De Natvra Novi Orbis libri dvo, et de
Promvlgatione Evangelii, apvd Barbaros, sive de Procvranda
Indorvm Salvte Libri sex._ Salmanticœ, 1589. The first
part, _De Natura_, is a philosophic dissertation on physical
features, on the probable knowledge among the ancients of
a western hemisphere, and on the origin of the Indians.
The second part, in six books, bearing a separate imprint
under 1588, though published only in connection with the
previous two books, treats entirely of the method and
progress of Indian conversion. The _Natura_ was translated
into Spanish, and incorporated, with some amendments, in the
_Historia Natvral y moral de las Indias_, Sevilla, 1590,
dedicated to Infanta Isabel, which treats also of Indian
history and customs, and refers briefly to the conquest.
The work achieved great success, and was reproduced in
numerous editions, in nearly every language, though often
without Acosta’s name, and in distorted form, as in De
Bry and some German versions. This may not be considered
bad treatment by those who charge Acosta with plagiarism,
although he frankly admits following a number of authors,
among them ‘es vno Polo Ondegardo, a quien communmente
sigo en las cosas de el Piru: y en las materias de Mexico
Ioan de Touar prebendado que fue de la Iglesia de Mexico,
y agora es religioso de nuestra Compañia de Iesvs. El qual
por orden del Virrey hizo dõ Martin Enriquez diligẽte, y
copiosa aueriguaciõ de las historias antiguas.’ See p. 396.
There is no doubt that the interest and value of the work
are owing chiefly to the circumstance that the original
authorities have remained sealed, until lately at least;
for, despite its pretentious aim, the pages are marred by
frequent indications of the then prevalent superstition
and credulity. The _Procvrando Indorvm Salvte_ is more in
consonance with the character of the Jesuit missionary and
scholastic.
Born at Medina del Campo about 1539, he had in his fourteenth
year joined the Society, to which four brothers already
belonged. After studying and teaching theology at Ocana,
he proceeded in 1571 to Peru, where he became the second
provincial of his order. Returning to Spain seventeen years
later—‘post annos in Peruano regno exactos quindeciem, in
Mexicano & Insularibus duos,’ says the dedication of 1588
to Philip II., in _De Natvra_ of 1589—he gained the favor
of the king, occupied the offices of visitador and superior,
and died as rector at Salamanca, February 15, 1600. Several
other works, in print and manuscript, chiefly theologic,
are attributed to him—see _Camus_, 104-13—among them _De la
criança de Cyro_, dedicated to Filipe III. in 1592, which
was also a borrowed text, from Xenophon, and remained a
manuscript in the Royal Library.